Chapter 182
Chapter 182
November, 1793
Paris
By November, even Robespierre wondered if the Directory had gone too far. So many people were being sent to the guillotine that it had become more a method of entertainment for the masses than an actual disincentive to disloyalty.
It has become France's "Bread and Circuses", the slight man thought. Robespierre had once been an ardent activist against the death penalty in all forms and only grudgingly acceded to popular demand for the institution. Lately, though, it had gone out of all control and, by the speed that the provinces were turning away from the Convention (barely a day passed without a Convention member or two quietly slipping out of Paris and fleeing for home).
Initial attempts to negotiate with the provincials were stymied by in the increasingly strident and counter-productive rhetoric of the Directory itself. Threatening to execute the rebels only made them MORE rebellious, not less. While he had once been considered something of a moderate among the Revolutionaries, Robespierre had grown increasingly radical and only now was beginning to realize the Revolution had lost its way. Robespierre quietly canvased the Directory (most of which were still "independents" rather than Radicals of Marat's ilk) and realized that he may be able to affect the outcome of the Revolution if he could only assume authority of the military at a crucial moment. Robespierre knew the National Guard protecting Paris was certain to support Marat or whoever screamed loudest. He would gain no sympathy there.
Instead, Robespierre sought help from the army itself and the renowned war hero Moreau who commanded the army of Flanders. If Moreau could be brought into this little conspiracy, it may just stand a chance. The politician dispatched his son upon a "fact-finding" mission to inquire if the man was willing to assist.
Unfortunately, his plans were betrayed and Robespierre returned home to find the National Guard surrounding his home. Placed under arrest, the trial took place the next day and execution that same afternoon.
By the evening, Marat and his fanatics were entirely in command of northern France.
Lyon
Belatedly, the southern cities would send forces to the aid of besieged Lyon. Along with much of the army of the Alps returning from Piedmont and the Swiss Cantons, the "Federalist" forces would be able to relieve the battered city before it succumbed to the Convention's power.
Over the course of the summer, the term "Federalist" was hesitantly used for the loose alliance of anti-Directory forces. The Directory accused it of counter-revolutionary and monarchist tendencies as well as desiring to rend apart the nation into regional Kingdoms. In truth, there were few monarchists in their ranks nor was it truly "regionalist" in scope. Most desired a strong, centralized state, preferably with no monarch but some were willing to accept a constitutional monarch who knew his place.
General Dumouriez would return from the Spanish border (the Army of the Pyrenees) with an idea. He discussed with General Duggomier the advantages of bringing multitudes of closet Monarchists back into the fold (the insanity of Paris had turned many millions of ardent revolutionaries into moderates in comparison) by putting a King back on the throne. However, too much blood had been shed with Louis XVII, whom was a tool of the Austrian Emperor anyway. If there was any French influence in Vienna's court, it was by the King's uncles, all but Louis August being an arch-reactionary.
Many would be satisfied with a DIFFERENT King, not of the current House of Bourbon. With so many Princes of the Blood now murdered (including the Revolution's great supporters in the House of Orleans), this created a problem.
But Dumouriez knew of one candidate who still possessed a claim to the French throne, though one that had been ignored for centuries. The General pointed out to his colleague the precedent of Great Britain in the early years of the century. When so many of the reigning House of Stuart proved unpalatable to the nation after James II was exiled, they simply ignored the hereditary rights and went to find a King willing to do Parliament's bidding. They found George I of the House of Hanover, whom would never forget that dozens of claimants with superior blood rights had been bypassed for the throne of Great Britain and he owed everything to Parliament's generosity.
Maybe what France needed was an outsider, one equally dependent upon the new Convention being haphazardly put together in Marseilles would not bat an eye as he signed whatever the hell the Convention would put before him because he knew the alternative was having nothing...of BEING nothing.
It seemed a bizarre idea but it actually made sense. In Dumouriez' opinion, the Paris Convention had proven the accuracy of all the Monarchists' fears regarding Democracy, something more and more of France was beginning to realize. Perhaps a Constitutional Monarchy would return stability and sanity to the nation while reinforcing the Revolutionary ideals.
It was a longshot but Dumouriez determined to suggest it. The fact that, as Kingmaker, he would likely be greatly rewarded helped as well.
November, 1793
Paris
By November, even Robespierre wondered if the Directory had gone too far. So many people were being sent to the guillotine that it had become more a method of entertainment for the masses than an actual disincentive to disloyalty.
It has become France's "Bread and Circuses", the slight man thought. Robespierre had once been an ardent activist against the death penalty in all forms and only grudgingly acceded to popular demand for the institution. Lately, though, it had gone out of all control and, by the speed that the provinces were turning away from the Convention (barely a day passed without a Convention member or two quietly slipping out of Paris and fleeing for home).
Initial attempts to negotiate with the provincials were stymied by in the increasingly strident and counter-productive rhetoric of the Directory itself. Threatening to execute the rebels only made them MORE rebellious, not less. While he had once been considered something of a moderate among the Revolutionaries, Robespierre had grown increasingly radical and only now was beginning to realize the Revolution had lost its way. Robespierre quietly canvased the Directory (most of which were still "independents" rather than Radicals of Marat's ilk) and realized that he may be able to affect the outcome of the Revolution if he could only assume authority of the military at a crucial moment. Robespierre knew the National Guard protecting Paris was certain to support Marat or whoever screamed loudest. He would gain no sympathy there.
Instead, Robespierre sought help from the army itself and the renowned war hero Moreau who commanded the army of Flanders. If Moreau could be brought into this little conspiracy, it may just stand a chance. The politician dispatched his son upon a "fact-finding" mission to inquire if the man was willing to assist.
Unfortunately, his plans were betrayed and Robespierre returned home to find the National Guard surrounding his home. Placed under arrest, the trial took place the next day and execution that same afternoon.
By the evening, Marat and his fanatics were entirely in command of northern France.
Lyon
Belatedly, the southern cities would send forces to the aid of besieged Lyon. Along with much of the army of the Alps returning from Piedmont and the Swiss Cantons, the "Federalist" forces would be able to relieve the battered city before it succumbed to the Convention's power.
Over the course of the summer, the term "Federalist" was hesitantly used for the loose alliance of anti-Directory forces. The Directory accused it of counter-revolutionary and monarchist tendencies as well as desiring to rend apart the nation into regional Kingdoms. In truth, there were few monarchists in their ranks nor was it truly "regionalist" in scope. Most desired a strong, centralized state, preferably with no monarch but some were willing to accept a constitutional monarch who knew his place.
General Dumouriez would return from the Spanish border (the Army of the Pyrenees) with an idea. He discussed with General Duggomier the advantages of bringing multitudes of closet Monarchists back into the fold (the insanity of Paris had turned many millions of ardent revolutionaries into moderates in comparison) by putting a King back on the throne. However, too much blood had been shed with Louis XVII, whom was a tool of the Austrian Emperor anyway. If there was any French influence in Vienna's court, it was by the King's uncles, all but Louis August being an arch-reactionary.
Many would be satisfied with a DIFFERENT King, not of the current House of Bourbon. With so many Princes of the Blood now murdered (including the Revolution's great supporters in the House of Orleans), this created a problem.
But Dumouriez knew of one candidate who still possessed a claim to the French throne, though one that had been ignored for centuries. The General pointed out to his colleague the precedent of Great Britain in the early years of the century. When so many of the reigning House of Stuart proved unpalatable to the nation after James II was exiled, they simply ignored the hereditary rights and went to find a King willing to do Parliament's bidding. They found George I of the House of Hanover, whom would never forget that dozens of claimants with superior blood rights had been bypassed for the throne of Great Britain and he owed everything to Parliament's generosity.
Maybe what France needed was an outsider, one equally dependent upon the new Convention being haphazardly put together in Marseilles would not bat an eye as he signed whatever the hell the Convention would put before him because he knew the alternative was having nothing...of BEING nothing.
It seemed a bizarre idea but it actually made sense. In Dumouriez' opinion, the Paris Convention had proven the accuracy of all the Monarchists' fears regarding Democracy, something more and more of France was beginning to realize. Perhaps a Constitutional Monarchy would return stability and sanity to the nation while reinforcing the Revolutionary ideals.
It was a longshot but Dumouriez determined to suggest it. The fact that, as Kingmaker, he would likely be greatly rewarded helped as well.