After Alexander: Two Chiliarchs Are Not Enough
- Thread starter Velasco
- Start date
Cuāuhtemōc
Banned
Lord have mercy! Another timeline by Velasco! Wee! 
I have in doubt that this will be good.
EDIT: You have a small typo. You must mean 323 BC, not 232.
I have in doubt that this will be good.
EDIT: You have a small typo. You must mean 323 BC, not 232.
Dirk
Banned
Apparently Alexander lives to the age of 124 (he died in 232BC!), and all his generals also survive to very ripe old ages!!!
But really, it looks as though the simple POD is that Hephaestion doesn't catch typhoid/get poisoned, whereas Alexander still does. Also, Krateros might still be in Babylon and not on his way to Macedonia...though the TL might be describing general, months-long reactions to and effects of his death.
After ten days of delirion and fever, Alexander the Great perished in June of 323BC, in the great city of Babylon, at the height of his power and in the prime of his life. The world gasped. The great and mighty Alexander had not left behind a clear heir - there was no dashing royal prince to continue his legacy, to bear the weight of all the hope and ambition in Macedonia and Asia. There were possible successors, of course, each unacceptable on his own way and yet just viable enough to allow second-tier players to begin inebriating themselves with fantasy, delusion, obsession.
The obvious heir in Macedonian minds was Alexander's half-brother, Arrhidaios, the dimwitted son of a dancing girl. The bright and daring Alexander, son of a royal princess, had easily eclipsed his coeval: though no marriage or command had ever been permitted him, Arrhidaios had remained at Alexander's side for thirteen years, in comfort and honour fitting to his paternal strain. His mental incapacity prevented him from fulfilling the traditional requirement of being the most capable of the royal clan to lead the men of Macedon into battle, but many would argue that the basileia was his birthright.
There was a nephew, of the full blood and legitimate, Neoptolemus of Epirus - sound in body and soul but too distant to make any impressions upon the soldiers he was still too young to lead. Attention was diverted to two other fronts. Most obviously, the wives of the late King: three in number, one of which was heavily pregnant. And then the looming figure of Alexander's closest friend Hephaestion the Chiliarch, the royal brother-in-law and right-hand man. Alexander had called him his alter-ego; already married to the daughter of Darius, he was the obvious successor in Persian eyes.
Macedonian opinion was divided. The enemies of Hephaestion sprung into activity: the potentate Craterus and the royal secretary Eumenes chief among them, desperate to deny him supreme power. Some, like Ptolemy and Leonnatus, had just enough royal blood of their own to entertain hopes...or at least harbour some internal resentment that more attention wasn't paid to their own latent claims. Hephaestion was unavoidable: the Persians were clamouring for his succession, to which chorus many a Macedonian voice harmonized as news spread Alexander had handed him the royal signet ring. Even if denied the throne, Hephaestion could not be denied the regency for whomever was picked: Arrhidaios, who might well live for decades, or the unborn child of Alexander, who would not reach majority for some two decades.
Alexander's bodyguard, friends and officers came together in his royal tent. A great crowd thronged behind and around them, all anxious to know to whom Alexander's estate would pass. Many officers were unable to enter the royal tent because they were presented by the milling crowds of soldiers, and this despite a herald's announcement forbidding access to all but those called by name - having no authority, this order was ignored. At first loud weeping and wailing broke out afresh, but then their tears stopped and silence fell as they wondered what was going to happen now.
At this point Hephaestion exposed the royal throne to public view. On this lay Alexander's crown, robe and arms, and Hephaestion placed upon it the ring the king had given him the previous day. The sight of these objects once more brought tears to the eyes of all and rekindled their grief.
As emotions cooled a multitude of speeches followed, the assembly voicing their approval or disapproval loudly and with the beating of their shields. Hephaestion argued convincingly for Alexander's deification but refused the royal dignity. All agreed, ostensibly, that Hephaestion should have the government, but in whose name, they could not decide. Hephaestion's protestations that the bloodline of Alexander had the sole right to his conquests were matched by the vehement protestations of the military officers, who desired a full-grown and full-blooded Macedonian to command them and the empire. The admiral Nearchus made a case for Herakles, unrecognized bastard of Alexander; Ptolemy advocated government by council; Craterus and Eumenes extolled the virtues of an oligarchic government of Alexander's companions, perhaps in name of his nephew Neoptolemus the Epirote, garnering some support until the army officers erupted in riot, demanding Hephaestion either take the throne himself or provide them with a King of his (and indirectly, Alexander's) choosing.
Hephaestion's enemies desired any alternative that would deprive him of the regency, even his own succession to the throne - knowing, as well as he knew, that his succession would be shortly followed by civil war and his likely undoing. Swayed by grief and the ever-present persona of Alexander the companions might elect Hephaestion King, but it would not be long before their long-harboured resentments would reach breaking point and run over. Hephaestion himself had a personal attachment to Alexander's memory and desired that his progeny inherit the empire. He was also a born diplomat and strategist. He identified as his main interest the succession of the child of Stateira II - Alexander's royal wife, eldest daughter of Darius and sister of his own wife - a solution which would simultaneously propagate Alexander's linage and policies legitimately while strengthening his own right to power. Alas, Stateira was not far gone in her pregnancy: any argument employed on behalf of her and her womb's contents would only favour her great enemy Roxane, a less important wife further along in her pregnancy.
Hephaestion thus caused Arrhidaios to be brought forth and bestowed the royal estate upon him, with the understanding that if a son of Alexander be born Arrhidaios would share the throne with him. It was a stop-gap measure, intended to resolve the immediate crisis created by Alexander's death until the true balance of power and ideal line of succession should become evident. Hephaestion himself remained on as Chiliarch and received the guardianship of the new King.
The obvious heir in Macedonian minds was Alexander's half-brother, Arrhidaios, the dimwitted son of a dancing girl. The bright and daring Alexander, son of a royal princess, had easily eclipsed his coeval: though no marriage or command had ever been permitted him, Arrhidaios had remained at Alexander's side for thirteen years, in comfort and honour fitting to his paternal strain. His mental incapacity prevented him from fulfilling the traditional requirement of being the most capable of the royal clan to lead the men of Macedon into battle, but many would argue that the basileia was his birthright.
There was a nephew, of the full blood and legitimate, Neoptolemus of Epirus - sound in body and soul but too distant to make any impressions upon the soldiers he was still too young to lead. Attention was diverted to two other fronts. Most obviously, the wives of the late King: three in number, one of which was heavily pregnant. And then the looming figure of Alexander's closest friend Hephaestion the Chiliarch, the royal brother-in-law and right-hand man. Alexander had called him his alter-ego; already married to the daughter of Darius, he was the obvious successor in Persian eyes.
Macedonian opinion was divided. The enemies of Hephaestion sprung into activity: the potentate Craterus and the royal secretary Eumenes chief among them, desperate to deny him supreme power. Some, like Ptolemy and Leonnatus, had just enough royal blood of their own to entertain hopes...or at least harbour some internal resentment that more attention wasn't paid to their own latent claims. Hephaestion was unavoidable: the Persians were clamouring for his succession, to which chorus many a Macedonian voice harmonized as news spread Alexander had handed him the royal signet ring. Even if denied the throne, Hephaestion could not be denied the regency for whomever was picked: Arrhidaios, who might well live for decades, or the unborn child of Alexander, who would not reach majority for some two decades.
--[1]--
Alexander's bodyguard, friends and officers came together in his royal tent. A great crowd thronged behind and around them, all anxious to know to whom Alexander's estate would pass. Many officers were unable to enter the royal tent because they were presented by the milling crowds of soldiers, and this despite a herald's announcement forbidding access to all but those called by name - having no authority, this order was ignored. At first loud weeping and wailing broke out afresh, but then their tears stopped and silence fell as they wondered what was going to happen now.
At this point Hephaestion exposed the royal throne to public view. On this lay Alexander's crown, robe and arms, and Hephaestion placed upon it the ring the king had given him the previous day. The sight of these objects once more brought tears to the eyes of all and rekindled their grief.
--
As emotions cooled a multitude of speeches followed, the assembly voicing their approval or disapproval loudly and with the beating of their shields. Hephaestion argued convincingly for Alexander's deification but refused the royal dignity. All agreed, ostensibly, that Hephaestion should have the government, but in whose name, they could not decide. Hephaestion's protestations that the bloodline of Alexander had the sole right to his conquests were matched by the vehement protestations of the military officers, who desired a full-grown and full-blooded Macedonian to command them and the empire. The admiral Nearchus made a case for Herakles, unrecognized bastard of Alexander; Ptolemy advocated government by council; Craterus and Eumenes extolled the virtues of an oligarchic government of Alexander's companions, perhaps in name of his nephew Neoptolemus the Epirote, garnering some support until the army officers erupted in riot, demanding Hephaestion either take the throne himself or provide them with a King of his (and indirectly, Alexander's) choosing.
Hephaestion's enemies desired any alternative that would deprive him of the regency, even his own succession to the throne - knowing, as well as he knew, that his succession would be shortly followed by civil war and his likely undoing. Swayed by grief and the ever-present persona of Alexander the companions might elect Hephaestion King, but it would not be long before their long-harboured resentments would reach breaking point and run over. Hephaestion himself had a personal attachment to Alexander's memory and desired that his progeny inherit the empire. He was also a born diplomat and strategist. He identified as his main interest the succession of the child of Stateira II - Alexander's royal wife, eldest daughter of Darius and sister of his own wife - a solution which would simultaneously propagate Alexander's linage and policies legitimately while strengthening his own right to power. Alas, Stateira was not far gone in her pregnancy: any argument employed on behalf of her and her womb's contents would only favour her great enemy Roxane, a less important wife further along in her pregnancy.
Hephaestion thus caused Arrhidaios to be brought forth and bestowed the royal estate upon him, with the understanding that if a son of Alexander be born Arrhidaios would share the throne with him. It was a stop-gap measure, intended to resolve the immediate crisis created by Alexander's death until the true balance of power and ideal line of succession should become evident. Hephaestion himself remained on as Chiliarch and received the guardianship of the new King.
Notes:
[1] Adapted from Q. Curtius Rufus here.
Reposted introduction without the errors I made initially
Three PoDs:
- Hephaestion survives his illness
- Craterus remains in Babylon (still working out who might have been sent to Macedon in his place - Seleucus perhaps?)
- Stateira is definitely pregnant (the urgency with which Roxane dispatched her IRL seems to indicate she was pregnant, but there is no evidence, so, here, with Hephaestion alive and Alexander happier, there's been more Argead lovin' to go around)
The period between Hephaestion's OTL death and Alexander's own demise has been unexceptional - internal campaigns against mountain tribes, building projects and the like.
Three PoDs:
- Hephaestion survives his illness
- Craterus remains in Babylon (still working out who might have been sent to Macedon in his place - Seleucus perhaps?)
- Stateira is definitely pregnant (the urgency with which Roxane dispatched her IRL seems to indicate she was pregnant, but there is no evidence, so, here, with Hephaestion alive and Alexander happier, there's been more Argead lovin' to go around
)The period between Hephaestion's OTL death and Alexander's own demise has been unexceptional - internal campaigns against mountain tribes, building projects and the like.
Ah - and lest I forget - thanks for the kind words/support everyone!
I will, although right now I'm a bit stuck...I want to do Caesarion's twilight years some justice, but I can't seem to draw it out of myself in any vaguely satisfactory way. I'm hoping developing this TL will actually get my creative juices flowing and help me move on to the post-Cleopatra&Caesarion phase of "After Actium" which, of course, remains my first love.
I will, although right now I'm a bit stuck...I want to do Caesarion's twilight years some justice, but I can't seem to draw it out of myself in any vaguely satisfactory way. I'm hoping developing this TL will actually get my creative juices flowing and help me move on to the post-Cleopatra&Caesarion phase of "After Actium" which, of course, remains my first love.
Chapter I. - Baby Steps
The Chiliarch Hephaestion had a mammoth task before him. Alexander had died at the crucial moment where it had fallen to him to finally reorganize and structure the vast conquests he had made: from where would the empire be governed from? What was the role of the League of Corinth to be from here onward? How were Asia and Europe to be governed? Was Antipater still to be dislodged from his post in Macedon? Hephaestion had the additional task of fending off the circling vultures and holding onto a shaky regency.
The succession of Arrhidaios was a crucial first step, undermining the contrary ambitions of Hephaestion's former peers (with their talk of rule by council and other such insanities) and consolidating Hephaestion's hold on the loyalty of the low-born phalangites, the Macedonian infantry who feared the adoption of Asian ways and the succession of a half-Iranian princeling. An unmarried and childless idiot was putty in his hands: in due time he could position whomever he wished as co-ruler and successor, himself included.
The deification of Alexander was the next step. Every Oracle consulted had naturally complied: Hephaestion envisioned the Asian continent littered with temples and commissioned coins in honor of Alexandros Theos. He took upon himself the honor of serving as the first priest, offering sacrifices to the now fully divine Alexander at the climax of the grandiose funerary ceremonies which took place in Babylon.
Securing the actual government of the Empire and a steady supply of tribute and troops was a more complex task. He confirmed most of the existing satraps in their posts and retained Alexander's somatophylakes (bodyguard) at his side, ostensibly in Arrhidaios' service. A kinsman of Alexander's, Amyntas of Lyncestis, replaced Hephaestion in the guard. Macedonian sensibilities were offended when he sent his wife's uncle Oxyathres[1] to govern Egypt: an appointment he attempted to mask as being conciliatory towards Craterus (who had wed one of the man's daughters) but in fact entirely self-serving, the forward-thinking Hephaestion readily identifying the strategic importance of Egypt and the greater loyalty of the Persian elite towards him. In a similar manner Hephaestion recuperated the disgraced Pharnabazus and appointed him satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia - ostensibly a boon to Ptolemy and Eumenes (wed to his sisters) but in reality a creation all his own, intended to strategically place a Persian loyal solely to him. More acceptable appointments followed elsewhere: Laomedon of Mytilene, friend of Alexander, was sent to govern Syria and Perdiccas, a somotaphylax who had distinguished himself in the Indian campaign, was dispatched to subdue his putative satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia.
Most importantly of all, Hephaestion confirmed Antipater as strategos in Macedon, a position which effectively made him ruler over not only Macedonia but all of its satellite states (Thessaly, Thrace, Epirus, parts of Illyria, etc.) and especially over European Greece, which Philip II had organized within the Corinthian League. Antipater and his sons were thus immunized to the constant rumours of their involvement in Alexander's "poisoning". This conciliation of Antipater was a pivotal move, that gave Hephaestion the necessary freedom to strengthen his rule in Babylon and risk the disaffection of the Macedonian grandees. Seleukos, who had been sent to dislodge Antipater from his office, was now called back - the rich province of Media was partitioned between him and a native ruler, Atropates, while the fleet he had been building in Cilicia was entrusted to the capable Nearchus instead.
In Babylon Hephaestion ruled surrounded by Alexander's old inner circle and court, including the late King's three widows and such family members as the old Queen mother Sisygambis, whom he called "mother"[2]. Now, however, the once beloved Roxana was no longer the center of attention: Hephaestion was wed to the Achaemenid princess Drypetis and had every reason to favour the Achaemenid widows, Stateira II and Parysatis, over their mountain-dwelling goatherd rival, no matter how beautiful she might be. Their mutual irritation was compounded by the birth of a healthy baby boy to her only a few months later, a move Hephaestion countered by bringing to Babylon the woman Barsine and her child Herakles, the unrecognized bastard of Alexander. Though Herakles received no official recognition for the time being, his very presence was a challenge to the status of Roxana's newborn: his mother was treated as one of Alexander's widows, possessing a greater claim to the Chiliarch's affections by virtue of her Achaemenid grandmother[3], sister to old queen Sisygambis.
The birth of the child Alexander Neos in August was the cause for renewed unrest: now some soldiers clamoured for the boy's immediate elevation to the throne. The sight of the adventurous Herakles and his Hellenized mother only served to confuse matters further. Hephaestion resisted, hoping that Stateira would provide him with a royal nephew to set atop the throne. It was fated to be an entirely futile hope, as it turned out the child she carried within her was an altogether useless princess, who was brought into the world two months later at the start of October.
The succession of Arrhidaios was a crucial first step, undermining the contrary ambitions of Hephaestion's former peers (with their talk of rule by council and other such insanities) and consolidating Hephaestion's hold on the loyalty of the low-born phalangites, the Macedonian infantry who feared the adoption of Asian ways and the succession of a half-Iranian princeling. An unmarried and childless idiot was putty in his hands: in due time he could position whomever he wished as co-ruler and successor, himself included.
The deification of Alexander was the next step. Every Oracle consulted had naturally complied: Hephaestion envisioned the Asian continent littered with temples and commissioned coins in honor of Alexandros Theos. He took upon himself the honor of serving as the first priest, offering sacrifices to the now fully divine Alexander at the climax of the grandiose funerary ceremonies which took place in Babylon.
Securing the actual government of the Empire and a steady supply of tribute and troops was a more complex task. He confirmed most of the existing satraps in their posts and retained Alexander's somatophylakes (bodyguard) at his side, ostensibly in Arrhidaios' service. A kinsman of Alexander's, Amyntas of Lyncestis, replaced Hephaestion in the guard. Macedonian sensibilities were offended when he sent his wife's uncle Oxyathres[1] to govern Egypt: an appointment he attempted to mask as being conciliatory towards Craterus (who had wed one of the man's daughters) but in fact entirely self-serving, the forward-thinking Hephaestion readily identifying the strategic importance of Egypt and the greater loyalty of the Persian elite towards him. In a similar manner Hephaestion recuperated the disgraced Pharnabazus and appointed him satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia - ostensibly a boon to Ptolemy and Eumenes (wed to his sisters) but in reality a creation all his own, intended to strategically place a Persian loyal solely to him. More acceptable appointments followed elsewhere: Laomedon of Mytilene, friend of Alexander, was sent to govern Syria and Perdiccas, a somotaphylax who had distinguished himself in the Indian campaign, was dispatched to subdue his putative satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia.
Most importantly of all, Hephaestion confirmed Antipater as strategos in Macedon, a position which effectively made him ruler over not only Macedonia but all of its satellite states (Thessaly, Thrace, Epirus, parts of Illyria, etc.) and especially over European Greece, which Philip II had organized within the Corinthian League. Antipater and his sons were thus immunized to the constant rumours of their involvement in Alexander's "poisoning". This conciliation of Antipater was a pivotal move, that gave Hephaestion the necessary freedom to strengthen his rule in Babylon and risk the disaffection of the Macedonian grandees. Seleukos, who had been sent to dislodge Antipater from his office, was now called back - the rich province of Media was partitioned between him and a native ruler, Atropates, while the fleet he had been building in Cilicia was entrusted to the capable Nearchus instead.
In Babylon Hephaestion ruled surrounded by Alexander's old inner circle and court, including the late King's three widows and such family members as the old Queen mother Sisygambis, whom he called "mother"[2]. Now, however, the once beloved Roxana was no longer the center of attention: Hephaestion was wed to the Achaemenid princess Drypetis and had every reason to favour the Achaemenid widows, Stateira II and Parysatis, over their mountain-dwelling goatherd rival, no matter how beautiful she might be. Their mutual irritation was compounded by the birth of a healthy baby boy to her only a few months later, a move Hephaestion countered by bringing to Babylon the woman Barsine and her child Herakles, the unrecognized bastard of Alexander. Though Herakles received no official recognition for the time being, his very presence was a challenge to the status of Roxana's newborn: his mother was treated as one of Alexander's widows, possessing a greater claim to the Chiliarch's affections by virtue of her Achaemenid grandmother[3], sister to old queen Sisygambis.
The birth of the child Alexander Neos in August was the cause for renewed unrest: now some soldiers clamoured for the boy's immediate elevation to the throne. The sight of the adventurous Herakles and his Hellenized mother only served to confuse matters further. Hephaestion resisted, hoping that Stateira would provide him with a royal nephew to set atop the throne. It was fated to be an entirely futile hope, as it turned out the child she carried within her was an altogether useless princess, who was brought into the world two months later at the start of October.
Notes:
[1] Brother of Darius III and therefore uncle of Stateira II (wife of Alexander) and Drypetis (wife of Hephaestion).
[2] As Alexander had done - not so subtly underlining his de facto succession to his old friend's role.
[3] The princess Apame, a daughter of Artaxerxes II. Barsine's story is an odd one and it is never really clear whether or not she was truly Alexander's concubine - and if so, why did he and his ignore her and her son. (Some would reason Alexander was still young and had every reason to hope for a fully-royal heir from the daughter of Darius).
Great start, I'll be reading this. Subscribed.
Hephaestion definitely has been more heavy-handed in power than Perdiccas was IOTL.
Hephaestion definitely has been more heavy-handed in power than Perdiccas was IOTL.
Last edited:
Dirk
Banned
Uh, the entire problem is that it's unfriendly barbarian Roxana who's had the boy and noble civilized Stateira (also Hephaestion's sister-in-law) who's had the useless girl. Things would be going much more smoothly for Hephaestion if only Roxana had died in childbirth or something.
Yeah for whatever reason I misread it as Roxana having a girl (as a POD) and Stateira having the boy, I think because I assumed that would happen ITTL. Roxana having a daughter would be less threatening and less useless for Hephaestion.
Dirk
Banned
Also less exciting for us readers! Who wants a Hephaestnian Empire with no hurdles, raise your hands!
.
.
.
*crickets*