And Sigurd gets a reminder that the life of a King isn't always roses and glory - hope he finds a way out of this!
After Palma: Vikings of the Balearics
- Thread starter Velasco
- Start date
Chapter VIII: Maria Maurebane
Sigurd Maurebane’s heavy-handed policies in Rome had discredited Pope Formosus II before the Roman clergy, leading to his expulsion from the capital and the election of anti-pope Callixtus II (1123). In southern Italy Sigurd overran the remaining Lombard principalities and donated them to the Church, effectively creating a second Papal State from which Formosus could regain Rome. By the Concordat of Gisors (1125) Sigurd reconciled Formosus and his main supporter, the Holy Roman Emperor, with the sovereigns of Iberia, France and England, leaving Callixtus and the Gregorian reform out in the cold. When Formosus died soon after, the Roman rabble expelled Callixtus and elected Celestine II. Where Callixtus vigorously asserted the rights and primacy of the Church, Celestine was a moderate eager to rally royal support for his Papacy.
Callixtus was saved from certain destruction by the intervention of Queen Maria of the Balearics, who saw in him the only Holy Father with the balls to cow Sigurd into submission. When word came of Celestine’s alliance with Sigurd and his annulment of the latter’s union with Maria (on the grounds of bigamy!), Maria invaded the Papal States with the Varangian Guard and an auxiliary force of Sicilian Moors. Celestine was deposed and exiled. The legitimacy of her children and rule were thus secured. Together Maria and Callixtus stood against her sometime brother-in-law Olaf, who had invaded Lombardy with the intention of crowing his son King of Italy. Callixtus absolved the Genoans of their fealty to Olaf and sent aid to Archbishop Jordan of Milan, who marched against himi. Olaf was slain in battle (or executed shortly afterward) and his family were shut up in Sicilian and Apulian monasteries under Maria’s watchful eye.
The Queen then sought to wreak havoc upon Sigurd’s allies. William Clito returned to France in the train of her daughter Berengaria, who was to marry the rex designatus Philippe. Not long afterward he was to be found harrying the Norman march with French help. Callixtus commanded Henry of England to put away Sybilla of Anjou, return her dowry (the county of Maine) and take back his lawful wife Adeliza of Louvain. In the East Anna Comnene popped up in Illyria, raising an army with which to march on the Imperial capital.
Perhaps to placate potential rivals, Maria employed her husband’s strong-men in a number of east- and south-ward bound expeditions. Through 1125-1127 his nephew (and her amir) Canute was occupied asserting royal authority over much of the old taifa of Valencia. His brother Eric Haraldssen was made amir in 1126 and accompanied Jon Saemundssen and the amir Christodolous in a series of raids spanning the North African coast. They captured Djerba and enslaved the entire Berber population. They found the Zirid and Hammadid states ravaged by desert tribes and periodic famines which left them at the mercy of Maria’s Sicilian granaries. By bloodshed and diplomacy Maria made both states mere satellites, with control of key towns and ports in Maria’s hands. Attempts were made at checking the advance of the Banu Hillal and restoring agriculture in frequently raided areas, with mixed success.
Maria’s reputation was such that when an Almoravid squadron attacked Nicotera and sailed off with Christian women and children, the Zirids - fearing her retribution - appealed to the Fatimid court in Egypt so that they might intercede with the fearsome Queen. Though a punitive expedition was still sent out, Maria’s envoy George of Antioch was able to negotiate the return of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch to Alexandria.
The rise of the Almohads in the Atlas Mountains shook the Almoravid state and hurt Maria’s own revenues from the trans-Saharan trade which culminated in Mahdia (al-Mahdiya). The amir Christodolous brokered a truce between Maria and the Almoravid Sultan: ignoring calls for aid from Constantinople and Jerusalem, Maria provided the Almoravids with crucial aid against Andalusian rebels, allowing the Sultan to divert more manpower across the Strait against the Almohad frenzy. At her command the Hammadids also offered aid in an attempt to free up the crucial mountain passes. By these means and constant shipments of Sicilian grain Maria was able to hold onto Dénia (1130), possession of which significantly strengthened her capability to defend the Balearics.
Callixtus was saved from certain destruction by the intervention of Queen Maria of the Balearics, who saw in him the only Holy Father with the balls to cow Sigurd into submission. When word came of Celestine’s alliance with Sigurd and his annulment of the latter’s union with Maria (on the grounds of bigamy!), Maria invaded the Papal States with the Varangian Guard and an auxiliary force of Sicilian Moors. Celestine was deposed and exiled. The legitimacy of her children and rule were thus secured. Together Maria and Callixtus stood against her sometime brother-in-law Olaf, who had invaded Lombardy with the intention of crowing his son King of Italy. Callixtus absolved the Genoans of their fealty to Olaf and sent aid to Archbishop Jordan of Milan, who marched against himi. Olaf was slain in battle (or executed shortly afterward) and his family were shut up in Sicilian and Apulian monasteries under Maria’s watchful eye.
The Queen then sought to wreak havoc upon Sigurd’s allies. William Clito returned to France in the train of her daughter Berengaria, who was to marry the rex designatus Philippe. Not long afterward he was to be found harrying the Norman march with French help. Callixtus commanded Henry of England to put away Sybilla of Anjou, return her dowry (the county of Maine) and take back his lawful wife Adeliza of Louvain. In the East Anna Comnene popped up in Illyria, raising an army with which to march on the Imperial capital.
Perhaps to placate potential rivals, Maria employed her husband’s strong-men in a number of east- and south-ward bound expeditions. Through 1125-1127 his nephew (and her amir) Canute was occupied asserting royal authority over much of the old taifa of Valencia. His brother Eric Haraldssen was made amir in 1126 and accompanied Jon Saemundssen and the amir Christodolous in a series of raids spanning the North African coast. They captured Djerba and enslaved the entire Berber population. They found the Zirid and Hammadid states ravaged by desert tribes and periodic famines which left them at the mercy of Maria’s Sicilian granaries. By bloodshed and diplomacy Maria made both states mere satellites, with control of key towns and ports in Maria’s hands. Attempts were made at checking the advance of the Banu Hillal and restoring agriculture in frequently raided areas, with mixed success.
Maria’s reputation was such that when an Almoravid squadron attacked Nicotera and sailed off with Christian women and children, the Zirids - fearing her retribution - appealed to the Fatimid court in Egypt so that they might intercede with the fearsome Queen. Though a punitive expedition was still sent out, Maria’s envoy George of Antioch was able to negotiate the return of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch to Alexandria.
The rise of the Almohads in the Atlas Mountains shook the Almoravid state and hurt Maria’s own revenues from the trans-Saharan trade which culminated in Mahdia (al-Mahdiya). The amir Christodolous brokered a truce between Maria and the Almoravid Sultan: ignoring calls for aid from Constantinople and Jerusalem, Maria provided the Almoravids with crucial aid against Andalusian rebels, allowing the Sultan to divert more manpower across the Strait against the Almohad frenzy. At her command the Hammadids also offered aid in an attempt to free up the crucial mountain passes. By these means and constant shipments of Sicilian grain Maria was able to hold onto Dénia (1130), possession of which significantly strengthened her capability to defend the Balearics.
Very interesting. From a dramatic standpoint I really like that Sigurd's setup is being challenged everywhere by women (Maria, Anna) or others are using women as way (Berengaria, Adeliza) to challenge it. It'll be fascinating if the extra help provided by Maria leads to a longer struggle between Almohads and Almoravids. I'd be surprised if the Christian kingdoms don't try to ally with the Andalusian rebels (who are they?) since the Almoraids are committed in the south. I do have some questions about Valencia (and I guess eventually Denia). Is there any non-Muslim settlement in the region? Significant numbers of Muslim tenants eventually immigrated to Muslim ruled lands leaving the irrigation projects to decline. Is anything like that happening here?
Sadly I do think the post prior to this one was a little bit too far out in regards to the HRE political maneuvering, but nothing deal breaking especially as Sigurd ended up marching right into disaster.
Sadly I do think the post prior to this one was a little bit too far out in regards to the HRE political maneuvering, but nothing deal breaking especially as Sigurd ended up marching right into disaster.
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Yes! In terms of writing I'm a big fan of exceptional women who managed to push their way through to real power, as well as young princesses who are thrown around as pawns with no real thought to their personal inclinations. I think almost every TL of mine has both in fairly equal measure
There was a Córdoban rebellion in 1121, when the governor and his troops were expelled from the city and the Almoravid Emir was forced to cross over to Iberia to force them into submission. The rebellion coincided with Christian victories elsewhere: here Maria plays that part, generating similar unrest in al-Andalus.
Non-Muslim settlement will happen, but Christians are a limited resource in the Balearic kingdom. That said, the convivencia in Sicily will influence similar policies elsewhere: the Muslims will keep their own courts, etc, in return for tithes and obedience. At very least an administrative structure - a city governor, city guard, toll and tithe collectors, Christian clergy - will favor the creation of a very visible, socially dominant Christian minority in these places. At this point the situation in North Africa was so bad all of those who could afford to do so were emigrating to Sicily: I'm certain Maria won't be losing many subjects to the Almoravids or Zirids
A shame - I guess I took a gamble and it didn't pay off. I hoped it would seem a natural progression from him being acknowledged as Basileus in the East - like, OK, I waited for Henry to die, but now he's dead, let me be western Emperor. Hopefully the next few updates will read more realistically and get the story back on track.
Chapter IX: Deus...Vult?
The death of King Baldwin’s only son left the succession to the Kingdom of Jerusalem uncertain. He had four daughters: the eldest was promised to the young Bohemond of Antioch, the second to the grasping and treacherous Philip of Mantes. Equally grasping was Bohemond’s step-father and guardian Harald Gillechrist, who had by now tired of his menopausal wife and hoped to make himself King in more than name. He therefore put his own wife away and married Bohemond off elsewhere. King Baldwin was little amused and refused to make Gillechrist his son-in-law and heir. He appealed to the West: Duke William of Aquitaine promptly resigned his duchy to his son and sailed east to marry the princess. Shipwrecked off the Cypriot coast, he died soon after.
A new royal heir and son-in-law was found in the newly widowed Count Fulk V of Anjou - the King of France’s step-brother, powerful vassal and occasional enemy. The rift caused by King Henry of England’s separation from Fulk’s daughter was healed, somewhat, by the betrothal of his son Geoffrey Plantagenet to Henry’s daughter, the dowager Empress. By these means Fulk intended to protect his adolescent son from Norman or French aggression; Henry likewise deprived William Clito (now Coutn in Flanders) of an important ally and provided for the succession to his kingdom. As for Baldwin, he knew Fulk personally: he had taken up the Cross in the past and was still the nominal lord of Baalbek.
Gillechrist sought aid in Constantinople. The Emperor John II found himself occupied in wars against the Hungarians and Serbs, who marched in league with the Emperor's sister, Anna. Nevertheless the Emperor decided to cultivate Gillechrist's friendship when another brother, Isaac, invaded his Anatolian possessions. Gillechrist was named protosebastos and offered a rich marriage with a Byzantine princess in return for military aid against Isaac and the Danishmends. No sooner had he set out than he found himself deposed by Bohemond, now in his nineteenth year (1127). Deserted by Constantinople, Gillechrist wandered the courts of the East before finally convincing the Emperor to assist him in taking Cyprus. His half-hearted attempt failed and he was forced to put himself at the mercy of Philip of Mantes. When the latter came to terms with his brother, Fulk of Anjou, Gillechrist was forced to flee again, eventually falling into Fatimid hands.
In Germany Sigurd Maurebane remained in imprisonment while the Emperor Lothair II faced a Hohenstaufen-lead rebellion. His son Manasses had managed to escape capture, but his niece and daughter-in-law were not so fortunate. The Emperor proposed a marriage between the niece, Maria of Norway, and the boy Adalbert: younger brother of the Emperor's son-in-law and intended successor Henry the Proud. Sigurd consented but saw little change in his situation. He therefore set about winning over the German clergy and establishing contact with Callixtus II, whose Papacy he now recognized. His maneuvering came at the right time. Callixtus was eager to break his dependency on Queen Maria - who better to browbeat her into submission than her wedded husband?
Callixtus also knew exactly in which direction to point the once-mighty King. Maria had used her custody of Henry of Genoa to assert her authority over that city. Genoese ships and merchants supplemented her own. In return they received trading privileges in her newly conquered ports and Balearic trading colonies as far afield as Marrakesh and Alexandria. The Pisans found themselves increasingly squeezed out of these markets, though Maria still kept them on as “allies” in order to exploit their many trading colonies throughout the East. A grateful Sigurd would be expected to overturn this arrangement, protecting and favouring the Pisans while Genoa was relegated to a secondary role.
Maria’s continued successes (or rather, those of her admirals) made clear how ill-advised the expedition was. Sigurd’s minimal fleet was dispersed by unfavourable winds and the entire project collapsed. He sailed to Palermo, where Maria then was; he was refused harbour or safe-conduct and was forced back into humiliating exile.
He made his way to France, where his daughter Berengaria was married to the royal heir and co-king. The French received him well but would not outfit an expedition against Maria: the premature death of his son-in-law (1131) absolved the French from any obligations toward him. Unable to convince King Louis the Fat to marry the new heir to Berengaria, he took her with him into exile in England. He renewed hopes of marrying the Empress dowager and making himself King of the English with the support of the Norman and Anglo-Saxon lords. The opposition of the Church and threat of excommunication put an end to such plans. He was able however to revenge himself on King Louis, obtaining a dispensation for a marriage between his own son Alexander of Barking and the Empress' daughter, hitherto promised to marry the French heir. Certainly Sigurd hoped to obtain the English crown for his son in due time.
With King Henry’s aid Sigurd arranged the marriage of his daughter to King David of Scots, giving her his claims to the western Isles as dowry. With Scottish help he was finally able to assemble his own fleet and set sail once more. His son Manasses had meanwhile secured Papal permission to preach a new Crusade in France and the Spanish marche - a Crusade which would, quite naturally, pass through Maria's domains and seek to topple her off the throne.
A new royal heir and son-in-law was found in the newly widowed Count Fulk V of Anjou - the King of France’s step-brother, powerful vassal and occasional enemy. The rift caused by King Henry of England’s separation from Fulk’s daughter was healed, somewhat, by the betrothal of his son Geoffrey Plantagenet to Henry’s daughter, the dowager Empress. By these means Fulk intended to protect his adolescent son from Norman or French aggression; Henry likewise deprived William Clito (now Coutn in Flanders) of an important ally and provided for the succession to his kingdom. As for Baldwin, he knew Fulk personally: he had taken up the Cross in the past and was still the nominal lord of Baalbek.
Gillechrist sought aid in Constantinople. The Emperor John II found himself occupied in wars against the Hungarians and Serbs, who marched in league with the Emperor's sister, Anna. Nevertheless the Emperor decided to cultivate Gillechrist's friendship when another brother, Isaac, invaded his Anatolian possessions. Gillechrist was named protosebastos and offered a rich marriage with a Byzantine princess in return for military aid against Isaac and the Danishmends. No sooner had he set out than he found himself deposed by Bohemond, now in his nineteenth year (1127). Deserted by Constantinople, Gillechrist wandered the courts of the East before finally convincing the Emperor to assist him in taking Cyprus. His half-hearted attempt failed and he was forced to put himself at the mercy of Philip of Mantes. When the latter came to terms with his brother, Fulk of Anjou, Gillechrist was forced to flee again, eventually falling into Fatimid hands.
In Germany Sigurd Maurebane remained in imprisonment while the Emperor Lothair II faced a Hohenstaufen-lead rebellion. His son Manasses had managed to escape capture, but his niece and daughter-in-law were not so fortunate. The Emperor proposed a marriage between the niece, Maria of Norway, and the boy Adalbert: younger brother of the Emperor's son-in-law and intended successor Henry the Proud. Sigurd consented but saw little change in his situation. He therefore set about winning over the German clergy and establishing contact with Callixtus II, whose Papacy he now recognized. His maneuvering came at the right time. Callixtus was eager to break his dependency on Queen Maria - who better to browbeat her into submission than her wedded husband?
Callixtus also knew exactly in which direction to point the once-mighty King. Maria had used her custody of Henry of Genoa to assert her authority over that city. Genoese ships and merchants supplemented her own. In return they received trading privileges in her newly conquered ports and Balearic trading colonies as far afield as Marrakesh and Alexandria. The Pisans found themselves increasingly squeezed out of these markets, though Maria still kept them on as “allies” in order to exploit their many trading colonies throughout the East. A grateful Sigurd would be expected to overturn this arrangement, protecting and favouring the Pisans while Genoa was relegated to a secondary role.
Maria’s continued successes (or rather, those of her admirals) made clear how ill-advised the expedition was. Sigurd’s minimal fleet was dispersed by unfavourable winds and the entire project collapsed. He sailed to Palermo, where Maria then was; he was refused harbour or safe-conduct and was forced back into humiliating exile.
He made his way to France, where his daughter Berengaria was married to the royal heir and co-king. The French received him well but would not outfit an expedition against Maria: the premature death of his son-in-law (1131) absolved the French from any obligations toward him. Unable to convince King Louis the Fat to marry the new heir to Berengaria, he took her with him into exile in England. He renewed hopes of marrying the Empress dowager and making himself King of the English with the support of the Norman and Anglo-Saxon lords. The opposition of the Church and threat of excommunication put an end to such plans. He was able however to revenge himself on King Louis, obtaining a dispensation for a marriage between his own son Alexander of Barking and the Empress' daughter, hitherto promised to marry the French heir. Certainly Sigurd hoped to obtain the English crown for his son in due time.
With King Henry’s aid Sigurd arranged the marriage of his daughter to King David of Scots, giving her his claims to the western Isles as dowry. With Scottish help he was finally able to assemble his own fleet and set sail once more. His son Manasses had meanwhile secured Papal permission to preach a new Crusade in France and the Spanish marche - a Crusade which would, quite naturally, pass through Maria's domains and seek to topple her off the throne.
Can only agree. One of the most developed characters in my TL was a young princess (Amina) who fits this description quite well.Yes! In terms of writing I'm a big fan of exceptional women who managed to push their way through to real power, as well as young princesses who are thrown around as pawns with no real thought to their personal inclinations. I think almost every TL of mine has both in fairly equal measure
Now the next update... Sigurd! Agent of Chaos! Even in his failures he stirs things up something awful. Eager to see where it's going. Question: Why is it okay to preach Crusade in Spain? I thought that was functionally banned since the troops were needed to fight Muslims at home.
Request: Sigurd's family tree. Because I have lost the thread of his relations. I thought he had already married the Empress Matilda, but I see it was just engaged why didn't he marry her already? I also thought his marriage was annulled to Maria, with Callixtus II back in favor is the marriage suddenly un-annulled?
Awesome. Just the Spanish marche, more specifically in Ramon Berenguer's domains. I'll explain why in the next post.
Cheers!
Do you guys prefer a visual one or a "family" post similar to Romulus Augustus TL?
Chapter X: Imperatrix et Regina
The year 1132 marks the first appearance of ‘imperatrix et regina’ in a charter of Maria’s: hitherto she had contented herself with varied combinations of ‘basilea’, ‘regina’ and ‘domina’, with the occasional ‘magna regina’ or ‘in Africa imperante dei gratia’. The title was taken up with little fanfare, but most likely as a political statement in face of almost universal opposition to her rule. The reappearance on the scene of her husband and eldest step-son posited a direct challenge to her rule. That same year also saw Maria’s two eldest sons reach their 18th and 15th years respectively. Those two rowdy young ‘kings’ appeared alongside her in all official documents - perhaps necessitating the assumption of a loftier title for the Queen regent-turn-regnant. Alternatively the souring of relations with both Castille and Constantinople encouraged her: Alfonso VII, who had so recently repudiated his betrothal to one of her daughters, and John II, who had emerged triumphant from a succession dispute with his sister - Maria’s friend and ally, Anna Komnene. Like the King of Castille, Maria could claim a share in the Imperial legacy of the Visigoths - a legacy strongly tied to the joint rule of Iberia and Africa[1]. The allegiance of the Sardinian, Zirid and Hammadid kings rounded off the list of fulfilled prerequisites.
On a positive note the year opened with long-awaited news of her father’s death. In recent years Count Ramon Berenguer III had taken to openly opposing his mighty daughter. The rift was primarily caused by her attempts to assert her widow’s rights to Besalú and her original dower (the countship of Ausona), which the Count had appropriated following the death of Bernat of Besalú (her first husband). Her requests were not of themselves unreasonable - Sigurd had seized and married her without negotiation or terms. But the reality was that both fiefs lay close to Barcelona and Maria merely sought to better position herself to usurp the family seat in due time. Ramon opted to protect the inheritance of his sons and fought back, welcoming her step-son Manasses warmly and allowing the “Crusade” to be preached in his county. He also convinced King Alfonso of Castille to reject his engagement to Maria's daughter and take one of Ramon's other daughters as queen instead.
Ramon’s death saw his domains split between his two sons: Ramon Berenguer IV (Barcelona and adjacent counties) and Berenguer Ramon (Provence and Gevaudan). Ramon was then seventeen, Berenguer a year or so younger. Maria preempted an attack by the duo by sailing to Nice, a rebellious Provençal fief. The Counts came forth with their vassals to lay siege to the city; Manasses proceeded by sea with the ships and knights the old Count had furnished him with. The Queen rode out to the encounter of her two brothers and forced them and their lords to a parley with her. She delivered Nice, intact and in good order, to Berenguer, in exchange for which she and her heirs supplanted him and his in the succession to Barcelona. Her rights to Besalú and Ausona she renounced in favour of her daughter, who Ramon was forced to marry to preserve the unity of his patrimony. The Archbishop Ollegarius of Tarragona was prevailed upon to grant a dispensation. Manasses she won over with the promise of a fief and indemnities in exchange for his rights to her kingdom: stranded and abandoned by his former patrons, he was given little option but to accept and proceed East.
In the East Manasses made his intended pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he was received by the new monarchs, Fulk and Melisende. With their blessing he proceeded to Constantinople, where he handed over his ships and men to his father-in-law, the Emperor John II. He was rewarded with typical Byzantine honours for one of his birth connected to the Imperial family - Caesar, Protonobelissimos and Protosebastos. Over the past decade the diligent and able Emperor had defeated the Hungarians, Serbs and Pechenegs. He fought off a Turkish invasion led by his own brother, secured his holdings in Asia Minor and compelled the quasi-independent prince of Trebizond to acknowledge his overlordship. There remained only his sister Anna Comnene, who had set herself up as his rival based in Dyrrachium. Previous truces had recognized her as a nominal co-ruler but prevented her from proceeding to Constantinople: in retaliation she constantly stirred up the Serbs and Bulgars. When she was finally reconciled to her brother and permitted to return to the capital (1133), Manasses was sent to pacify the turmoil she created.
Sigurd meanwhile had been sorely disappointed in his endeavors. The voyage from Scotland to the Bay of Biscay had been everything but plain sailing. Arriving in Castille he found King Alfonso married not to his daughter, but to her aunt, Berenguela of Barcelona. He hurriedly removed himself to the domains of Alfonso Henriques, the prince of the Portuguese: there he was received on kinder terms. Together the two campaigned along the Tagus against the Moors for a season. By the time Sigurd appeared on Mediterranean shores, his men and ships were depleted and battered. He was by now well acquainted with the affairs of his onetime kingdom, thanks to reports arriving in the Castilian and Portuguese courts. Maria was likewise up to par, having learned of her daughter's Scottish marriage as immediately as geographic distance permitted in those days.
Sigurd was accordingly received by his old friend Saemundssen in Dénia. Saemundssen escorted him to Palma, where the Queen then was. Cornered by her nobles and harassed by misogynist clergymen, Maria was left little choice but to succor and reconcile with her husband. To refuse to do so was to risk the censure of the Church and more importantly the uprising of the Norsemen and Varangians, of Saemundssen and the amirs Canute and Eric - Sigurd's own nephews.
He was then 43; she, 37. Shortly afterward he began to reappear alongside her in official documents - his name appearing after hers but before those of their sons. About this time their daughter Marisimena (Maria Ximena) married Alfonso the Battler, the allied King of Aragón.
On a positive note the year opened with long-awaited news of her father’s death. In recent years Count Ramon Berenguer III had taken to openly opposing his mighty daughter. The rift was primarily caused by her attempts to assert her widow’s rights to Besalú and her original dower (the countship of Ausona), which the Count had appropriated following the death of Bernat of Besalú (her first husband). Her requests were not of themselves unreasonable - Sigurd had seized and married her without negotiation or terms. But the reality was that both fiefs lay close to Barcelona and Maria merely sought to better position herself to usurp the family seat in due time. Ramon opted to protect the inheritance of his sons and fought back, welcoming her step-son Manasses warmly and allowing the “Crusade” to be preached in his county. He also convinced King Alfonso of Castille to reject his engagement to Maria's daughter and take one of Ramon's other daughters as queen instead.
Ramon’s death saw his domains split between his two sons: Ramon Berenguer IV (Barcelona and adjacent counties) and Berenguer Ramon (Provence and Gevaudan). Ramon was then seventeen, Berenguer a year or so younger. Maria preempted an attack by the duo by sailing to Nice, a rebellious Provençal fief. The Counts came forth with their vassals to lay siege to the city; Manasses proceeded by sea with the ships and knights the old Count had furnished him with. The Queen rode out to the encounter of her two brothers and forced them and their lords to a parley with her. She delivered Nice, intact and in good order, to Berenguer, in exchange for which she and her heirs supplanted him and his in the succession to Barcelona. Her rights to Besalú and Ausona she renounced in favour of her daughter, who Ramon was forced to marry to preserve the unity of his patrimony. The Archbishop Ollegarius of Tarragona was prevailed upon to grant a dispensation. Manasses she won over with the promise of a fief and indemnities in exchange for his rights to her kingdom: stranded and abandoned by his former patrons, he was given little option but to accept and proceed East.
In the East Manasses made his intended pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he was received by the new monarchs, Fulk and Melisende. With their blessing he proceeded to Constantinople, where he handed over his ships and men to his father-in-law, the Emperor John II. He was rewarded with typical Byzantine honours for one of his birth connected to the Imperial family - Caesar, Protonobelissimos and Protosebastos. Over the past decade the diligent and able Emperor had defeated the Hungarians, Serbs and Pechenegs. He fought off a Turkish invasion led by his own brother, secured his holdings in Asia Minor and compelled the quasi-independent prince of Trebizond to acknowledge his overlordship. There remained only his sister Anna Comnene, who had set herself up as his rival based in Dyrrachium. Previous truces had recognized her as a nominal co-ruler but prevented her from proceeding to Constantinople: in retaliation she constantly stirred up the Serbs and Bulgars. When she was finally reconciled to her brother and permitted to return to the capital (1133), Manasses was sent to pacify the turmoil she created.
Sigurd meanwhile had been sorely disappointed in his endeavors. The voyage from Scotland to the Bay of Biscay had been everything but plain sailing. Arriving in Castille he found King Alfonso married not to his daughter, but to her aunt, Berenguela of Barcelona. He hurriedly removed himself to the domains of Alfonso Henriques, the prince of the Portuguese: there he was received on kinder terms. Together the two campaigned along the Tagus against the Moors for a season. By the time Sigurd appeared on Mediterranean shores, his men and ships were depleted and battered. He was by now well acquainted with the affairs of his onetime kingdom, thanks to reports arriving in the Castilian and Portuguese courts. Maria was likewise up to par, having learned of her daughter's Scottish marriage as immediately as geographic distance permitted in those days.
Sigurd was accordingly received by his old friend Saemundssen in Dénia. Saemundssen escorted him to Palma, where the Queen then was. Cornered by her nobles and harassed by misogynist clergymen, Maria was left little choice but to succor and reconcile with her husband. To refuse to do so was to risk the censure of the Church and more importantly the uprising of the Norsemen and Varangians, of Saemundssen and the amirs Canute and Eric - Sigurd's own nephews.
He was then 43; she, 37. Shortly afterward he began to reappear alongside her in official documents - his name appearing after hers but before those of their sons. About this time their daughter Marisimena (Maria Ximena) married Alfonso the Battler, the allied King of Aragón.
Notes:
[1] OTL Fernando III of Castille did not want to be called Emperor until he had conquered the old Visigothic territories in North Africa - a feat attempted by his son Alfonso X, who claimed the title.
Sigurd's back. Ohhhh yeaaaaaaah
Time to raise some Norse chaos in this Mediterranean bitch
Tell that to the French crusaders who left in disgust before Las Navas de Tolosa because the Spanish wouldn't let them massacre Jews and Muslims at will.
Unlike what most people believe, the "zealotry and myth building" arrived only in the late 15th century. It's another Renaissance thing retroactively (and unjustly) applied to the Middle Ages, like witch burnings.
"Convivencia" originally referred to 13th century Christian-ruled Toledo, not 10th century Muslim Cordoba. A big clue is the fact that it is a Castilian word, not Arabic.
1134 AD
The fire flickered and the mead ran freely. The general mirth of the aseembled lords seemed obligatory in a most depressing manner. With a sullen face the Queen observed the flames, which she fed with a single log picked from a small trough at her side. She spied out of the corner of her eye the Moor, who like her carried a child in her womb. After all these years she still wasn't sure whether these Northmen really did sire as many children as they claimed, or whether it was just a social convention that any women in the near vicinity of any leader who fell pregnant had a right to claim his paternity for her spawn. She would have to ask. She was unsure whether the answer would be worth the bother: she could at least give thanks that her husband - or was it God? - had seen fit to provide another to suckle this most unwanted of babes she carried within her. She considered dashing the rival baby's brains out upon birth - not the most Christian of thoughts. And anyway, she'd be too big by then to carry out. Saemundssen could do it. He could do it well. Saemundssen could do a lot of things well, which was just as well given how long her husband's promenade abroad had been.
She did not turn to acknowledge him but felt the wind as he entered and took his seat once more. She fancied she could smell the piss, still drying on his fingers. Foul drunk. He probably could not give her any answer on the Moor's stomach - fair skin and hair would speak louder than any vague memory or half-hearted affirmation he had to offer. She would ask Saemundssen too. He would give her a better answer, though she feared he enjoyed boys too much these days to be responsible for the Moor's predicament. She never did learn the girl's name. Probably Maria, in her honour. It better be, she quipped internally.
The thought of dashing the baby's brains out presented itself again. There were multiple advocates in its favour: more milk for the legitimate princeling in her royal womb, one less rival for her and her sons to do away with once Sigurd was spent. Spent, yes. She felt he was entirely spent already - a highly useful corpse, like the body of her grandfather the Cid propped up on his horse to encourage the troops. Useful, but spent. A prop in her hands. Maybe she'd send in the Moor to make sure he did not bother her with his inconsiderate caresses later. Perhaps she'd send that Saxon boy he liked so much, to really make sure he was spent, Saemundssen-style.
She wondered if such carnal thoughts were the occupational hazards of life as a maker and unmaker of Popes. She stroked her stomach and beckoned for more wine.
That summer the King was to be found on the Italian mainland, where some of his Lombard subjects were causing trouble. Jon Saemundssen and the amirs Canute and Christodolous were deployed on piratical missions in the Adriatic and Aegean - considered defensive by the Norsemen, who feared the Byzantines would seek to expulse them from Cyprus, Rhodes and Crete sooner rather than later. Coincidentally it was such piracy which encouraged Constantinople to see the removal of the Norsemen and the reformulation of the Varangian Guard as priorities. The defeat and reconciliation of his sister Anna - an ally of the Balearic Vikings - had strengthened John's position at the Vikings' cost. The amirs found themselves directly opposed to Sigurd's son Manasses, who had entered his Imperial father-in-law's service.
In the West the amir Eric Haraldssen used Valencia as a base for a coordinated campaign alongside Alfonso Henriques, the prince of the Portuguese. The Queen saw in the Portuguese a potential buffer against Castille, whose King had so recently snubbed her by rejecting her daughter and marrying her half-sister. The year closed on a sour note, with word from Norway of the death of Sigurd's young son, Magnus IV, at the hands of his co-ruler Haakon III's partisans.
She did not turn to acknowledge him but felt the wind as he entered and took his seat once more. She fancied she could smell the piss, still drying on his fingers. Foul drunk. He probably could not give her any answer on the Moor's stomach - fair skin and hair would speak louder than any vague memory or half-hearted affirmation he had to offer. She would ask Saemundssen too. He would give her a better answer, though she feared he enjoyed boys too much these days to be responsible for the Moor's predicament. She never did learn the girl's name. Probably Maria, in her honour. It better be, she quipped internally.
The thought of dashing the baby's brains out presented itself again. There were multiple advocates in its favour: more milk for the legitimate princeling in her royal womb, one less rival for her and her sons to do away with once Sigurd was spent. Spent, yes. She felt he was entirely spent already - a highly useful corpse, like the body of her grandfather the Cid propped up on his horse to encourage the troops. Useful, but spent. A prop in her hands. Maybe she'd send in the Moor to make sure he did not bother her with his inconsiderate caresses later. Perhaps she'd send that Saxon boy he liked so much, to really make sure he was spent, Saemundssen-style.
She wondered if such carnal thoughts were the occupational hazards of life as a maker and unmaker of Popes. She stroked her stomach and beckoned for more wine.
That summer the King was to be found on the Italian mainland, where some of his Lombard subjects were causing trouble. Jon Saemundssen and the amirs Canute and Christodolous were deployed on piratical missions in the Adriatic and Aegean - considered defensive by the Norsemen, who feared the Byzantines would seek to expulse them from Cyprus, Rhodes and Crete sooner rather than later. Coincidentally it was such piracy which encouraged Constantinople to see the removal of the Norsemen and the reformulation of the Varangian Guard as priorities. The defeat and reconciliation of his sister Anna - an ally of the Balearic Vikings - had strengthened John's position at the Vikings' cost. The amirs found themselves directly opposed to Sigurd's son Manasses, who had entered his Imperial father-in-law's service.
In the West the amir Eric Haraldssen used Valencia as a base for a coordinated campaign alongside Alfonso Henriques, the prince of the Portuguese. The Queen saw in the Portuguese a potential buffer against Castille, whose King had so recently snubbed her by rejecting her daughter and marrying her half-sister. The year closed on a sour note, with word from Norway of the death of Sigurd's young son, Magnus IV, at the hands of his co-ruler Haakon III's partisans.
Drinking wine while pregnant? Wine is less hazardous than other forms of alcohol, but not good.
Ah, I'm glad to see there is still some interest, thanks guys!
I'm guessing in this period water could be more hazardous than wine - even assuming access to superior medicine from Arabs in her power, Maria probably doesn't know/care enough to ponder the matter too much.
I'm guessing in this period water could be more hazardous than wine - even assuming access to superior medicine from Arabs in her power, Maria probably doesn't know/care enough to ponder the matter too much.