Blood & Gold: A History of the Argead Empire

[Deleted member 5909]

The Wars of Succession: The African War.​

Years 6 to 10 of Alexandros Sōtēr Theos.​

(284 B.C. – 280 B.C.)​

“If only the descendants of Lysimakhos had inherited his wisdom, a great deal of the tragedies that beset his house could have been averted.” -- Priapatios of Sousa, The Life of Lysimakhos of Makedonia.

Landing at Byblos in Syria in the summer of 285 B.C., King Alexandros IV Philopatōr begins preparing for a campaign against Lysimakhos in Aphrikē. However, he finds himself at this time already thinly stretched, having lost many troops in both India and Hellas, and now compelled to maintain a sizable garrison in both the eastern and western theatres to solidify his recent reconquests. A war on two fronts, though still within the resources and abilities of the empire, has nevertheless taken its toll upon it. Though it is possible that a man of exceptional greatness, a military genius with the full force of a powerful reputation (such as the Great King’s late father), could successfully manage such a task and spend a lifetime attempting to retake the lost eastern and western possessions of the Argeads, King Alexandros IV is now slowly beginning to realize that, though gifted, he is not his father. He thus finds himself forced to rely increasingly on brutality, especially in Hellas, to ensure that his rebellious subjects are cowed by fear if nothing else.

The Great King of Asia spends the year 284 B.C. amassing an army at Tyros and continuing preparations for his coming African campaign. However, just before his plans are completed in the winter of 283 B.C., the king receives startling news while at Sidōn: the loyal Seleukos, satrapēs of Arabia, has been assassinated at Nikaia Arabia by a group of Sabaean rebels. The death of his governing strongman now leaves Eudaimon Arabia in chaos, with the powerful Sabaean lord Zamir Ali Yanuf now emerging as the leader of the rebels. With Seleukos’ death, there is little left to keep order or unite the Argead troops there, and many soon either desert the royal army or are bought off as effective mercenaries, Zamir now in control of the ample wealth of the incense trade. By August, 283 B.C., Zamir is successful enough to have himself proclaimed King of Saba at the ancient royal capital of Marib.

Once again, King Alexandros IV is faced with a second war on two fronts, something he greatly wishes to avoid. Thus, instead of attacking the Sabaeans and punishing them for their rebellion, he decides to concede defeat and cut his losses. Knowing that Eudaimon Arabia’s geographical isolation already makes it a difficult province to govern effectively, the Great King instead offers to lend King Zamir his support and recognition, promising not to invade Saba in exchange for a large annual tribute. King Zamir Ali Yanuf wisely agrees, knowing that while the king may be presently occupied in Aphrikē, but, once he is finished securing his power there, King Zamir will have little chance of victory when faced with the full might of the Argead empire, including the near limitless human resources it commands.

The Arabian problem solved and the valuable incense trade secured, King Alexandros IV finally marches west, entering Aigyptos with his force of 45,000 in May, 282 B.C. Deciding to increase his popularity in Aigyptos and secure the province’s loyalty, the Great King stops in Memphis to be undergo a ritual coronation as pharaoh there, much to the great acclaim of the Egyptian people. He even orders the construction of several new temples to Isis and Amun, shortly before marching for Kyrēnaïkē.

Aside from a light skirmish at Arai, King Alexandros IV at first encounters very little resistance in Aphrikē. At Sabrata on October 28, however, he finally faces Lysimakhos’ son by his Persian wife, Philippos (the aging Lysimakhos now nearing eighty and in declining health, and thus unable to personally command his troops). Despite the fact that Philippos only commands 35,000 soldiers, he has one great advantage: the core of his army consists of tested veterans who have spent the last few years fighting the hostile desert tribesmen of Libya, while a great many more are skilled mercenaries hired from amongst the ranks of the Berber tribesmen of Aphrikē. Using his army’s skill to his advantage, Philippos distinguishes himself as a superior tactician, defeating King Alexandros IV Philopatōr at Sabrata, and halting his further advance into Aphrikē for a time.

Marching his army south, King Alexandros winters with his forces at Oea. There, he is attacked by Philippos in January, hoping to drive the Great King back into Kyrēnē. The surprise attack fails, however, and King Alexandros IV is able to adequately defend his position, and force the rebels to retreat north.

The victory at Oea seems to at least reverse the trend of Argead defeat for a time, allowing King Alexandros to take Thakapē in the July, and penetrate as far as Ruspina in the fall of 281 B.C., scoring a series of minor victories. This, however, is mostly due to the death of Lysimakhos that spring and the temporary retreat north of Philippos in order to formally take power in Karkhēdōn as ruling satrapēs in Aphrikē. Once again, the young Philippos manages to defeat Alexandros IV at Thapsos in December, forcing him to winter at Thenai.

It is at the battle of Akholla, however, on March 4, 280 B.C. that Philippos manages to finally win a decisive and crushing victory against the invading King Alexandros, permanently halting all further Argead advances into Aphrikē, and securing the independence of the new realm. Realizing that he is fighting a losing battle against Philippos, with his forces now becoming increasingly outnumbered and outmaneuvered, later that spring, King Alexandros IV finally abandons his African possessions and retreats into Kyrēnē, ordering that province to be further garrisoned and fortified, in case of future conflict with the newly risen Karkhēdōn.

In honor of his victory at Thapsos, Philippos inaugurates the new Hellenic Kingdom of Karkhēdōn, taking the title of king (Greek: Basileus), under the reign name of King Philippos I Nikatōr (“Victor”).

Above: the Argead Empire and its dependent allies at the end of the Succession Wars, 280 B.C.
​

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Wow. These guys were brutal--flaying, raping, etc.

Keep up the good work.

If I were the Syracusians, I'd ally with the Carthaginians. If Carthage is reclaimed by the Great King, that's another axis of attack into Sicily.

Thank you very much!
Your readership and contributions are all greatly appreciated.

 

[MerryPrankster]

Three successful secessionist attempts; two squashed secessionist attempts.

Let's hope Alexander IV grows some political skills, or else the cookie is going to crumble quickly.

 

[plantagenet]

You, sir, are insanely prolific with this, and I heartily approve.

The only question I have is: what effect, if any, is all this stuff having on the Roman Republic? I would think a Hellen(ist)ic superpower and the fall of Carthage would be hugely significant for Roman expansion and the Republic's position in the eastern Med.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

You, sir, are insanely prolific with this, and I heartily approve.

The only question I have is: what effect, if any, is all this stuff having on the Roman Republic? I would think a Hellen(ist)ic superpower and the fall of Carthage would be hugely significant for Roman expansion and the Republic's position in the eastern Med.

Not to worry, this will be covered in the course of the next few updates. Just sit tight, and I promise, you will not be disappointed...

 

[MerryPrankster]

About Rome, with Carthage taking a beating, might the Romans take advantage of the power vacuum in Spain and the western islands like Corsica and Sardinia?

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Stabilization and Recovery.​

Years 11 to 19 of Alexandros Sōtēr Theos.​

(279 B.C. – 271 B.C.)​

“Born in the lands of rising sun,
I both wed and birthed a god,
And later myself did become one.”
--From the tomb of Queen Rōxanē, deified after her death as the goddess Rōxanē Basilissa Thea.

Despite the empire’s losses in the east, and the failed African campaign, the relative successes of King Alexandros IV in the series succession wars following his father’s death have nevertheless managed to stabilize the empire. Abandoning the unstable provinces in India and Aphrikē has allowed for the Argeads to at least consolidate their core territories and fortify their borders, leaving the empire peaceful and safe. Indeed, further expansionism in the aggressive style of King Alexandros III Basileus Theos would most likely have been harmful if continued into his son’s reign, as it essentially stretched the armies of Great King far too thin and caused a general neglect in oversight of the empire’s administration.

In honor of his victories, and in recognition of the general feeling of his subjects that he has essentially saved the empire from being torn apart by civil war, King Alexandros IV Philopatōr assumes the new reign name of King Alexandros IV Sōtēr at Gordion in 279 B.C. (“Savior”).

The remainder of King Alexandros IV’s reign is surprisingly peaceful, and is spent mostly reforming the empire. In an effort to more effectively govern his vast territories, the Great King and his descendants maintain the example of King Alexandros III and migrate between their three royal seats at Babylōn, Ekbatana, and Sousa, though Babylōn remains the de facto capital and location of the mints and administration. In 277 B.C. new roads are ordered to be constructed in the more remote reaches of the empire, while current roads are ordered to be improved, most especially the so-called "Great Royal Road", the main highway network of the Achaemenids stretching from Sardeis in the west to Ekbatana and Persepolis in the east, and later, under the Argeads, all the way to Alexandreia Aigyptos in the west and Taxila in the far east. The efficiency of the Royal Road is such that can reach Sousa from Sardeis on horseback in seven days and on foot in less than ninety. Further, a royal postal and messenger service is established to more effectively receive news over the vast distances of the provinces. The Great King also reforms the administration of the realm that same year, limiting the term of service for satrapai to five years in order to decrease the chances of local rebellion, though also mandating that they be drawn from the highest reaches of the Macedonian and Persian elite. Finally, military reforms in 274 B.C. ensure that soldiers levied in a particular province are unlikely to ever see action there, to decrease any chances of desertion.

The death of Ptolemaios in 283 B.C., and of Queen Rōxanē, two years later, also usher in a period of political change. While Antiokhos is appointed to the coveted position of khiliarkhos, King Alexandros does not allow his favorite the degree of power held by his predecessor, and instead makes an effort to rule personally and directly over his many kingdoms and territories. The king’s personal rule sees improvement in political relations with both the Mauryan Empire and Karkhēdōn, with embassies being exchanged by King Alexandros and King Bindusara, while profitable trade agreements are made with King Philippos I Nikatōr. Indeed, the Carthaginian king even weds King Alexandros’ eldest daughter, Laodikē, to seal their recent alliance and good relations in 273 B.C.

The last years of his reign also see the expansion of royal influence in the Black Sea, with the Kingdoms of Bosporos and Kolkhis becoming Argead protectorates and allies in 276 B.C. and 272 B.C. respectively, mostly due to external pressure from Babylōn and an increasing fear of future conflict and annexation. King Pairisadēs II of Bosporus brings with his alliance shared control of the valuable Black Sea trade, and influence over the Greek city-states on the sea’s western shores. The death of the childless King Pharnakēs II of Pontos in 274 B.C. also secures the direct annexation of the Kingdom of Pontos, which the late king wills to his Argead allies.

 

[MerryPrankster]

Why Ekbatana as a third seat of government and not Pella?

The Argeads were a Macedonian house, after all.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Why Ekbatana as a third seat of government and not Pella?

The Argeads were a Macedonian house, after all.

An excellent question. Several reasons, actually:

Pella was inconveniently located in comparison, whereas Susa, Babylon and Ecbatana (aside from being the traditional capitals of the old Persian Empire, whose system of administration has remained largely unchanged) offer the benefits of a central location and the appropriate amount of prestige for royal capitals.

Also, it is worth remembering that the ruling elites of Macedon and Persia are becoming increasingly interrelated. King Alexandros IV and his entire generation of fellow nobles have all been raised in the east, with all the syncretism at play via the policies of cultural fusion implemented by King Alexandros III (which we just began to see in OTL).

 

[Deleted member 5909]

The Sicilian War ​

Years 1 to 4 of Philippos Euergetēs Theos.​

(271 B.C. – 266 B.C.)​

“By a sweet tongue and kindness, you can drag an elephant by the hair.” -- Persian proverb.

In November, 272 B.C. at Babylōn, King Alexandros IV Sōtēr names his son by his late half-sister Queen Kleopatra (d. 274 B.C.) as his co-ruler under the royal name of King Philippos III Euergetēs. Less than five months later, on April 2, 271 B.C., King Alexandros IV dies of natural causes at Sousa, aged fifty-one, leaving his son as sole ruler of the empire. The new King Philippos III Euergetēs orders his father embalmed in honey in similar fashion to his grandfather, King Alexandros III Megas, entombing him at the royal necropolis in Sousa and honoring the late king with a magnificent funeral and a series of equally extravagant mortuary games. It is worth noting that soon after, in the early summer, King Philippos III also orders that Queen Arsinoē, his father’s ambitious and powerful second wife, be exiled to the Greek island of Delos, fearing her influence and popularity.

In August, 271 B.C., King Philippos III Euergetēs goes east to the newly restored city of Persepolis (its reconstruction having been completed over two decades earlier). Several weeks later, he and his court journey to the nearby city of Pasargadai, the ceremonial seat and necropolis of the Achaemenid dynasty. There King Philippos III undergoes the traditional coronation and enthronement rites of the old Persian kings, becoming the first king of the Argead dynasty to do so and setting a precedent for his successors. Previously, King Alexandros III Basileus Theos refused out of respect to the Persian aristocracy, due to his foreign origins (though he did later restore the tomb of Kyros the Great and the city of Persepolis); King Alexandros IV Sōtēr also opted for a simpler coronation at Babylōn like his father, mostly due to his preoccupation with securing the succession. The decision of King Philippos III is thus crucial, and received enthusiastically by his oriental subjects, especially the Persian nobility. In the celebrations held at Persepolis afterward, King Philippos III emphasis all of his pedigree in a way that will establish a precedent for his royal descendants. The king stresses his maternal descent from King Dāriūš III through his grandmother Queen Stateira, his paternal descent from the mythical Greek hero Perseus (legendary ancestor to both the Argeads and the Achaemenids), his shared Persian and Macedonian ancestry, and, most especially, his divine descent from the god Zeus Ahuramazda via his mighty grandfather King Alexandros III Basileus Theos. Indeed, King Philippos will go on to adopt more of the symbolism and trappings of Persian kingship than any either his father or grandfather before him, including not only the diadem, but also the chalmys, the royal shoes, and the bow and quiver. King Philippos III, now properly enthroned, soon after returns to Babylōn in September. The Great King is hungry for expanding the empire’s influence in the Mediterranean Sea and eager to restore diminished Argead influence there, the result of the loss of the dynasty’s possessions in Aphrikē and Sikilia during his father’s reign. Determined to regain the empire’s former territories in Megalē Hellas, the Great King allies himself with the rising Roman Republic.

Over the course of the last fifty years, the Republic of Roma, a city-state in Latium, has been slowly gaining power and dominance on the Italian peninsula. This has stemmed primarily from the Republic’s wars in the late fourth and early third centuries B.C. with her Latin and Samnite neighbors. By 290 B.C. the Roman Republic has not only conquered the whole of central Italia, but also subjugated much of Etruria. The Republic’s aggressive expansionism, however, is now turned south, towards the western reaches of the Mediterranean Sea. The Republic’s two primary rivals are now the Greek League of Syrakousai in Sikilia and the southern Italian peninsula, and the newly established maritime Kingdom of Karkhēdōn under King Philippos Nikatōr, who by 270 B.C. has managed to extend his authority and influence into Corsica, Sardinia, and the Iberian Peninsula, subjugating the old Carthaginian colonies there.

The Great King of Asia allies himself with the Roman Republic in 269 B.C., entering into an agreement of mutual military assistance with the Roman Senate. Under the terms of the treaty, the two powers agree to partition Megalē Hellas after its future conquest, with the Romans annexing the southern Italian peninsula, and the Argeads receiving Sikilia. The new alliance also has the added effect of neutralizing any potential threat from the Kingdom of Ēpeiros to Roman interests in Italia, as both are now official allies of the Argead Empire.

At Alexandreia Aigyptos, King Philippos III begins assembling a fleet for his planned invasion of Sikilia, taking care to hire the best Greek and Phoenician shipbuilders and navigators. Further, he invests a great deal in building a strong naval force, and in having his commanders seriously study more advanced combat strategy at sea—an area in which the empire is greatly lacking, despite its current control of nearly all trade in the eastern Mediterranean Sea.

In 267 B.C. the Great King of Asia launches his new, prized flotilla of 360 warships from Alexandria, intent on finally avenging his father’s devastating defeat at Anaktorion by Syrakousai. Meanwhile, the king’s Roman allies invade Megalē Hellas with a force of 42,000, led by the consul M. Atilius Regulus.

The Romans are the first to engage the enemy at Salernum, defeating the armies of the League of Syrakousai, led by the tyrant Iketas II, son and namesake of the victor of Anaktorion, on March 11, 267 B.C. Several weeks later, King Philippos III, now personally in command of his fleet, encounters the League’s navy off the coast of the Maltese city of Melita. Though he loses over 2,000 men, the Great King manages to inflict a crushing victory on the Greeks, simultaneously proving himself as an able naval commander, and also avenging his father’s defeat at Anaktorion.

Defeating the League a second time at Regium in June, King Philippos then lands near Messana the following week with a force of some 60,000, taking the city by late August and anchoring his fleet there. Though the city of Tyndaris manages to hold out against the Great King’s forces throughout the winter, news of a decisive Syracusian defeat at Thurii by Regulus in February (for which he will both be hailed as imperator by his troops and awarded the victory agnomen “Thurius” by the Senate), finally force Iketas II to the realization that he is fighting a losing battle. Retreating south with his remaining forces, the tyrant and his allies attempt to cross over into Sikilia via enemy controlled Calabria, fighting their way to Locri, where, rather than fall into his Roman hands, the tyrant casts himself into the sea on May 19, 266 B.C.

Despite their leader’s death, the citizens of Syrakousai refuse to surrender. Seizing power in June, the tyrant Toinon bravely musters what is left of the League’s armies in Sikilia, and attempts to hold the city of Akragas from the advancing forces of King Philippos III. While the tyrant and his armies understand that their operation is a suicide venture, they liken themselves to the Spartans at Thermopylai, defending themselves against the barbaric forces of the east. Though they fight bravely, the Greeks are far too outnumbered to hold out for long, King Philippos and his forces are able to finally defeat them in battle in September, 266 B.C., during which the tyrant Toinon and much of his armies are massacred.

The following month, Syrakousai surrenders; Megalē Hellas is no more.

 

[xchen08]

Pella was inconveniently located in comparison, whereas Susa, Babylon and Ecbatana (aside from being the traditional capitals of the old Persian Empire, whose system of administration has remained largely unchanged) offer the benefits of a central location and the appropriate amount of prestige for royal capitals.

Hmm, while Pella is definitely out of the way for a Babylonia centered state, it should still be critically important as the source of Greek soldier-settlers to hold down old and new conquests as well as lesser nobility to serve as officers of the Argead army. Both the Ptolemaids and Seleucids OTL found native levies unreliable and politically troublesome, and troops levied from their Greek military colonies proved critical as a core for their militaries. I see no reason this would be any different TTL for the Argeads, and the new King Phillip's blatant Oriental trappings is not going to rub well with the Macedonian aristocracy, particularly if he doesn't even pretend Macedonia is more than a peripheral province to a Persian empire. (and it would displease a good chunk of the more traditional officers as well as the military colonists)

A King that pisses off the most reliable parts of his army is unlikely to have a long life...

 

[Deleted member 5909]

The Empire at its Zenith.​

Years 4 to 21 of Philippos Euergetēs Theos.
266 B.C. – 250 B.C.​

[FONT=&quot]
“The great dynasty sired by Alexandros Basileus Theos was in truth far more oriental than it ever was Greek. The mighty son of Zeus should never have encouraged his men to take Persian wives and allowed them to be seduced by the customs of the orient. Conquered peoples should never be treated as equals, for as the Argead Empire has shown, it leads the conquerors to abjure the men of their own race.”[/FONT] -- Cn. Lucullus Crassus, Wisdom for a Prince.

The conquest of Sikilia greatly enhances Argead power in the west, strategically positioning King Philippos III so that he can both profit greatly from the flourishing commerce of the Mediterranean Sea, and also keep a general watch on the possessions of his rival, King Philippos Nikatōr of Karkhēdōn. Further, the Roman alliance soon begins to become very worthwhile for the Great King, due to the great amount of regional power and influence the Republic holds in Tyrrhenian Sea, presenting yet another counterweight to the King of Karkhēdōn’s growing influence. Initially, King Philippos III sees the Roman Republic as a potential new client state, though over the course of the next decade he will slowly realize his own miscalculation. While the Argeads will never fully regard the Latins as equals, considering them merely civilized barbarians, the Great King of Asia will nevertheless come to develop a healthy respect for the powerful republic, with its skilled army and efficient administration.

In India, the accession of the King Bindusara’s son Asokah Maurya after his father’s death in 272 B.C. has been viewed initially with some apprehension by Babylōn. Fortunately, King Asokah has proven himself honorable and willing to maintain peaceful relations with the Argeads, himself concerned mainly with the conquest of the Dravidian kingdoms in the south of the Indian subcontinent. King Asokah’s conversion to Buddhism in 261 B.C. after the brutal conquest of the eastern realm of Kalinga, however, initiates a new policy of pacifism (conveniently supported by a large army), and in late May, 258 B.C., the court at Sousa receives not only the Mauryan king’s new embassy, but also a group of Buddhist monks sent to formally proselytize the faith to the Great King and his family. In order to strengthen his alliance with King Asokah, King Philippos III gives the Mauryan king his youngest sister in marriage, Barsinē in 264 B.C.

Despite the fact that Buddhism has already reached the Argead empire by this time, no monks have ever before been seen by the empire’s subjects, and the newcomers are viewed with great curiosity and interest. While the monks return home later the next year, having won over very few converts, especially amongst the upper classes of the empire, their introduction of Buddhism nevertheless prompts a great intellectual revival at the royal court. Indeed, though few of the empire’s subjects outside of the Indian provinces in the east will ever come to see the Buddhist faith as more than just another school of philosophy, many of Siddhartha Gautama’s teachings will influence the development of traditional Greek thought in the next century, including the founding of the famed Dharmic-Orphean school of philosophy at Persepolis—another of the various Hellenic-Indian syncretic schools resulting from the cultural exchange.

Other major cultural developments completed during the reign of King Philippos III include the great temple known as the Alexandreum in Babylon, which houses the royal cult, containing the sacred fires of the royal family, the great altar of Alexandros Basileus Theos, and separate shrines for deified members of the royal house, such as the divine hero Hēphaistiōn, Alexandros Sōtēr Theos and the queens Olympias Thea and Rōxanē Basilissa Thea.

Meanwhile, in 266 B.C., upon returning home from his war in Sikilia, the Great King weds the lady Apama, daughter of his late father’s close friend, the khiliarkhos Antiokhos. Additionally, in 259 B.C. he takes a second wife, the princess Berenikē (b. 272 B.C.), daughter of his sister Laodikē by King Philippos Nikatōr of Karkhēdōn, in order to solidify his alliance with the Lysimacheads. Due to their mother’s royal blood, Queen Berenikē’s children are elevated above those of Apama, and from 256 B.C. onwards, the young queen is even associated with her uncle-husband under the royal name Queen Berenikē Philomētōr (in reference to her Argead mother).

The sudden death of King Philippos III Euergetēs of fever at Ninevē in July, 250 B.C. comes as a great shock and surprise to the empire. Many soon suspect that he was poisoned by Queen Berenikē in order to hasten her young son’s succession and solidify her own power. While the rumors are never proven, there is strong evidence to support the theory, and indeed, it is believed by many contemporaries, up to and including the Roman Senate and King Asokah Maurya himself.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Hmm, while Pella is definitely out of the way for a Babylonia centered state, it should still be critically important as the source of Greek soldier-settlers to hold down old and new conquests as well as lesser nobility to serve as officers of the Argead army. Both the Ptolemaids and Seleucids OTL found native levies unreliable and politically troublesome, and troops levied from their Greek military colonies proved critical as a core for their militaries. I see no reason this would be any different TTL for the Argeads, and the new King Phillip's blatant Oriental trappings is not going to rub well with the Macedonian aristocracy, particularly if he doesn't even pretend Macedonia is more than a peripheral province to a Persian empire. (and it would displease a good chunk of the more traditional officers as well as the military colonists)

A King that pisses off the most reliable parts of his army is unlikely to have a long life...

I agree with you, to a certain extent at least.

Remember, King Alexander the Great was far more willing to accept oriental customs than the Diadochi ever were, and he openly promoted syncretism between Hellenic and Asian cultures, and intermarriage with the Persian nobility. In OTL we never got to see this policy fully implemented, but TTL assumes it has been taken to its logical conclusion. Indeed, Alexander was often criticized for having essentially 'gone native'.

The ruling elite in TTL is mutli-ethnic, composed of the most prominent families of the Achaemenid Empire and Macedon. As they largely reside in the east, they are naturally bound to assimilate more and more over the generations with their surroundings. By the reign of King Philippos III, a majority of the nobility are probably so interrelated from the policy of syncretism encouraged by the Argeads that there are few Macedonian noble houses without at least some Persian blood (and this being true in the opposite sense as well, with many Persian nobles taking Macedonian brides--think Weddings at Susa taken to the logical extreme). Hellenic culture might have spread through the conquests of Alexander and infused itself in the conquered peoples, but the cultural exchange works both ways. Greek language has been adopted as the primary tongue, while many aspects of the Persian lifestyle have been adopted by the Macedonians. Local nobilities are going to be far more loyal to a ruling class of mixed heritage, especially if they have a history of being ruled by the same monarch.

Now, that aside, the increasing orientalization of the ruling elite in the east has essentially placed them out of touch with their Greek and Macedonian subjects in the west, who feel alienated by their supposed masters. With vast reserves of manpower elsewhere, the Greeks are being treated as any other royal subjects and the kings have shifted their focus away from their ancestral homelands to the wealthier, more populous lands of Asia, India, Persia, and Syria. The Argeads might be popular in the east due to the assimilation of they and the ruling class, but it has come at the cost of the loyalty of their Greek subjects.

This has already been foreshadowed a bit in past conflicts, but soon enough, it's going to come to a head. The Argeads can't go on alienating their western subjects forever.

Edit: Also, don't forget that by the last years of Alexander the Great's reign in OTL, his armies were largely composed of non-Macedonians, especially Persians and Medes. Again, an example of his policy of syncretism. The old core of Macedonian veterans were becoming more and more alienated from the increasingly orientalized Alexander, and it is thought by many that this is why he sent them back to Macedon with Craterus in 324 B.C. Indeed, the military reforms he implemented in 325 B.C. made the army multi-ethnic more or less, with a great focus on tapping the vast reserves of manpower in the east. Why levy primarily Macedonians when you can get far more soldiers elsewhere and train them similarly?

Besides, the peoples of the Persian Empire have a history of being united and ruled by a single despot in the Near East and can easily accept a new conqueror just as easily as they did the old ones, provided they respect their culture and allow them to retain their local leadership. The Greeks, Macedonians, and Thracians do not have this shared history of Persian rule, and will naturally resent it.

In TTL, I'm trying to go with an overall theme of alienation and assimilation, with the Argeads taking a far different path than the Seleucids of OTL.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

The Rise of Queen Berenikē Philomētōr.​

Years 1 to 3 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.​

(250 B.C. – 247 B.C.)​

[FONT=&quot]“A woman of much wit and very little judgment.”[/FONT] [FONT=&quot] -- apocryphal words attributed to King Antiokhos I of Makedonia, on the subject of his stepmother, Queen Berenikē Philomētōr.[/FONT]

The events surrounding the mysterious death of King Philippos III Euergetēs at Ninevē, and the rise of Queen Berenikē Philomētōr that follows occur in quick succession. Queen Berenikē’s only son, the five year old prince Alexandros, is immediately proclaimed King Alexandros V Tryphōn that same day, the first royal successor to a Great King to not have already at least nominally shared the throne with his father. Two weeks later, at the summer capital of Ekbatana in Mēdia, Queen Berenikē is named as royal regent and co-ruler with her son by the Synedrion.

Despite her probable involvement in her husband’s untimely death, the Queen Mother immediately arranges a spectacular funeral for her uncle, ensuring one of the most magnificent spectacles of memorial games ever held at Babylōn, since the reign of King Alexandros Basileus Theos himself. She even piously observes a prolonged six months of royal mourning in his honor. In January, 249 B.C. in Persis, the twenty-two year old queen goes so far as to have herself crowned and enthroned jointly with her son at Pasargadai—an honor never before bestowed upon a Persian woman. Later, as if this already was not bold enough for an Argead queen, she begins minting coins with both the faces of she and her young son, in an attempt to publicly assert right to rule—the first queen in the history of the empire to do so.

Already anticipating harm from the newly risen queen, King Philippos’ other widow, Queen Apama, is informed by a loyal court eunuch in the late winter of 249 B.C. of a plot against her life by Queen Berenikē and her supporters. Acting fast, the queen dowager flees from Babylōn the following night with her three young children, accompanied by a small group of servants and supporters. Though the group is pursued by the forces of the Queen Regent, who instructs her soldiers to capture the family at all costs, Apama and her children manage to safely reach Syria, disguised as a troop of Phrygian actors, where they are able to take ship from Sidōn for the safety of Italia.

Queen Berenikē, young and naïve, soon falls under the influence of one of her own courtiers, the stratēgos Artabazos. A son of the Persian noble house of Pharnabazos (one of the most ancient lineages in the empire) the general is middle aged, handsome, and particularly charismatic. By the spring of 249 B.C., the queen has openly taken Artabazos as her acknowledged lover, much to the scandal and horror of the royal court. That August she appoints him to the vacant office of khiliarkhos, making him the most powerful man in the realm.

Meanwhile, King Philippos Nikatōr, the famed King of Karkhēdōn, dies at Tunis in the fall of 249 B.C., aged sixty-two. He is succeeded by his son, King Lysimakhos II Eupatōr (b. 276 B.C.), who has served as his co-ruler for the last three years. Over the last decade, the rising power of Roma has brought the republic into an increasing rivalry and conflict with Karkhēdōn over dominance of the western Mediterranean Sea. This is worsened both by Roma’s recent conquest of the southern Italian Peninsula, which has given them possession of the entire peninsula, stretching from the lands of the Calabrians in the south, north to the upper reaches of the Po river valley, and also by the fact that Argead control of the eastern sea limits any expansion in that direction by either of the powers and confines them to the west. Further, the aggressive policies of expansion and conquest pursued by Karkhēdōn and Roma in Ibēria and Italia respectively over the last thirty years, have set the two states on a path to unavoidable war for dominance in the west.

The policies of inherited by the Queen Mother from her late husband King Philippos III Euergetēs have been rather pacifist and benign. The Argeads have been allies of both the Romans and Carthaginians, and profited greatly from it. Further, by maintaining a western foothold in Sikilia, they have ensured not only a balance of power by their presence in the west, but also a share in the profits of the lucrative trade there. With little interest in pursuing any further western expansion, King Philippos III saw little harm in allowing Roman conquest of the southern Italian Peninsula and conflict with the Gallic tribes of the Po River Valley.

By the same logic, the Iberian Wars (lasting from 275 B.C to 251 B.C.) were also largely seen indifferently by the Great King. It was through these conflicts that King Philippos Nikatōr was able to reconquer the old Carthaginian colonies of southern Ibēria, which essentially operated autonomously after the conquest of Aphrikē by King Alexandros III until that time, due to lack of royal initiative to subjugate them. The King of Karkhēdōn also was able to defeat the dominant tribes of the peninsula’s southern reaches, namely the Bastetani and Turdetani, reducing their chieftains to client kings. The new King Lysimakhos II has thus grown up in this atmosphere of expansionism and Carthaginian-Roman rivalry. Eager to live up to his expectations as the heir of the famed “King Philippos the Victor”, and to gain a reputation for himself as a military commander, the king begins preparations for war with Roma in the future, increasing the ranks of his Iberian and Berber mercenaries—the core of his army.

In Roma, the Senate also sees a future war as both inevitable and greatly within the interests of the Roman state and people. With the conquest of Italia, the Senate is now turning its eyes westward, and is now eager to gain a foothold on the Iberian Peninsula, to both halt any further Carthaginian expansion there, and also to expand their influence in the Mediterranean Sea. The Republic soon establishes relations with the Lacetani people, seeing the tribe as a valuable buffer against Karkhēdōn and its allies. The king of the Lacetani himself is also wary of a potential second Iberian War, and the resulting subjugation to Karkhēdōn it will bring, and allies with Roma in 249 B.C.

As tensions mount between the two powers and their growing ambitions, the Romans finally see their chance to declare war in 247 B.C. That year, the Ilecarvones attack their rivals the Lacetani; while the former are not a proper ally of King Lysimakhos II, the king has, nevertheless, covertly supplied troops to them, seeking to simultaneously undermine the Romans and exert their influence in the northwest. When reports reach Roma, the Senate immediately declares war.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

The Punic War: the Mediterranean Theatre.​

Years 3 to 5 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.​

(247 B.C. – 245 B.C.)​

“Soft! The trumpets of Poseidōn do thunder. The sea is no longer ours, fair boy and we are taken.” -- L. Honorius, from his historical play The Triumph of Drusus.

With the outbreak of war between Roma and Karkhēdōn, both of whom are technical allies of the Argeads, the empire is now faced with two choices: declare for either side and have the possibility of tremendous gain in the west, or remain neutral, playing the two powers off until they exhaust themselves. While the Synedrion prudently advises Queen Berenikē in the direction of the latter course as the wisest, her mind is already made up. The queen refuses to forsake her beloved brother in Karkhēdōn, and immediately promises him her support. The queen is decidedly anti-Roman due to her upbringing in the Carthaginian court, and she thus sees opposition to the Republic’s expansion as her filial duty. Further, the decision of the senate to grant asylum to Queen Apama and her children in Italia in 249 B.C. has only solidified her anti-Latin sentiments. In August, 247 B.C., she declares war on the Roman Senate and people.

The queen begins preparations for war immediately, gathering an army at Sardeis, hoping to march into Makedonia, cross the sea from Ēpeiros, and invade Italia directly. She also sends word to Amyntas, satrapēs of Sikilia, to prepare his forces for war—as the satrapēs is also the admiral (Greek: Navarkhos) of the empire’s western fleet, at this time mostly anchored at Syrakousai and numbering over 280 warships.

In Roma, the Senate sees the actions of the Argead queen as a great betrayal of their long held partnership in the west, and a sacrilege upon the sacred oaths sworn to cement their various treaties and pacts during the reign of King Philippos III Euergetēs. They order Queen Apama and her children to be installed in a grand residence on the Aventine Hill (due to the prohibition on foreign monarchs crossing the city’s sacred boundary, the pomerium), and treated with the full honors of royalty. Already, there are whispered plans to somehow engineer a palace coup and their installation in Babylōn by any means possible, though with no foreseeable means, they are quickly abandoned by the middle of 246 B.C.

In early May, 246 B.C., news reaches the court at Sousa that the Carthaginian fleet, under the command of the Greek admiral Isidōros, has defeated the more inexperienced Roman navy off the coast of Olbia, halting a potential Latin invasion of Sardinia. The news is immediately taken as an omen of divine favor, and Queen Berenikē and her son publically offer sacrifices to Anāhitā and Poseidōn in Babylōn in thanksgiving soon after receiving the news.

The Carthaginian navy once again proves its superiority and dominance of the waves off the coast of Emporion, near Ibēria, when Isidōros is able to route the republic’s fleet a second time in October, 246 B.C., cutting off any further Roman aid to the Lacetani and ensuring that any Roman invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in the near future will have to be conducted over land—forcing the Senate to abandon any plans for a war in the Iberian theatre, as such a march would both be perilous for a large force over the Alps, and, without any secured sea passage available, would likely result in the disrupted arrival of reinforcements and supplies to a Roman force there.

 

[MerryPrankster]

If the war becomes a long and unpleasant situation for the Argeads, a coup with Apama and her children could be doable--if not in Babylon, then in Pella.

(The latter would be easier due to the distance and the fact that the Greeks are already getting alienated by the increasingly Persianized Argead regime.)

 

[xchen08]

Roma Invictus!

Good to see good old palace intrigues. The old Macedonian aristocracy is going to be foaming at the mouth. Not just a half foreign Oriental ruling over proud Hellenes, but a woman at that, and not just a woman, but a woman with a Persian as her lover and right hand, and a rumored regicide to boot. No self-respecting Greek is going to stand for such Eastern corruption...

Just how is the new Carthage set up? Is the Greek royal dynasty mostly absorbed into a Phoenician ruling class, or is it an outright Hellenic Successor State with an imported Greek ruling class upheld by military settlers, or something in between? From the reliance on Iberian and Berber mercs, it doesn't sound like they have a solid core of Macedonian Pezhetairoi.

Also, while it has only been 3 generations, have any problems popped up from all the incest in the Argead Dynasty yet?

 

[Grand_Panjandrum]

If the war becomes a long and unpleasant situation for the Argeads, a coup with Apama and her children could be doable--if not in Babylon, then in Pella.

(The latter would be easier due to the distance and the fact that the Greeks are already getting alienated by the increasingly Persianized Argead regime.)

The apocryphal quote by the King of Makedonia seems to suggest that very thing.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

Just how is the new Carthage set up? Is the Greek royal dynasty mostly absorbed into a Phoenician ruling class, or is it an outright Hellenic Successor State with an imported Greek ruling class upheld by military settlers, or something in between? From the reliance on Iberian and Berber mercs, it doesn't sound like they have a solid core of Macedonian Pezhetairoi?

Unlike the Argeads, the Lysimacheads have set up their kingdom in Carthage far more along the lines of the Hellenistic kingdom in OTL, with a Macedonian ruling class and prevalent Greek culture. And you're quite right, as a ruling house, they have fallen into the habits of their predecessors in Africa and begun hiring mercenaries to make up their armies. Nevertheless, I imagine that the more elite corps are made up of Macedonian aristocrats.

 

[Deleted member 5909]

The Punic War: the Balkan Theatre.​

Years 5 to 9 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.​

(245 B.C. – 241 B.C.)​

“The disasters suffered during the Punic War, particularly in Achaea and Macedonia, haunt the Argead Empire to this very day. The ineptitude of Queen Berenice and Artabazus was primarily responsible, yes, though one is left to wonder if even a different sort of king could have forestalled the rising tides of Roma.” -- P. Tertius of Hispania, The Punic War.

In February, 245 B.C., the khiliarkhos Artabazos arrives in Sardeis, having been dispatched by Queen Berenikē earlier that year to take command of her forces there, now fully prepared for battle. The force numbers some 55,000 infantry and 20,000 cavalry and includes the famed Persian heavy infantry, the so-called Immortals (Greek: Athanatoi), along with the Hyaspistai, the Macedonian hoplite guard. He immediately marches west, crossing the Hellēspontos and arriving in Pella by mid April of that same year. The stratēgoi immediately begins preparations with his ally King Alexandros II of Ēpeiros, an Argead client king, for a collaborative invasion of Italia. However, disagreements between the two commanders effectively stalls the invasion. King Alexandros II already resents Artabazos for his haughty demeanor and refusal to listen to the advice of the more experienced Epirote king. Further, the khiliarkhos Persian birth does not help matters, as Alexandros II, along with a majority of his commanders, see the general as a barbaric oriental conqueror, the local sentiments of the Greeks and Macedonians having changed little since the brutal Hellenic wars of the early third century B.C.

The delay works to the advantage of the Romans, who are now preparing to take the offensive and initiate an invasion of Ēpeiros. Appointing the Roman consul M. Aemilius Lepidus to command the invading army in January, the Senate supplies him with six legions and several cohorts of Gallic auxiliaries, bringing the consul’s total strength to 49,000. The following month, on February 26, the Romans arrive in Brundisium, prepared to make the perilous crossing across the Adriatic Sea, into Ēpeiros. The Senate has by now taken all precautions possible to secure a Roman victory if forced to engage in naval combat, outfitting the Roman fleet to include some 200 warships. Lepidus sets off on the ides of January, determined to reach Ēpeiros and prevent any potential Italian invasion.

With his negotiations with King Alexandros still bogged down, Artabazos takes harsher measures to secure the success of his commission. Having heard of a Roman force preparing to cross the Adriatic, he sends to Amyntas in Syrakousai, commanding the navarkhos to deploy his fleet and attack Lepidus; hoping to catch the consul in the midst of his crossing, Artabazos sees the attack as an easy victory, with superior numbers and experience on the side of the Argeads. However, just after departing from Syrakousai, disaster strikes when Amyntas and his fleet are blown off course by a massive storm on February 19, 245 B.C. Over ninety Argead ships are wrecked off the coast of Naxos, and the causalities include Amyntas himself, whose drowned body washes up on the shores of Sikilia. Despite the setback, the Argead flotilla still numbers 190 ships, and the fleet’s temporary command still sees victory as possible, due to the Roman fleet’s past performances. Nevertheless, they do not catch up with Lepidus until he is just over two days away from land. Kleitos, the fleet’s presiding navarkhos, underestimates the new Roman fleet, engaging them off the coast of Kerkyra on March 18. Despite being almost evenly matched, the ineptitude of Kleitos, combined with the battle hardened attitude of most of the Roman sailors, manage to win the day for Lepidus, who not only inflicts a decisive victory over the Argead navy, but also destroys over 42 of their ships, forcing a humiliated Kleitos to retreat to Syrakousai and regroup. Rome is now master of the Adriatic Sea.

Several days later Lepidus lands at Akherōn. When news of this reaches Artabazos, the general finally seizes command by force, threatening to retreat into Makedonia and abandon the under-supplied and outnumbered Alexandros II of Ēpeiros to the advancing Romans. The king is forced to capitulate to the Persian khiliarkhos’ demands, grudgingly accepting his superior rank, at least for the time being, and placing his 20,000 troops, mostly consisting of allied Illyrian mercenaries, under the general’s command. He then marches west from Pella, hoping to cut off any further Roman advance using his superior numbers. Lepidus however, instead of meeting the Argeads directly, instead decides to consolidate his occupation of Ēpeiros, defeating much of the kingdom’s garrison in a series of light skirmishes, and then besieging the capital at Passarōna. He takes the city by early May (using the advanced siege technology of Roma to his advantage) just in time to hear news that the Argead forces have crossed the mountains into Molossia.

Near Pambōtis, Lepidus engages Artabazos on June 13, 245 B.C. While the Argeads have the clear advantage in terms of numbers, they are still by no means assured a clear victory. Due to the longstanding Argead policy of levying armies from the different corners of the empire and only sending soldiers of non-native extraction to garrison a territory, aside from their Illyrian allies, most of the Argead forces present are Persians, Medes, and Syrians, unfamiliar with the terrain, and in this respect they are at least equally matched by the Romans. Further, Artabazos’ refusal to listen to the advice of his Epirote allies, ensures any potential upper hand is lost. Using his tested skills as a sound tactician, along with the superior discipline and formation of the Roman legion, Lepidus manages to decisively defeat the outdated Macedonian style phalanx of Artabazos, smashing through his lines and inflicting heavy casualties on the general’s men. Suffering heavy losses and outmaneuvered, Artabazos orders his army to retreat east into Makedonia, abandoning Ēpeiros at least temporarily.

Rather than pursue Artabazos east, Lepidus decides to continue his policy of securing his hold over Ēpeiros, opting to winter there with his troops, so that he can both have time to regroup and also be close enough to Italia to receive any needed supplies or reinforcements, the Adriatic Sea still held by the Romans in the face of the recent Argead defeat there. Further, he sees being close to Roma as necessary, as news of an extension of his proconsular powers in the Balkans for the following year is anticipated in the late fall. Weighing the unstable situation in Ēpeiros as one that can be used to Roma’s advantage, Lepidus plays on the strong anti-Persian feelings of the Epirote people, who are already resentful of Argeads and their subjugation, the terms of which ensure a large annual tribute in coin and men. In response, Lepidus gains popularity by presenting himself as a liberator, going so far as to install a pro-Roman king at Ambrakia under the name King Pyrros III in August, himself a distant cousin of the exiled King Alexandros II.

In the spring of 244 B.C., Lepidus marches east, his proconsular powers extended for two more years, his armies resupplied from Italia, and his strength reinforced by a levy of fresh Epirote auxiliaries from King Pyrros III. Artabazos, however, finds himself in an even weaker position then he previously faced. His defeat at Pambōtis has humiliated him, and by this point, he knows that it is Queen Berenikē’s confidence alone which allows him to remain in command of the Balkan theatre. His underestimation of the Romans has also been fatal, resulting in heavy casualties that number almost 11,000. Further, the loss of Ēpeiros has only served to lower the morale of the allied forces of King Alexandros II; by the late winter of 244 B.C., King Alexandros and his Epirote soldiers are close to mutiny, while the Illyrian mercenaries are threatening to disband, the loss of the royal treasury at Passarōna having delayed their payment, with the funds sent from Babylōn being considered inadequate. Only the armies of Artabazos, brought from Sardeis, remain unquestionably loyal to their commander, despite the fact that much of the losses sustained at Pambōtis were from their own ranks.

Determined to regain at least something of his former glory, Artabazos marches south to defeat Lepidus, who has now received two further legions from Italia, bring his forces to almost 62,000, including auxiliaries. The two armies meet near Orestis on July 12, 244 B.C. By this time, Artabazos has realized the tactics of the legionaries are superior to those of the Hellenistic phalanx, however, the khiliarkhos still sees success against the Romans as possible, if superior numbers can be effectively used to his advantage. Willing to sacrifice a great deal of his men on the altar of victory, the proud general recklessly attempts to smash through his opponents advancing formation, sustaining massive casualties in the process. Once again, Lepidus proves the supremacy of the Roman legion, outflanking the Argeads as they attempt to drive a wedge between the Roman advance.

News of the Roman victory soon reaches the cities of Hellas to the south. Despite the brutal Argead reprisals of the Hellenic wars less than fifty years before and the loss of a great deal of their local autonomy and democracy, the Greeks of the Aitōlia, Attika, the Peloponnēsos, and Phōkis are still far from a subjugated people. A succession of unpopular provincial satrapai and city tyrannoi has done nothing to boost Argead popularity in Hellas. Further, the increasing syncretism and adoption of Persian cultural trappings by the Great Kings in Babylōn have only served to increase the alienation felt by the Greeks, who consider themselves to be under foreign rule by barbarians, with Argeads little better than successors to the Achaemenid dynasty. The shift of Argead focus to the western Mediterranean Sea, however, has ensured that the Greeks have been greatly neglected as well, over the last few decades. This has allowed a hotbed of unrest to form in cities such as Argos, Delphoi, Ēlis, and Troizēn, whose citizens are now on the verge of revolt, with the local tyrants installed from Babylōn swiftly losing a great deal of their hold there.

With Artabazos occupied in the north and severely weakened, many of the leading citizens of Hellas see the time as one that is ripe for revolt. The deployment of much of the local garrison to reinforce the general in Makedonia, by royal orders sent from Babylōn only serve to seal the fate of Argead authority in Hellas. In Argos and Delphoi, the cities’ citizens assemblies, now greatly stripped of their former authority, rise up and seize power from the Argead tyrants there in the winter of 243 B.C. Before he can react, the satrapēs Euaristos himself is assassinated in Argos by a local mob, attempting to quell the revolting populace with his limited troops. By mid April, most of the remaining major cities of Hellas are in open revolt, and have restored their own local constitutions, with those Argead soldiers remaining in Hellas having either thrown in their lot with the rebels or disbanded.

Meeting at Argos in June, they send to Lepidus at Larissa, the Romans now occupying much of Thessalia. In exchange for Roman protection and support, they promise to send Lepidus auxiliary hoplite troops and supplies. Seeing the great opportunity that now lies before him, Aemilius Lepidus meets with the Greek delegation at Delphoi, and, after receiving a favorable message when he consults with the oracle there, immediately sacrifices to both Mars and Fortuna on his return to Larissa, giving thanks for the new promise of victory. Allying himself with the newly formed League of Argos, Lepidus marches north in February, 242 B.C., besieging Artabazos at the ancient Macedonian capital and citadel situated on the rocky acropolis of Aigai.

Within the city’s ancient walls, never before penetrated by an invading army, Artabazos and his forces hope to buy time until reinforcements can arrive from the east. Already, Queen Berenikē has heard of the loss of Hellas, and though the general still retains his lover’s favor, he knows that his position at the royal court, never strong to begin with, is eroding. Though she has sent for 10,000 Medean troops to join him in Makedonia, and has also ordered fresh supplies, shipments are not expected to reach him until the summer. Meanwhile, after the costly defeat at Orestis endured by the Argeads has cost them the loyalty of their Epirote allies. While Artabazos originally planned to attempt to second strike at the Romans before they could secure their occupation of Thessalia and march north, he has been forced to hold off and instead attempt to hold Makedonia in a defensive position. This is due mainly to the series of mutinies that occurred amongst the Epirote component of his army intermittently throughout 243 B.C. The heavy handed approach of the general in dealing with the uprisings have only worsened the situation. It is his murder of the troublesome King Alexandros II in the summer of 243 B.C., however, that finally destroys any remaining loyalty amongst the Epirote auxiliaries. By January, 242 B.C., his Illyrian mercenary corps have totally disbanded and the remains of his Epirote forces have abandoned him to throw in their lot with Lepidus. Artabazos is now alone with a force of only 43,000 to defend his position in Makedonia, and thus, he sees the security of Aigai as his only option.

Artabazos and his defenders bravely hold out for over six months, however, a lack of adequate food and resources, and the threat of a renewed mutiny, this time from his own Persian troops, forces khiliarkhos to abandon the city in early September to Lepidus. With little remaining options open, the general order his armies to retreat into Thrakē. Though he attempts to present his actions as only a temporary retreat for tactical purposes, neither his army nor his superiors in Babylōn are fooled. By November, his long awaited reinforcements arrive in Amphipolis, along with dreaded news from Babylōn—Artabazos must return to Sousa in the spring to answer for his ineptitude, even the Queen Mother’s own love for the general not being enough to shelter him from the fury of the Synedrion and the royal court, both of whom are calling for his blood to such a degree since the devastating loss of Makedonia, that even Queen Berenikē dares not oppose their demands.

However, before his replacement can arrive, Lepidus attacks in late April, 241 B.C. Desperate to prevent a Roman invasion of Thrakē, Artabazos switches his tactics, and instead holds his position on the hills outside the town of Philippoi, taking the defensive; the battle lasts nearly two days. On the first day, though he sustains heavy casualties in the lines of his infantry, Artabazos is able to prevent Lepidus and his legions from gaining the high ground, keeping the Argead position, blocking the Roman advance and wearing down their attacking infantry. However, it is on the second day that Artabazos finally gains redemption in the eyes of his enemies in Babylōn. Relying mostly on his heavy cavalry, he unleashes his Phrygian horsemen against the tightly assembled lines of the Roman infantry, breaking their formation and causing mass confusion and driving the legionaries back. It is a costly victory for the Argeads, but one that at least ensures their hold on Thrakē, blocking and future Roman advance east. In the end, over 42,000 bodies litter the fields of Philippoi. Among them is that of Artabazos himself, who dies personally leading his cavalry’s charge. Lepidus and his forces then retreat west to Pella.