Blood & Gold: A History of the Argead Empire

  • Thread starter Deleted member 5909
  • Start date
Status
Not open for further replies.

Deleted member 5909

The Punic War: the Italian Theatre.
Years 6 to 12 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.
(244 B.C – 238 B.C.)
[FONT=&quot]
“He who gives himself airs of importance exhibits the credentials of impotence.” [/FONT]
-- Latin proverb.

Meanwhile, the war in the western theatre has reached an essential stalemate. The weakened Argead navy has been attempting to regroup at Syrakousai under the command of its new satrapēs and navarkhos, Mithridatēs, a noblemen of both Persian and Greek blood. Between the years 244 B.C. and 242 B.C. Mithridatēs has spent most of his time rebuilding the fleet in Sikilia, aided mostly by Carthaginian ships sent on loan from King Lysimakhos II, his own position in on the western seas temporarily secure since the Roman defeat at Emporion in 246 B.C. The loss of Hellas to revolt, however, has greatly crippled the navarkhos’ efforts, forcing him to rely all the more on both supplies and sailors sent from Syria.

The losses sustained at Kerkyra have further necessitated a temporary shift of Argead focus to the Tyrrhenian and Iōnian seas in order to prevent any Roman invasion of Sikilia. This has only contributed greatly to Lepidus’ successes in the Balkans, as it has meant abandoning their ambitions in the Adriatic Sea. However, Mithridatēs own foresight has been instrumental in the preservation of Argead control of Sikilia. After only receiving meager reinforcements in 243 B.C., due to Queen Berenikē’s preoccupation with the Balkan war, the satrapēs has instead managed to ally himself closer with the Carthaginians, securing over 25,000 troops from King Lysimakhos, mostly consisting of Iberian and Berber mercenaries, all sent on loan to protect the king’s own personal interests there. The defeat of the Roman fleet off the coast of Locri in late September, 243 B.C. manages to recapture much of the Argead navy’s former glory and prevent any future attempts at a Roman invasion of Sikilia for the time being. Mithridatēs has proven himself a competent admiral and a force to be reckoned with.

In January, 242 B.C., the King of Karkhēdōn himself arrives in Sikilia with a force of some 60,000, including over sixty war elephants. Mithridatēs and King Lysimakhos then begin preparing for the long awaited Italian campaign. In April, 242 B.C., the allied forces, now amounting to over 80,000 soldiers, cross the straight of Calabria, landing at Rhegium.

The invasion of the Carthaginians and their Argead allies from Sikilia sends waves of panic throughout Italia. All at once, the constant stream of good news being sent from the warfront in Makedonia becomes of little consequence. The Senate, however, has been worrying about the possibility of such an invasion for some time now, having perceived the growing threat of Sikilia to Roman security in Italia. Now faced with a crisis, the Senate confirms the former consul L. Valerius Flaccus as dictator, placing him in command of nine legions and over 20,000 auxiliaries, mostly sent by those Gallic, Pannonian, and Veneti tribes allied with the Republic, along with Rome’s new Greek allies.

Flaccus confronts the invading Carthaginians near Thurii in July. Despite King Lysimakhos’ own youth and inexperience as a military commander, Mithridatēs manages to take charge and prove himself an able general on the battlefield, emerging as the de facto commander of the Argead-Lysimachead army. Using the king’s war elephants to a devastating effect against the unprepared Roman infantry, scattering their advance and throwing the Romans into disarray. Flaccus is forced to retreat north or risk heavy losses, allowing Mithridatēs to occupy the whole of Megalē Hellas, where he and King Lysimakhos opt to winter.

In Roma, the defeat has been received with great unease by both the Senate and people. Upon the expiration of his term as dictator in October, Flaccus is not nominated by the consuls for a second term. Meanwhile, the superstitious senate orders the Sibylline Books to be consulted, hoping to appease the gods of Roma. The college of priests who oversee the interpretation and the preservation of the sacred books announce that great sacrifice must take place. Thus, in November, in the middle of the Forum Romanus, four men are buried alive in offering—two Gauls and two Greeks. It is in the aftermath of this grim spectacle of hope that the people elect as consuls P. Cornelius Scipio and C. Caecilius Metellus, both of whom are given joint command of the legions formerly assigned to Flaccus. In the spring, the consuls march south, hoping to block the enemy advance in the Oscan country of the south.

Engaging the enemy at Luceria in August, 241 B.C. Scipio at first begins to gain the upper hand, even when faced with the advancing African elephants of King Lysimakhos. However while the consul desires to hold his ground with his adequate force of legionaries, his less capable partner, Metellus, insists on breaking the Carthaginian lines with his cavalry when it appears that the enemy has begun to fall back, ordering a series of direct attacks. Mithridatēs, however, has no intention of retreating, and has instead managed to lure the Romans into attacking, in order to more effectively wear down their infantry, mimicking the tactics of the late Artabazos in Thrakē to startling success. In the end, Metellus’ mistake costs him not only his own life, but those of 22,000 of his men in one of the worst defeats in Roman history.

Instead of retreating west to Roma, however, Scipio instead moves north, into the eastern reaches of Sabinium, hoping to lure Mithridatēs away from Roma and keeping his position east of the Apennines for the winter. His ploy manages to work, and, engaging in series of light skirmishes with the Carthaginian-Argead army, he is able to win a series of quick, indecisive victories in the fall of 241 B.C., using the element of surprise and his familiarity with the Italian terrain against his foes. The success which Scipio enjoys using his guerrilla tactics, though minor, is nevertheless seen as the first real victory in the Italian theatre since the war’s commencement. Indeed, it is enough to ensure Scipio’s appointment after the expiration of his consular term in January, 240 B.C.

Meanwhile, King Lysimakhos is determined to pursue Scipio and defeat him upon the battlefield, his recent antagonism and its success having greatly infuriated the king. King Lysimakhos himself, young and restless, desires glory on the battlefield, and sees final defeat of Scipio as a way to achieve this. For the first time in the entire campaign, the king ignores the advice of Mithridatēs, opting to winter at Hadria in pursuit of Scipio, instead of crossing the Apennines, taking Capua and invading Latium in the spring, now left mostly undefended.

Scipio’s position, now anchored in Umbria for the winter, is further strengthened in April, 240 B.C., when four legions sent by Lepidus arrive from Thessaly via Ancona. In May, he is informed by his scouts that King Lysimakhos and Mithridatēs are marching northeast. Knowing that King Lysimakhos is making to cross the Apennines—a perilous decision considering the fact that he is risking many of his war elephants by doing so—Scipio moves north, ready to block their crossing and head them off before they can even enter the western reaches of the peninsula.

At the Futa pass, near Arretium, on May 30, 240 B.C. Scipio and his forces meet the Lysimachead and Argead forces, taking the defensive and blocking their crossing. Using the narrow pass to his advantage, Scipio forces Mithridatēs to attempt to smash through the tight defensive lines of the Roman infantry, an almost impossible task. Further, location of the battle ensure that the Carthaginian’s war elephants cannot be used. Having managed to destroy a great deal of Mithridatēs’ cavalry and heavy infantry, Scipio then advances, cutting down the Carthaginians where they stand and smashing through their narrow lines. His own advance blocked, Mithridatēs advises King Lysimakhos to retreat east, or face annihilation. The king promptly agrees, attempting to flee the battle with most of his remaining forces intact.

Scipio and his men, however, do not intend to allow a clean retreat. Instead, they continue their assault as King Lysimakhos and his soldiers attempt to lead a retreat, causing mass chaos. The result is a disaster for the Carthaginians and a clear Roman victory. In all, nearly 48,000 Carthaginians die in both the battle and orchestrated retreat over the Apennines, many falling to their deaths in an attempt to evade being killed by Scipio’s men. The defeat is one of the most devastating in Carthaginian history.

Their retreat south cut off by Scipio in the summer, King Lysimakhos and Mithridatēs are forced to winter with their forces at Ariminium. With only a little over 33,000 remaining soldiers and twenty war elephants, the prospects open to the two men and their armies are slim. The only remaining options open to them are a retreat south to Sikilia or taking the long road north over the Alps, to the city-state of Massalia, a Carthaginian ally since the Iberian Wars in 258 B.C. While both are equally dangerous, the trek south is seen as one of certain death, and thus, with little other options available, the remains of the Lysimachead-Argead allied force are thus compelled to march north, into the wilds of Gallia Cisalpina.

Thus, while Scipio, hailed as imperator by his troops after the battle of Futa Pass, is granted a triumph upon his return to Roma, the battle weary Carthaginians make the dangerous march across the Alps in the spring of 239 B.C., having wintered at Cremona. The venture is difficult, and by the time they reach the Greek city of Massalia in November, they have lost over 7,000 men and nearly all their remaining war elephants. In the spring of 238 B.C., Mithridatēs returns to Sikilia with what remains of his forces, while King Lysimakhos sails for Aphrikē, hoping to muster further mercenaries and regroup.
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 5909

The Punic War: the Sicilian Theatre.
Years 13 to 18 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.
(237 B.C. – 232 B.C.)

“Though I am prepared to give my life and those of my men for the empire, I must beg you, King of Kings, do not let it be all for naught! Avenge my death, my lord. And, if that be not possible now, at least avenge the humiliations we have suffered at the hands of your wicked mother.” -- Mithridatēs, Satrap of Sicily, from one of his final letters to King Alexandros V Tryphōn.

With their recent success against the Carthaginians in Italia, the Roman Senate now desires to strike while the Argeads are weak and invade Sikilia. However, despite their heavy losses on land, the Argeads still control the waves in the Tyrrhenian and Iōnian seas, and this is undisputed. The Senate now realizes that any future success will have to be achieved first at sea, in order to break the Lysimacheads-Argead naval supremacy and secure victory.

Roma’s recent alliance with the Greek League of Argos improves matters in this arena. The expert Greek shipbuilders supply the Roman fleet with both well built triremes, seasoned navigators, and sailors. Further, the Romans draw upon their land supremacy, taking it to sea by outfitting their vessels with grappling irons and battering rams, allowing them to effectively board the ships of their enemies and engage in hand to hand combat, giving them an advantage.

On July 7, 237 B.C. at Lipara, the new Roman naval machine is tested for the first time, under the command of the propraetor M. Livius Drusus. Faced with an allied Argead and Carthaginian force under the command of Mithridatēs, and numbering nearly 400 ships, Drusus, with a fleet of only 310, directly attacks his enemies. Unprepared for the close combat initiated by the Romans and the brutal damage of the superior Latin battering rams, Mithridatēs and his fleet are no match for Drusus, who not only manages to inflict a devastating strategic defeat upon his enemies, he also becomes the first Roman commander in the history of the republic to earn the honor of a naval crown.

In November, 237 B.C., Scipio is called out of political retirement in Roma and elected for a technically illegal second term as consul, in order to lead Roma’s legions south against his old enemy Mithridatēs. After taking office in January, 236 B.C., he marches south that spring, accompanied by eight legions. However, the Roman advance is blocked in Calabria in June by Mithridatēs, who, wishing to buy time for the arrival of reinforcements from Syria, musters his fleet at Messana, threatening to attack any advancing Roman ships. It is only in the late fall of 236 B.C., that a second naval defeat at the hands of Drusus, just off the coast of Naxos, clears the way for a Roman invasion.

Luckily, just as Scipio, his powers now extended as proconsul, crosses the straight of Calabria and lands near Messana in spring, 235 B.C., Mithridatēs, now at Thermai, is informed that reinforcements from both Karkhēdōn and Syria have arrived, bringing his forces in Sicily to 60,000 men. Taking Tyndaris in July after a siege of several months, Scipio marches west to defeat Mithridatēs and secure the island’s northern terrain. Rising to the occasion, the satrapēs manages to regain much of his former prestige as a military commander when he defeats the advancing Scipio and his legions at Kalakta in September, outflanking the Roman infantry and forcing Scipio to retreat back to Tyndaris for the time being, where he and his forces winter. However, though Scipio has been prevented from advancing west for the time being, Mithridatēs has only been able to secure his victory at a heavy cost, having lost over 17,000 men on the battlefield. While the satrapēs knows that Scipio is a superior tactician, he also has the advantage of numbers, and, despite the heavy cost, Mithridatēs believes he can use them to his advantage and wear down the Romans. Once again, the Argeads are gambling with their near limitless human resources, sacrificing tactics and skill in the process.

Knowing that Scipio will most likely attempt to take Syrakousai next, his western advance halted, Mithridatēs prepares his men and marches south in February, 234 B.C., hoping to cut the proconsul off. At Leontini, on May 19, 234 B.C., Mithridatēs and his forces attack Scipio and his legions. The battle lasts through most of the day, and is one of great ferocity and brutality. Both generals refuse to concede defeat, and Mithridatēs in particular suffers heavily for his pride. Leontini is one of the worst Argead defeats in the entire war, killing over 40,000 Argead soldiers, as opposed to the 18,000 lost by Scipio. In the end, Mithridatēs is forced to retreat south, taking his remaining 22,000 soldiers with him.

By now, Sikilia is all but lost. However, Mithridatēs, despite the obvious desperation of his position, still refuses to abandon the island, informing King Alexandros V in a dispatch, “I am prepared to sacrifice myself and all my men, if it means securing your hold over this wretched rock.” While the king organizes reinforcements to be sent, Mithridatēs gears up for guerilla warfare. Using his familiarity with the islands land, and his army’s small size, which allows him to quickly attack and retreat, the satrapēs continues to refuse to face Scipio outright, instead using his enemy’s own tactics against him by attacking his forces by surprise, inflicting as many casualties as possible, and then quickly retreating. Mithridatēs now intends to wear the Roman legionaries down as much as is feasible, while at the same time, diverting the general’s attentions form vulnerable Syrakousai, as he is now faced with no other option but to attempt to defeat Mithridatēs, or suffer continued losses.

However, before reinforcements can arrive in time, Mithridatēs is finally forced to openly engage Scipio on the battlefield, when the proconsul cuts off his army at Phintias in March, 233 B.C. Hopelessly outnumbered, the Argead forces fight bravely, but are no match for Scipio and his legions. Though he survives the carnage and manages to flee into the mountains, Mithridatēs knows he is finally defeated. Rather than fall into the hands of the Romans, he falls upon his sword soon after in the manner of Ajax, taking his own life.

The death of Mithridatēs leaves Syrakousai open for the taking. Besieging the city in August, Syrakousai manages to hold out against Scipio throughout the winter, only surrendering to escape starvation in February, 232 B.C. Respectfully, Scipio does not sack the city, though he does give his men permission to loot and pillage both Eryx and Panormos when they are taken later that year.
 
The Great King has lost his ancestral homeland and the Argeads have lost Sicily on top of that.

And the exiled Argeads in Rome are still there.

Keep up the good work.
 

Deleted member 5909

The Punic War: The African Theatre
Years 18 to 30 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.
(232 B.C. – 220 B.C.)

“Do thou, Lord Iuppiter, strike the Roman people as I strike this pig here today, and strike them the more, as thou are greater and stronger, if they do dare to break this oath of peace without just cause.” -- sacrificial prayer of the Fetial priests of the Roman Republic, during the ceremonial rites accompanying any treaty with a foreign power.

With the fall of Sikilia and defeat in the western Mediterranean Sea, not to mention the loss of nearly all Argead possessions in the Balkans, the last fourteen years have essentially been a disaster for the Argead Empire, the likes of which has never been seen before. With little other option before him, King Alexandros V Tryphōn is forced to sue for peace with the Romans in May, 232 B.C. (his unpopular mother having already been assassinated in 236 B.C.), effectively abandoning Argeads’ Carthaginian allies and saving themselves from further misfortune and defeat at the hands of the Roman Republic.

The agreement made between the two powers, while humiliating for the Argead Empire, could nevertheless be far worse. The Roman Senate, while it possess more bargaining power due the Republic’s recent successes, is still wary of demanding too much from the Argeads, as they realize the potential for future retaliation when the empire recovers. Instead, the Senate seek to neutralize the empire’s power in the western Mediterranean Sea, keeping the Argeads at a safe distance. According to the terms of the treaty agreed upon at Brundisium, King Alexandros V Tryphōn is forced to cede both Sikilia and Malta to the Romans. Further, he must recognize the independence of the Greek League of Argos, though he will be allowed to keep possession of Krētē and the isles of the Kyklades. Roma is allowed to directly annex Ēpeiros, while the Epirote puppet King Pyrros III is given the throne of Thessalia in compensation, as a client and ally of Roma. Finally, King Alexandros V must abandon his claims to Makedonia—the ancestral homeland of the Argeads—which he must recognize as an independent kingdom and a client of the Roman Republic. On the kingdom’s throne, the Roman Senate places the Great King of Asia’s own half-brother, Queen Apama’s son the prince Antiokhos, who is brought from his exile on the Aventine Hill and installed as King Antiokhos I Argaïos of Makedonia.

While peace is at least reached in the east, King Lysimakhos II of Karkhēdōn refuses to surrender. While he manages to defeat the Romans at the naval battle of Nora off the coast of Sardinia in the summer of 231 B.C., the Romans retaliate by inflicting two decisive victories of their own at sea at Kossyra (May, 228 B.C.) and Kerkenna (March, 227 B.C.) respectively, effectively destroying Carthaginian naval dominance in the western Mediterranean Sea. Indeed, the victory at Kerkenna is particularly harsh, with the Romans managing to wreck over forty of King Lysimakhos’ vessels. Defeated at sea, and without any suitable allies to turn to for naval assistance, the Lysimacheads are forced to carry the battle over to land—a theatre in which the trials of the war have shown them wanting when faced with the might of Roma.

In April, 225 B.C., the Roman consul M. Claudius Marcellus lands at Thakapē with twelve legions. He manages to successfully take both Akholla and Ruspina by the fall of 223 B.C. Indeed, he enjoys a great deal of success in Aphrikē, defeating King Lysimakhos II at Leptis in June, 222 B.C. Though the King of Karkhēdōn finally manages to defeat the Roman proconsul near Neapolis in March, 221 B.C. scoring a devastating victory and forcing Marcellus to retreat, the achievement is bittersweet. The Roman retreat of the spring and summer of 221 B.C. is a harsh one, and results in Marcellus instituting a scorched earth policy that leaves much of Aphrikē in ruins. By the time Marcellus and his armies sail for Sikilia in September, 221 B.C., King Lysimakhos II, faced with both the losses of much of his men and ships and a devastated kingdom, is compelled to surrender.

In the Peace of Syrakousai, concluded in the late spring of 220 B.C. the Roman Republic is merciless. While King Lysimakhos is allowed to retain his territory on the Iberian Peninsula and what remains of his fleet, he receives very little other concessions. Karkhēdōn is forced to cede Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic Islands to Rome (effectively giving the Republic control of the seas), agree to halt any further expansion into the Iberian Peninsula, and pay a heavy indemnity of 3,000 talents in ten annual installments.

Even worse, the war has left Karkhēdōn essentially bankrupt. This is due to several reasons: the state treasury has greatly suffered due to the disruption in trade caused by the war’s length; the destruction of much of the kingdom’s fleet has resulted in a loss of supremacy at sea, and thus control of much of the trade in the western Mediterranean Sea; as the kingdom’s armies are primarily composed of mercenaries from Ibēria and Aphrikē, their heavy cost (again due to the length of the conflict) has also been difficult to shoulder for the state; finally, the ruin and devastation of the rich lands of the Aphrikē by Marcellus has destroyed much of the local economy.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
And so the mauling the Great King took at the hands of the Romans is now de jure as well as de facto. And Carthage has just gotten ground underfoot, Second Punic War style.

Keep up the good work.

When will we meet that guy who ended every speech with "Carthage must be destroyed"?
 

Deleted member 5909

The Argead Empire during the Punic Wars.
Years 5 to 20 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.
(245 B.C. – 230 B.C.)

“Flow backward to your sources, sacred rivers,
And let the world's great order be reversed.
It is the thoughts of men that are deceitful,
Their pledges that are loose.”

-- Euripidēs of Athens, from his play Mēdeia


As the war unfolds and Artabazos’ ineptitude as a commander is revealed in the constant stream of dispatches reaching the synedrion, Queen Berenikē finds herself under increasing pressure from royal council to recall the khiliarkhos from the Balkans. Queen Berenikē, however, refuses to listen to the advice of her own more experienced councilors, and instead proudly continuing to invest her trust in her beloved general. While much of the court nobility had hoped that the strong influence of Artabazos over the queen mother would diminish after he was sent to the front, the opposite now appears to be true, with the khiliarkhos’ power stronger than ever by proxy.

Nevertheless, not even the power of the queen can disguise the failing situation in the west, when the occupation of Thessalia by Roman legions under the command of Lepidus in 244 B.C. destroys much of the court’s faith in Artabazos. However, it is his inability to respond to the Greek revolt the following year, and the loss of the empire’s Balkan possessions, the long held jewel in the Argead crown, which finally erodes what remaining support the khiliarkhos enjoyed at home. Despite even this, Queen Berenikē remains faithful to her lover, believing all setbacks to be only temporary and refusing to consider otherwise.

It is the loss of Makedonia and the mutiny of the Illyrians in 242 B.C., however, which finally turns the queen mother against Artabazos. The province of Makedonia is not only the land of origin of the Argead dynasty itself, but also the ancestral homeland of many of the families of the court nobility. And, with a high degree of intermarriage and syncretism having taken place over the course of the last century between the invading Hellenic nobility and the ancient Persian aristocracy, even a majority of those of the nobility that do not belong to a Hellenic noble house still have some degree of Macedonian ancestry, and thus are personally effected by the loss of the province. Indeed, Artabazos’ actions not only result in his own dishonor in the eyes of the ruling elite, but also the humiliation and disgrace of the empire itself, with the loss of the core of its ancestral homelands.

Even Artabazos’ own death defending Argead control of Thrakē (the dynasty’s only remaining foothold in the Balkans), which he manages to do successfully at the bloody battle of Philippoi in 241 B.C., while at least rehabilitating the general’s own personal honor to some degree, does very little to redeem Queen Berenikē in the eyes of her court and council. On the contrary, without the opportunity to publically separate herself from her former lover by having him recalled and punished, the queen remains forever associated with his failures.

The Sarmatian invasion of the Kingdom of Bosporos the following spring, an Argead client and protectorate, only further increases the queen’s troubles. King Eumēlos III of Bosporos, who has been dealing with minor raids and attacks by the Sarmatian barbarians since his accession in 253 B.C., is now faced with a full scale invasion of the rich lands of the Hypanis River Valley. Unable to defend against the barbarian tribesmen on his own, he appeals to Babylōn for aide. As the Sarmatian invasion threatens to disrupt Argead dominance of the lucrative Black Sea trade, a major source of wealth for the empire, Queen Berenikē is forced to act to protect her interests, even though the empire is already at war in the west.

Sending Ptolemaios of the House of Lagos, satrapēs in Pontos, with a force of 25,000 men north into Bosporos, the queen mother is forced to delay needed reinforcements in Sikilia to the stratēgos Mithridatēs. Though Ptolemaios and King Eumēlos are successful in overcoming the barbarian forces (the Sarmatians being at this time greatly disorganized and prone to internal conflicts), inflicting a crushing defeat on the Sarmatians at the Battle of Olbia in May, 238 B.C. and driving them out of Bosporos, his success goes largely unnoticed in the face of the news of Mithridatēs’ humiliating return to Sikilia from the disastrous Italian campaign.

In the east, it is only King Asokah Maurya’s policy of pacifism and non-aggression due to his staunch Buddhist beliefs that protects the Indian frontier. Indeed, despite the complete failure of nearly all foreign policy during the reign of Queen Berenikē, relations with the Mauryan empire remain as good as ever. The two powers even continue to exchange foreign embassies over the course of the reigns of King Asokah and his successor, King Dasaratha Maurya. This proves greatly beneficial to the far eastern trade routes, which remain secure and prosperous, contributing to the relatively stable economy of the period.

By the spring of 239 B.C. Queen Berenikē has taken a new lover, the Iōnian nobleman Alēktō, only recently appointed to the court rank of timomenos philos (
). Alēktō, himself several years the queen’s junior, soon manages to gain her complete confidence, easily dominating the mind of the weak willed Berenikē Philomētōr. While the Queen Mother shoes the good sense to not give him command of her armies in the west, she nevertheless hastily raises him to the vacant post of khiliarkhos in September, 238 B.C. From this point onwards, Alēktō effectively rules the empire as the power behind the throne, keeping the seventeen year old King Alexandros V Tryphōn as his virtual hostage at Sousa, a move he will later come to regret. As de facto ruler of the empire, Alēktō largely neglects the administration and only pays minimal attention to the failing war effort in the west. Instead, the power hungry khiliarkhos uses his position to secure patronage and favors for his family and supporters, while at the same time increasing his own personal wealth with state funds. It is soon whispered by many that the ambitious Alēktō even plans to wed the Queen Mother and usurp the throne. The new royal favorite soon makes himself the most hated man in the empire. His incompetence and irresponsibility as a ruler already painfully obvious, Alēktō’s promotion of his own favorites and family and his habit of shutting the established Persian-Macedonian ruling class out of power in favor of his own personal circle of supporters does nothing to improve the khiliarkhos’ position.

Meanwhile, by the winter of 236 B.C., the court has lost all confidence in the ability of Queen Berenikē to rule effectively. Neither the army, whom she has continued to neglect and place under the command of disastrous leadership, nor the ruling elite, whom she has ignored, will continue to tolerate her rule for much longer. Already, she is seen as the cause of all the empire’s misfortunes by both noble and peasant alike. It is Queen Berenikē who is blamed for the empire’s involvement in the disastrous war with Roma, the ruinous alliance with Karkhēdōn, the loss of nearly all the Balkan possessions of the Argeads, and the essential rule of the empire by the queen’s favorites. That winter, a court conspiracy soon forms at Ekbatana to overthrow the Queen Berenikē. The courtiers soon manage to win over the Athanatoi (the famed Persian and Mede heavy infantry that composes the royal guard), who are equally eager to see the queen removed from power.

In June, 236 B.C., the nineteen year old King Alexandros V Tryphōn turns against his mother. Fearing that his life is in danger and that Alēktō means to kill him soon, the Great King soon throws in his lot with the conspirators. Further, King Alexandros is by this point tired of being denied power by his mother and her lovers, having long ago reached his majority. Even he has turned against his mother, and is more than willing to betray her and gain absolute power.

At Ekbatana, on August 2, 236 B.C., the conspirators act. That afternoon, the young king seizes power and orders that Alēktō be put to death immediately. When the khiliarkhos’ supporters refuse to obey the commands of the king, he then sets upon them with a force of 2,000 men of his loyal Athanatoi guardsmen, who have secretly been awaiting the king’s order to strike. The royal guards then storm through the palace at the king’s instruction, brutally murdering most of Alēktō’s family and supporters. Not even Queen Berenikē is spared their wrath, and it is King Alexandros himself who gives the order for his mother to be strangled in her bath.

While the hated khiliarkhos manages to escape from the carnage, he is met by an angry mob outside the palace, many of whom have already heard the news of murder in the palace and have come calling for the hated Alēktō’s blood. The mob believes mistakenly, spurred on by false rumors, that it is the khiliarkhos who as violently seized power at the royal court. The enraged mass attacks the khiliarkhos, viciously bludgeoning and beating him, and then literally tearing the man limb from limb with their bare hands. Afterwards, the throng of subjects then goes about looting the city and committing random acts of violence against any perceived supporters of the khiliarkhos while parading his severed head on a pike, wrongly believing the young king to be slain. The violence is only quelled when King Alexandros V himself appears upon the steps of the palace before his people and surrounded by his faithful guards. The message is clear: justice has been done and the rightful Great King of Asia is both alive and restored to power.

Alēktō’s corpse is denied the right to a proper burial by royal command, and instead, the mangled pieces of his body are thrown from the city’s walls into a ditch below to rot. King Alexandros is more merciful towards his mother, though probably only out of filial piety. Queen Berenikē’s body is whisked out of the city that night; denied the right to be embalmed like the rest of her predecessors, the queen’s body is instead hastily cremated and her ashes quietly laid to rest in the royal necropolis at Sousa. King Alexandros afterward orders his mother’s name removed from the list of kings and denies her a public funeral; further, the temple fires are not extinguished to mark her passing and she is denied the honors of her own royal cult. The Great King even refuses to instigate any period of mourning in her honor or openly acknowledge either her death or her former existence. Indeed, on November, 236 B.C. King Alexandros V even changes his regnal name—the royal name which all Argead monarchs personally select to reign under—from ‘Tryphōn’ to ‘Eupatōr’ (“of a good father”), as if to further disassociate himself with the past and mark the beginning of a new era.

Despite his best efforts however, the new King Alexandros V Eupatōr is unable to regain the upper hand in the longstanding war with Roma. His mother’s disastrous conflict will be her single lasting legacy to the empire, as it forces the Great King of Asia to sue for peace with the Romans after the loss of Sikilia in 231 B.C., abandoning the ill fated alliance with Karkhēdōn. The decision will prove very politically and economically sound in the long term, as it will restore relations with Roma and ensure stability in the Mediterranean.

As the year 230 B.C. comes to a close, King Alexandros’ fortunes seem to be on the rise, as his popularity has managed to remain firm with all of his subjects even with the humiliating losses of the war confirmed in the treaty of Brundisium—although to be fair, the enduring hatred of his mother by the people allows him to easily shift much of the blame away.

([FONT=&quot]) The lowest court rank with access to the synedrion, the royal council, the timomenoi philoi were a large number of courtiers known as "honorable companions" to the Great King (by the middle of the Argead Empire, the rank was automatically granted to a majority of the ruling elite and their clients as a matter of course).

[/FONT]
Diadochi_satraps_babylon-5.png

Above: the Eastern Mediterranean Sea at the end of the Punic War in 220 B.C., with the Roman Republic and its clients in red and the Argead Empire and its vassals in blue.

 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 5909

The Reign of King Alexandros V Eupatōr.
Years 20 to 54 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos.
(230 B.C. – 196 B.C.)

“Be a lion at home and a fox abroad.” -- Persian proverb.

In order to secure peace on the western frontier King Alexandros V Eupatōr weds his half-sister, Laodikē, the daughter of Queen Apama and widow of King Pyrros of Thessalia in 229 B.C. Like his predecessors the Great King of Asia does not limit himself to monogamy however, but instead takes several wives in the oriental custom, mostly to seal alliances with neighboring kings: in 227 B.C. he weds the princess Tishyaraksha, daughter of King Dasaratha Maurya to secure peace on the eastern frontier; the following year, he marries the princess Eirēnē, daughter of King Eumēlos of Bosporus. However it is the lady Drypetis, daughter of the Persian noblemen and sōmatophylax() Artabanos of the noble clan of Artavazdēs, who becomes King Alexandros’ final and favorite wife in 223 B.C.

While there has already been a great deal of syncretism between east and west during the reigns of King Alexandros III Megas and his successors, it is the reign of King Alexandros V Eupatōr that witnesses the start of a distinct period of increasing cultural assimilation into the oriental fold. With the loss of Makedonia, the final link to the Argead Empire’s Greek cultural roots is essentially lost. This has the effect of creating a gradual shift, with the king and the ruling elite adopting more and more aspects of oriental culture, particularly the customs of Anatolē, Persis, and Syria. This results in a budding Persian revival (especially in such areas as art, architecture, poetry, and recreation), and the increasing identification of the Achaemenid dynasty with the Argeads, who view themselves as their legitimate successors by conquest and divine descent from Zeus-Ahuramazda. Nevertheless, at the same time, many aspects of Hellenistic culture still remain very strong—such as Greek remaining the official language of the empire and its upper classes and Greek literature, sciences, and philosophy retaining their dominant place in society.

Realizing that the empire’s army is outdated in its structure and tactics, King Alexandros V begins reforming his armies in 219 B.C. This is both in response to the great humiliation suffered during the Punic War, and a reaction to the loss of the Balkan possessions. The Great King’s reorganization of the army is greatly influenced by the Roman legion and the old structure of Achaemenid army. The new Argead army is far more disciplined and organized, with a focus on systemized attacks and tactics and a decreased use of more out of date formations such as the phalanx. As these reforms are both extensive and far reaching, they are not fully realized until 210 B.C. Having realized the effectiveness of mounted troops against heavy infantry during the Punic wars, the Argead Empire now invests far more heavily in heavy cavalry unit, with the professional heavily armed foot soldier unit slowly losing his place to light infantry levied from the provinces, especially with the loss of a regular supply of Greek and Macedonian hoplites. Heavy infantry troops continue to remain predominant in those forces levied from Armenia and Thrakē, however. Light horsemen are commonly used, in contrast, with most being drawn from the populations of the more remote provinces, such as Baktrianē, Maketa, and Sogdianē, and also the ranks of auxiliary allies. Unlike other neighboring lands, the Argead Empire has always maintained a standing army to garrison its frontiers and serve as elite royal guards, a custom brought from Makedonia by King Alexandros III, and thus little reform is needed to be pursued in this area.

The structure of the army is also reformed, with a far more manageable decimal system instituted. The principle organizational unit of the army becomes the myrias, or a force of 10,000 men, under the command of a hēgemōn. The myrias is divided into ten units each known as a khiliostys, which number 1,000 men each, and are commanded by a lokhagos. Each khiliostys is further subdivided into ten units each of 100, known as an hekatontarkhia, under the command of an officer known as an hekatontarkhēs. Finally, all hekatontarkhia are further subdivided into the smallest unit, the a so-called “tent group” of ten soldiers, or the dekania, overseen by a dekarkhos. In addition, an army, or stratia, can be formed by two or more myrioi being combined under the command of a stratēgos (general). Myrioi also contain elite units of war elephants organized into a group of twenty, and known as a thērarkhia. A majority of myrioi have at least one attached thērarkhia unit, due to the use of war elephants in battle. Further, auxiliary units, mainly levied from client kingdoms and allies also exist, all of which are grouped into khiliostys units, and mainly consist of light infantry and cavalry. The royal guard is also reformed, with a majority of the other individual guards being subsumed into the Immortals (athanatoi), who retain their name though not their previous organization. Instead, the Immortals are now to consist of ten khiliostys numbering 10,000 in total, all under the command of a stratēgos, and consisting solely of heavy cavalry, a move which ensures that they are generally drawn only from the empire’s nobility.

This new military machine is first put to the test in 208 B.C. with devastating efficiency, when King Alexandros V personally leads a campaign against the marauding Parni tribes, who have been raiding and attacking the steppes of the Parthian frontier for the last decade. The campaign proves a success, and after defeating the Parni in a series of small scale battles, King Alexandros V finally manages to crush them near Alexandria Margos, on the Bactrian frontier, driving the Parni further north and forcing their chieftain Araskēs and his allies on the northern steppes to pay annual tribute to the Argead Empire from 205 B.C. onward.

The Parni threat finally vanquished, King Alexandros V turns his eyes southward, towards the rebellious Sabaeans. By this time, the Kingdom of Saba in Eudaimon Arabia, though technically an Argead ally and client since the reign of King Alexandros IV Sōtēr, has long stopped paying tribute to the empire. While the kingdom’s payments were already irregular during the reign of King Philippos III Euergetēs, the accession of Queen Berenikē and her preoccupation with the Punic War has allowed the Sabaeans to declare full autonomy, with King Samah Ali Yanuf cutting off all ties with the Argeads after 239 B.C. King Alexandros V has long desired to subdue the kingdom and regain control of the wealthy incense trading routes to the south, though he has thus far been unable, due mostly to the focus he has been keeping on reforming the empire after the disasters of the Punic war. His victory over the Parni, however, finally motivates him to act against the Sabaeans.

The Great King invades Saba in the spring of 206 B.C. Utilizing his control of the Persian Gulf, King Alexandros V prepares a fleet at Nikaia Maketa, where he launches his invasion, sailing around the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula with an army of 65,000 and landing near Qana in May. From there, he marches north, encountering King Samah Ali Yanuf near Shabwa with a force of 40,000 in July, 204 B.C. While the armies of Saba (mostly composed of mercenaries from the surrounding desert tribes) are able to hold their ground against the advancing Argead forces, they are no match for their superior organization and discipline. King Samah and his forces are defeated and forced to retreat west.

Sacking the Sabaean capital of Marib after a four month long siege in November, King Alexandros V winters there, securing his dominance of the kingdom’s central and eastern regions. It is only the following summer, however, near the coastal city of Aden, that the Great King manages to finally defeat the Sabaeans, capturing King Samah, and having him strangled before the assembled men of his Athanatoi guard. While the Great King declares victory in the fall, he soon realizes that his successes have been premature. The Sabaeans and their allies in the lands of Himyar and Qataban are not so quick to surrender, despite their defeat at Aden. Instead, under the leadership of several powerful local clans, they mount a guerilla war against the invading Argeads, beginning in October, 203 B.C. Thus, the Great King finds his conquest of Saba now greatly undermined by near constant attacks by rebellious clans.

As King Alexandros V has little desire to annex the kingdom, he instead installs an Argead puppet at Timna, King Karab II Zarih, a younger nephew of the late King Samah. Leaving him with a force of 15,000 to garrison the rebellious client state, King Alexandros V then abruptly withdraws with most of his army, sailing for the Sea of Elat in April, 202 B.C. Despite the mixed results seen in Saba and the heavy unrest in that land, the Great King sees his campaign as having been a success, as he has now managed to install his own client king to rule over Eudaimon Arabia, and has at least recovered Argead dominance of the lucrative incense trade.

The last years of the Great King’s long reign are spent in securing the succession. With the death of his two eldest sons, Philippos (in 203 B.C.) and Amyntas (in 201 B.C.), both of whom by his Mauryan wife Queen Tishyaraksha, he decides to make his younger son Tiridatēs (b. 215 B.C.), eldest child of his favorite wife Queen Drypetis, his heir, having sired no sons by his half-sister, the late Queen Laodikē. While it is probable that the deaths of both Queen Tishyaraksha’s sons was due to poisoning by the ambitious Prince Tiridatēs (or else by some other rival half-brother, perhaps Queen Eirēnē’s sons, Asandros or Lysimakhos), the aging Great King does not seem to notice the rivalry within his harem as it has become fairly routine over the last generation.

On December 11, 199 B.C. at Babylōn, the fifteen year old Tiridatēs is officially proclaimed his father’s co-ruler under the royal name King Tiridatēs Epiphanēs (“the illustrious”). In the ancient custom, the new king is then wed to both Queen Laodikē’s daughters, his half-sisters Barsinē and Amastris, that same year. The young king is then soon after dispatched to the province of Baktrianē to act as satrapēs there in 198 B.C., probably for his own protection from court plots, though his father’s failing health necessitates that he be recalled in 196 B.C.

King Alexandros V Tryphōn Eupatōr dies of natural causes at Sousa on March 24, 196 B.C. aged fifty-eight, leaving for his heirs a stable and reformed empire. Greatly mourned by the royal court, he is immediately deified, with the royal cult of Theos Eupatōr being instituted soon after his death at the command of his son the new King Tiridatēs, who also orders an extended period of mourning for three months. Indeed, the new king’s devotion to his father is obvious, as his own coronation does not take place at Pasargadai until August, 196 B.C., after which time the royal fires are finally relit in the temples.

() The highest rank at the royal court, the sōmatophylakēs were a set of nine personal companions who sat upon the synedrion and were drawn from only the most elite families of the nobility.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
And so the mauling the Great King took at the hands of the Romans is now de jure as well as de facto. And Carthage has just gotten ground underfoot, Second Punic War style.

Well, first Punic War style. Carthage still has Iberia and its own hinterland, as opposed to being reduced to a powerless city-state as after the Second. Even an equivalent to the OTL mercenary war is set up, with a large number of now jobless mercenaries awaiting payment and the State finances in disarray. Wonder if some Greek verson of Hamilcar Barca is going to make a name for himself, with his young son at his side...

As for the TL, nice. Noted that the incest continues. How long before we start getting people like the later Ptolemies, or God forbid, Charles II of Spain. Also, is there an OTL basis for the use of Hegemon as a major-general equivalent? Seems a bit odd for a middle senior officer rank when the Great King's grandfather held the title as overlord of the Hellenes.

I also see that the adoption of the harem is leading to classic harem bloodletting. I wonder if it's going to become standard for a Prince to float his way to heir on a sea of sibling blood.
 
Last edited:

Deleted member 5909

The Decline of Karkhēdōn
Years 30 to 54 of Alexandros Eupatōr Theos,
& Years 1 to 2 of Tiridatēs Nikatōr Theos.
(220 B.C. – 194 B.C.)

“…and in conclusion, I promise you, conscript fathers, that Carthago is no more.” -- Q. Fulvius Flaccus in a speech to the Roman Senate.

While the last decade of the third century B.C. has been one of relative peace and prosperity for the Argead Empire, the western Mediterranean has seen only mounting tensions and continued conflict between Roma and Karkhēdōn.

The death of King Lysimakhos II Eupatōr in 211 B.C. brings his grandson, the ten year old King Lysimakhos III Philomētōr to the throne under the regency of his uncle Prince Hērakleidēs. By this time the Kingdom of Karkhēdōn has found itself in a state of decline. The harsh indemnities imposed upon the near-bankrupt Carthaginians by the Treaty of Syrakousai in 220 B.C. has left the kingdom in heavy debt to the Roman Republic, with King Lysimakhos II having already fallen behind on his payments to the Roman Senate by 216 B.C. The lack of sufficient funds has forced prince Hērakleidēs to disband much of the standing army of mercenaries, leaving the kingdom far more vulnerable than ever before. In addition, his heavy taxation of the native Carthaginians has led to an increase in hostilities towards the Greek ruling elite, who, unlike their cousins in the east, have refrained from assimilating or intermarrying with much of the peoples of Karkhēdōn. Instead, the House of Lysimakhos has attempted to impose Hellenic culture upon the Phoenicians of Aphrikē—and, though the old Carthaginian nobility has thus far tolerated their new Greek kings, the recent disasters of the war with Rome, coupled with the heavy taxes now imposed, has made the Lysimacheads very unpopular and increased unrest in the provinces. With the Carthaginian navy greatly diminished from both the disasters of the Punic war and the financial neglect from the bankrupt treasury, Hērakleidēs has found it increasingly difficult to govern the kingdom’s possessions in Ibēria. This is only worsened by the recent policies of the Roman Senate to expand the Republic’s influence on the peninsula’s western coast, in order to consolidate Roman dominance in the Mediterranean Sea.

Realizing that he has little other choice, Hērakleidēs allies himself with the Romans in 208 B.C., ceding them Karkhēdōn’s possessions on the western Iberian coast in exchange for the forgiveness of the remainder of his debts to the Senate. This newest shift of Carthaginian foreign policy, effectively allying the Lysimacheads with their hated enemy, only serves to alienate Hērakleidēs from his only remaining base of supporters: the Macedonian ruling class. In the end, the unpopular regent is murdered by his own bodyguards at Tunis in the summer of 207 B.C. and the fourteen year old King Lysimakhos III is declared of age to rule by the royal council.

However, King Lysimakhos III soon proves to be far more inept than his uncle. Weak willed and easily dominated, the young king falls prey to the various factions of the royal court. Realizing the king’s weakness for beautiful women and the ease with which his lovers can manipulate him, many of his most powerful and enterprising courtiers soon begin plotting against one another to install their own candidates in the royal bedchamber. Between the years 206 B.C. and 201 B.C., King Lysimakhos III takes no less than eleven new concubines in quick succession, all of whom become pawns for their families and the factions that placed them in power. As is to be expected in such an unstable situation, none of the women in question manage to escape violent deaths at the hands of their rivals.

By the winter of 200 B.C. even the king’s own subjects in Karkhēdōn have had enough of the government’s incompetence. On February 15, a mob of over 11,000 Carthaginians storms the royal palace, murdering many of the king’s hated favorites and courtiers, and driving King Lysimakhos and his family from the city. The angry mob calls for the restoration of the old Phoenician oligarchy and the permanent expulsion of all Greeks and foreigners from the city. The result is that the Council of Elders, an elected assembly consisting of members of the old Phoenician aristocracy, is restored to power after over a century of interregnum. The council then proceeds to elect two magistrates known as suffetes, to rule for life, according to the old constitution of the city.

Meanwhile, the colony of Gadeira seizes the opportunity to gain autonomy due to the severe unrest now present in Aphrikē and revolts in the spring of 200 B.C. The city’s Greek population overthrows its governing satrapēs and instead proclaims and independent oligarchy. However, the Greek elite soon proves itself equally unpopular and enjoys only a brief rule, being itself overthrown and driven from the city by the fall of 198 B.C. That same year, the Phoenician aristocrat Adonibaal seizes power as king, taking advantage of the present power vacuum in southern Ibēria to exert his dominance over much of the remaining Carthaginian possessions there by 196 B.C. That same year, the Roman Senate, now realizing the value of a Phoenician client state in Ibēria as a buffer against any future Carthaginian expansion there, extends its support to the King Adonibaal, recognizing the new Kingdom of Gadeira and offering the support of Rome in exchange for a payment of annual tribute as an allied client of the republic. King Adonibaal readily agrees, and the next twenty years see a renaissance in Phoenician culture in southern Iberia, under the hegemony of Gadeira, which flourishes under Roman protection.

The resurrected Republic of Karkhēdōn, however, is not so fortunate and proves to be short lived.

Fleeing to nearby Tunis in the winter of 200 B.C., King Lysimakhos is soon after besieged by his rebel Carthaginian subjects in April, 200 B.C. Outnumbered and with very little remaining support, the king forced to flee Tunis with his family and retainers on the night of July 3. Realizing that his only hope for regaining his throne now lies with his former enemies in Roma, the Carthaginian king takes ship for Italy from Utica several weeks later, disguised as a Greek tradesman, arriving in Roma in September, 200 B.C. While the king is granted asylum by the Republic, the Senate at first ignores the king, only agreeing to listen to Lysimakhos’ appeal in February, 199 B.C. This is mainly due to the election of Q. Fulvius Flaccus to the consulship that same month. Flaccus, a member of the anti-Punic party in the Roman Senate, greatly desires to subdue the Carthaginians and destroy what remains of their maritime empire by curtailing their independence and installing the a Roman puppet in Aphrikē. The consul and his political allies hope to see the realization of a Roman client kingdom, granting the Republic control of not only the valuable trade routes of the western Mediterranean once and for all, but also giving Roma access to the fertile, grain rich lands of the African breadbasket.

In March, 199 B.C., preparations begin for the restoration of King Lysimakhos to his throne. Determined to exert his control over the easily cowed king, Flaccus forces King Lysimakhos to sign a humiliating treaty with the Senate in exchange for the Republic agreeing to return his lost throne to him. By the terms of the agreement signed at Ostia on April 4, 199 B.C., King Lysimakhos agrees to pay the Roman Republic 10,000 talents in return for restoring him to power, to be paid in twenty annual installments. Further, the king promises his eternal friendship to the Romans as an ally in both defense and trade, and agrees to allowing the Senate to maintain a garrison of 2,000 legionaries in Aphrikē on loan for the next two decades, in order to ensure both that the terms of the treaty are carried out, and also that all future unrest is sufficiently dealt with (the king no longer having the funds to maintain the mercenary corps of his predecessors). Flaccus invades Aphrikē in the early summer, landing at Ruspina on June 12, 199 B.C. with three legions at his command.

The new Carthaginian Republic, however, is still too weak to adequately respond to the Roman invasion, lacking both the funds and the organization to take the defensive. The Phoenician aristocrats of the Council of Elders, having inherited the empty treasury of the Lysimacheads, are now forced to donate a great deal of their own personal wealth to finance the war; further, the republic is also compelled to heavy tax its citizens, which soon turns much of the people against the new government. This also results in growing unrest in the city itself, especially by the ‘urban mob’, which has swelled greatly in recent years, due mostly to the depopulation of the war torn African countryside.

With limited finances at its disposal, the Council of Elders is only able to levy a force of 11,000, mostly mercenaries hired from the nearby Berber tribesmen, which is placed under the joint command of the suffetes Azrubaal and Bomelqart. The suffetes and their army meet Flaccus and his advancing legions near Tunis on August 8, 199 B.C. While both Azrubaal and Bomelqart fight bravely they are far too outnumbered by the Romans. Further, the Carthaginian generals are forced to contend with the low morale present amongst their soldiers, most of whom have been inadequately paid and supplied. Within hours of engaging the enemy, the Carthaginian forces are quickly overcome by Flaccus and his legions; those that are not cut down soon break ranks and retreat, abandoning the republic. By the day’s end, the corpses of both Azrubaal and Bomelqart can be found amongst the 5,000 Carthaginian dead who litter the battlefield. The Carthaginian army now routed, the way is clear for Flaccus and his men to march upon Karkhēdōn itself. With the death of both the republic’s ruling magistrates, however, the Council of Elders is left unprepared to adequately defend itself. After only several weeks of siege, the Phoenician aristocracy surrenders on September 13 and opens the city to the invading Romans.

Flaccus, a known sympathizer with the anti-Punic party in Rome, proves to be just as ruthless in victory as he is in battle. The consul gives his soldiers leave to pillage and loot the city, despite the pleas for mercy from its citizens. Over the course of the next three days, the legionaries slaughter and rape a great deal of the Carthaginian citizenry, aristocratic and urban poor alike, burning down the famed palace of Lysimakhos and the great temple of Baal Hammon, and carrying off with them over 4,000 talents worth of gold and slaves. As promised, King Lysimakhos is then restored to his throne by Flaccus and his legionaries, though the ruin and destruction wreaked upon Karkhēdōn by the Romans necessitates that he is forced to temporarily move his capital north to Utica, until the damage can be repaired. While Flaccus sails for Italia the following spring, in 198 B.C., he leaves his garrison of 2,000 legionaries as promised, under the command of the military tribune Ti. Claudius Nero. For his successes at Tunis, the former consul is granted an ovation on the Alban Mount by the Roman Senate.

King Lysimakhos, however, finds himself in an even more desperate situation than before. As the looting of the Romans (and the desperate defensive measures of the defeated Carthaginian republic that preceded this) have incurred further financial troubles, Lysimakhos finds Karkhēdōn to be once again a bankrupt state. Though he attempts to remedy the problem by putting much of the surviving Phoenician aristocracy to death and confiscating their wealth and estates, the king is soon disappointed to find the amount levied inadequate. Forced to heavily tax his subjects in order to pay his debts to Roma, the king, who enjoyed some popularity upon his return with the urban poor, now finds himself even more unpopular than before—though the continued presence of Nero and his garrison ensure that all unrest is harshly crushed. With Roman recognition of the new Kingdom of Gadeira in 196 B.C., he is further forced to openly recognize the rebel King Adonibaal and abandon all claim to Karkhēdōn’s remaining possessions near the Pillars of Hēraklēs. This humiliation causes the restored remains of the Macedonian aristocracy, his only power base outside Nero’s legions, to also withdraw much of their support.

Under attack from all sides, Lysimakhos is thus forced to confiscate a great deal of the grain produced in the fertile regions of Aphrikē, dispatching regular shipments to Roma in order to pay off the massive debts he has incurred. While his tactic provides a convenient way of buying off the Romans with the only remaining source of income he has left, it only serves to increase unrest in the provinces, causing more and more peasants to abandon their farms and the great urban mobs of Karkhēdōn and Utica to swell. With little work available and declining economy due to the loss of Karkhēdōn’s control over trade in the Mediterranean, most of the urban subjects of the kingdom are thus reduced to poverty and starvation, while the ample grain reserves of Aphrikē are plundered and sold to Roma to pay off the unpopular king’s mounting debts.

It thus comes as no surprise to the Roman Senate that the king’s second reign is far shorter than his first. In November, 194 B.C., an angry mob in Utica soon rises up and murders King Lysimakhos III. As the king is seen as expendable, the Romans, under the command of Claudius Nero, do not act to protect him. Instead, they wait for the mob’s two day rampage through the city to end, and then quietly proclaim Lysimakhos’ three year old bastard son as King Lysimakhos IV, with the Roman Senate acting as executor of the murdered king’s realm and estate.

iberia.png

Above: the Western Mediterranean in 190 B.C, with the Roman Republic and her clients in red.
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 5909

As for the TL, nice. Noted that the incest continues. How long before we start getting people like the later Ptolemies, or God forbid, Charles II of Spain. Also, is there an OTL basis for the use of Hegemon as a major-general equivalent? Seems a bit odd for a middle senior officer rank when the Great King's grandfather held the title as overlord of the Hellenes.

I also see that the adoption of the harem is leading to classic harem bloodletting. I wonder if it's going to become standard for a Prince to float his way to heir on a sea of sibling blood.

First off, while there is a great deal of incest now taking place within the royal house, remember that there is still new blood being introduced to the gene pool. Unlike in Egypt, marriage between full siblings was considered incestuous in Ancient Persia; and, as we've seen, the Great Kings taking several wives increases the chances for an heir to be born to another queen. I'm trying to model the Argead practice on the customs of the Parthians and Achaemenids in OTL. So, any resulting interesting products from inbreeding will be delayed a few generations, so long as the gene pool doesn't get too shallow for a while.

Second, remember that in Ancient Greek, "hegemon" only means "leader", and was often used for the leaders of military units in Greece. It was never the formal title of the leader of the Corinthian League, or indeed, of any Hellenic association, only a shorthand term used in history books for the full formula of "Strategos and Autokrator" ('commander and ruler').

And yes, you're quite right, I think that there will be at least a few more harem conspiracies and court coups in store for the Argeads--after all, look at the history of the Achaemenid empire in OTL (lots of conflict probably taking place between the sons of a two or three competing queens).

Glad to see everyone enjoying this! Keep up the suggestions :)
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Valdemar II

Banned
First off, while there is a great deal of incest now taking place within the royal house, remember that there is still new blood being introduced to the gene pool. Unlike in Egypt, marriage between full siblings was considered incestuous in Ancient Persia; and, as we've seen, the Great Kings taking several wives increases the chances for an heir to be born to another queen. I'm trying to model the Argead practice on the customs of the Parthians and Achaemenids in OTL. So, any resulting interesting products from inbreeding will be delayed a few generations, so long as the gene pool doesn't get too shallow for a while.

Second, remember that in Ancient Greek, "hegemon" only means "leader", and was often used for the leaders of military units in Greece. It was never the formal title of the leader of the Corinthian League, or indeed, of any Hellenic association, only a shorthand term used in history books for the full formula of "Strategos and Autokrator" ('commander and ruler').

And yes, you're quite right, I think that there will be at least a few more harem conspiracies and court coups in store for the Argeads--after all, look at the history of the Achaemenid empire in OTL (lots of conflict probably taking place between the sons of a two or three competing queens).

Glad to see everyone enjoying this! Keep up the suggestions :)

Honestly inbreeding are not going to be a problem, yes some of Argeads will turn out rather warped, but because of the polygamy of the Argeads there will be other healthy sons to take the crown. The biggest probem are if any of the Great Kings kill of all their male relatives to secure the throne and turn out sterile, but I expect some of their brothers to be spared.
 

Deleted member 5909

The Fourth Mauryan War
Years 1 to 11 of Tiridatēs Nikatōr Theos.
(196 B.C. – 185 B.C.)

“When King Tiridates returned from the east in triumph, he was not returning to Babylon [sic] as conquering Greek hero, a New Bacchus, as his ancestor Alexander Magnus had. Instead, it is obvious that the King of Kings was acting far more closely to mimic the Persian lord Cyrus the Great. It is further proof, in my mind, that the later Argeads were nothing but oriental despots as their forebears in Persis had been, and that their conquest of India was but the extension of the Kingdom of Asia into the farthest reaches of the east, as its kings had always desired since the time of Cyrus himself. This should come as no surprise, however: many a Roman traveler has left written record of how by the time of King Alexander V and the Punic Wars, the conquering Macedonian nobility and the native Persian aristocracy had intermixed to the point of being indistinguishable—and indeed, were treated as one cohesive elite by their kings.” -- D. Iunius Brutus, Lives

With the Roman Republic on occupied with expanding its territory and influence in the western Mediterranean Sea, the young and ambitious King Tiridatēs has shifted the empire’s focus once more to the wealthy eastern frontiers.

In India, the once great Mauryan Empire is now in decline. Since the death of the mighty King Asokah Maurya in 232 B.C., his successors have proved increasingly inept at managing the vast territories and peoples of the empire. Indeed, the last twenty-five years have seen no less than five Mauryan kings, all of whom who have almost exclusively neglected the empire’s administration and devoted themselves to spiritual affairs (such as living as a Jainist hermit or promoting the spread of Buddhism to foreign lands), or else been almost completely inept at governing their many subjects and have resorted to brutal tyranny to maintain power. The current ruler (Sanskrit: Samrāt), King Satadhanvan Maurya, while neither religious fanatic nor despot, has nonetheless proved just as incompetent at overseeing his empire’s government as his predecessors. Faced with a long ignored military and administration, and a royal court divided by intrigues and conspiracies after over two decades of weak, short reigning kings, King Satadhanvan finds himself unable to prevent the steady loss of much of his possessions on the southern subcontinent to the growing power of his former vassals: the Dravidian kingdoms of Puzhinadu and Vijadharas, among others.

King Tiridatēs sees the disorganization in India as the chance to expand his eastern frontiers. The Great King wishes to realize the ambitions of his ancestor and childhood hero Alexandros Basileus Theos, and expand his domains to the Ganges River Valley. Thus, in the early spring of 193 B.C., the Great King of Asia travels to Baktrianē to begin preparations for an Indian campaign, leaving his mother Queen Drypetis in Sousa as his regent. Wishing to emulate both Alexandros III Megas and the kings of the old Achaemenid Empire, the King Tiridatēs embarks with a massive retinue to accompany him on his campaign, which includes not only his favored courtiers and the primary members of the synedrion (such as his sōmatophylakēs and stratēgoi), but also many of his wives, concubines, and children, and an entire staff of eunuchs and slaves. Despite the size of the royal baggage train, it will nevertheless become a trend that the Great King’s successors will follow when campaigning, as it allows him to keep both ambitious relatives and over mighty courtiers from being of any potential trouble at home.

The Great King of Asia invades the Mauryan Empire in May, 192 B.C. with an army of over 55,000 infantry, 25,000 cavalry, and 2,000 war elephants, marching east from Sangala and crossing the Hyphasis River, entering the Mauryan province of Kamyaka. With King Satadhanvan still unprepared in the east, King Tiridatēs lays siege to the city of Manusa on the banks of the Saraswati River by July. As the city’s garrison numbers only 10,000, it easily falls to the Argeads by September. While the Great King’s stratēgoi encourage him to move swiftly towards the undefended Ganges Valley and besiege Panaprastha, King Tiridatēs decides against this course of action due to the large size of his war party and instead decides to winter at Manusa with his forces. This allows King Satadhanvan Maurya sufficient time to muster his forces near Mathura and march north to face the invading Argeads.

In the early spring King Tiridatēs marches further east, taking the city of Panaprastha by late May. Soon after, on June 15, 191 B.C., the Great King of Asia and his forces finally encounter King Satadhanvan on the banks of the Yamuna River, with a force of 90,000 Mauryan soldiers (including 70,000 infantry and 3,000 war elephants). While the Mauryan king has the advantage of numbers on his side, King Tiridatēs proves himself the superior tactician. Using the 10,000 heavy cavalry of his prized Athanatoi corps (the elite royal guard known as ‘the Immortals’), the Great King smashes through the ranks of Mauryan foot soldiers, inflicting heavy casualties upon King Satadhanvan and forcing him to retreat east into Panchala, having lost over 24,000 of his men to the Argead king. The victory proves significant for King Tiridatēs, as it allows him to finally take the undefended city of Indraprastha that August, where he and his forces spend the winter months, only continuing east in their pursuit of King Satadhanvan in the late spring of 190 B.C.

News of the success of King Tiridatēs soon reaches the prince Kumārasri Megha, King Satadhanvan’s governor (Sanskrit: Kumara) of the royal province of Ujjayani. The ambitious Indian lord betrays his king after hearing of the defeat of the Mauryan army at Yamuna, sending an envoy to Indraprastha in the late fall and offering his allegiance to King Tiridatēs. Realizing the potential in such an alliance, King Tiridatēs readily accepts, recognizing Kumārasri as independent King of Avanti, and in return, receiving both his support and a gift of 30,000 allied auxiliaries, including 2,000 prized more Indian war elephants.

In April, 189 B.C., the Great King of Asia and his armies (now swelled to over 95,000 men) continue on their march in pursuit of King Satadhanvan. The Argead army enters Viratapuri in June, the city having surrendered almost immediately to the Great King upon hearing of his alliance with the new King Kumārasri—who himself meets King Tiridatēs there the following month with reinforcements, deciding to personally take command of his auxiliaries during the course of the campaign to ensure maximum gains for himself in Avanti once the war is over. From there, the massive army marches east, besieging the famed city of Mathura in September. While the city manages to withstand the assault throughout the winter months, the garrison in place there finally surrenders on February 21, 188 B.C., half-starved and no longer in possession of any will to carry on. In retribution for its refusal to surrender to the hosts of the Lord of Asia, King Tiridatēs allows his men to loot and pillage the wealthy city on the Yamuna, sacking and laying waste to Mathura for a period of three days, after which the Great King orders its surviving peoples sold into slavery and what remains of the citadel raised to the ground. King Tiridatēs’ brutality is meant to send a clear message to his enemies: those that surrender peacefully to him will be spared, but all who dare to oppose his conquest of India will be severely punished. Further, by looting the city he is both able to enrich himself and his new Indian allies, securing their future loyalty.

King Satadhanvan does not finally lead a proper defensive attack against his enemies until the summer, having spent the last year regrouping at Ayodhya. Until this time, aside from a series of sieges and light skirmishes, the Argeads have not seen actual action with the Mauryans since Yamuna. On August 22, 188 B.C., King Satadhanvan attacks the Argead armies and their allies at Krivi. The battle, one of the bloodiest in the history of the Argead Empire, rages on for the space of two days, with King Tiridatēs managing to hold the high ground above the banks of the Ganges and King Satadhanvan refusing to concede defeat in his own country. In the end, with over 62,000 soldiers now lying dead upon the field of battle, King Satadhanvan Maurya finally abandons his ill fated advance and retreats east with his forces for the second time. King Tiridatēs has won the day, though at the heavy cost of 21,000 casualties.

Victorious, King Tiridatēs crosses the Ganges River in September, fully conscious that by doing so he has managed to achieve something that not even the great Alexandros Basileus Theos ever managed. India is now awaiting him on a silver salver. Spending the winter at Kampilya with his host, the Great King is pleased to receive envoys from such major cities as Ayodhya, Kasi, and Kausambi, all of whom, having heard reports of the vicious Sack of Mathura, are terrified into capitulating to the conquering warlord. By the time that Argead army finally marches east in March, 187 B.C., King Tiridatēs is master of the upper Ganges Valley.

Meanwhile, at the Mauryan capital of Pataliputra, word of the crushing defeats endured at Yamuna and Krivi has not been well received by the powerful Kshatriya caste, which makes up the military elite of the Mauryan Empire. In the eyes of much of the old Vedic nobility, the defeats of King Satadhanvan are seen only as the culmination of a long period of humiliations and military decline since the adoption of policies influenced by the pacifist faiths of Buddhism and Jainism during the reigns of King Asokah Maurya and his successors. The general Pusyamitra Sunga in particular, a devout follower of the traditional Vedic religion, sees the actions of the government as weak and shameful, believing that the defeats endured at the hands of the Argeads are simply signs of the anger of the gods at their neglect in favor of the growing new Buddhist faith. As many of the nobility of the old Kshatriya warrior caste and Brahmin priestly caste share his views, at least to some degree, he has little trouble gathering support at the royal court. The conspirators don’t have to await the opportunity to act for long: by February, news reaches the royal capital of the surrender of the great city of Ayodhya to King Tiridatēs. Drawing on the dissatisfaction of his soldiers, Pusyamitra Sunga and his allies strike at once, betraying the Mauryan king as he reviews his troops outside the city and violently stabbing him to death on February 20, 187 B.C. The Kshatriya general immediately proclaims himself samrāt of the empire as King Pusyamitra Sunga, supported by his loyal soldiers and the influential Brahmin priests. In order to appease the gods and gain their divine favor for his campaign against the Argeads, the king immediately exiles all Buddhists faithful from his court and order the closing of all Buddhist monasteries within the lands directly under his control—by this time limited only to the Lower Ganges River Valley and Kalinga. From the ashes of the old Mauryan Empire, the new Sunga Kingdom is born.

By this time, however, King Tiridatēs’ armies are beginning to tire of over six years of campaigning in the far east. The Great King now sees history repeating itself, as he is now possibly facing the very same trials endured by Alexandros Basileus Theos: the mutiny of tired and homesick soldiers. Further, the Great King’s stratēgoi are advising him that any further conquest of India will stretch the limits of the Argead administration beyond the point of effective governance. Instead, they advise him to take advantage of his dominant position and offer peace terms favorable to the empire. Knowing that he is now facing the very real possibility of a revolt by his forces, the Great King finally relents and offers to make peace with the new Sunga Kingdom, in exchange for recognition of all his recent conquests and the promise of a large tribute to be paid annually to the Argead Empire. The peace offer is just what King Pusyamitra has been waiting for, and he sees the halt of the Argead advance as a sign from the gods, who have once again chosen to look favorably upon the kingdom and re-extend their divine protection upon its pious samrāt. In the resulting treaty that is signed at Kasi in July, 187 B.C., King Pusyamitra not only agrees to these terms, but also offers the Great King the hand of his daughter, the princess Prāsādavati, which he accepts as a token of his friendship. In return, to seal the peace agreement, King Pusyamitra Sunga weds King Tiridatēs’ sister, the Argead princess Artakama—a great honor, considering that she is the Great King’s sole surviving full sister. The treaty also recognizes the creation of the new Kingdom of Avanti under the rule of King Kumārasri Megha.

King Tiridatēs spends the next nine months at Indraprastha with his forces, securing his position in the east and ordering the restoration and construction of a series of fortifications on the empire’s new frontiers. The Great King does not finally depart west with his forces until April, 186 B.C., leaving his stratēgos Alketas at Indraprastha as hyparkhos in India, assisted by several appointed satrapai for the new Indian provinces and a garrison of some 20,000 men. Given the large size of his army and retinue, the Great King of Asia does not finally reach his capital at Sousa until March, 185 B.C. There he is greeted as returning hero by his subjects, who see his victory in India as the fulfillment of the destiny of the great House of Argaïos. In celebration of his triumph, the king publicly offers sacrifices at both the Alexandreum and at the temple of Mithra (the Persian god of war and the king’s own personal patron deity), to solidify the shared heritage of the Argead dynasty and present the conquest of India as the realization of both the dreams of Alexandros and the Persian hero king, Kyros the Great. In honor of the recent conquest of India, the Great King assumes the new royal name of “Tiridatēs Nikatōr” (“the Victor”) at the summer capital of Ekbatana in August, 185 B.C.

Alex-1.png

Above: The Argead and Roman Empires in 185 B.C. and their vassals and allies.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Wow, it seems the blood of Alexander runs true in Tiridates, though I'm rather surprised the Great King is able to campaign for so long so very far from Babylon. Shouldn't there be a secessionist attempt or two, Romans nibbling on the edges, the King of Macedonia trying something what with his equal right to the Argead domains, etc?

Also, isn't a single Satrap for the core of the old Mauryan domains too few? Given India's vast wealth and human resources, the satrap would rival the Great King himself in power, once things settle down. Hell, we could see the same thing that happened to the eastern Argeads happen and have the satrap go native and found a new Indian dynasty. Are satrapies still semi-hereditary and are satraps also commanders of the provincial army?

As a side note, whatever happened the Silver Shields and the other old Argead elite infantry corps?
 

Deleted member 5909

Wow, it seems the blood of Alexander runs true in Tiridates, though I'm rather surprised the Great King is able to campaign for so long so very far from Babylon. Shouldn't there be a secessionist attempt or two, Romans nibbling on the edges, the King of Macedonia trying something what with his equal right to the Argead domains, etc?
At this time, no, because the Romans are far too occupied in the west, especially in Hispania and Africa (expect an update soon on Roman expansion on the Iberian Peninsula and current affairs in Carthage). The Argeads are still in a good position in the west: they have Thrace to act as a buffer against Roman allied Macedon, they have a large navy in the Eastern Mediterranean, and Anatolia is heavily garrisoned.

Also, the Argead Empire is lucky, in the respect that, with the loss of most of their possessions in the Balkans, they are left with a fairly stable empire. The core of their empire consists of the domains of the old Achaemenid Empire, which while consisting of many different peoples nevertheless have a long history of being united under a single ruler, from the Assyrians, to the Babylonians, to the Persians. Alexander was fortunate in OTL: his conquest of the Persian Empire was fairly easy in this regard, and his subjects regarded him as just another Persian king. With a majority of the power players at court away with the king on campaign and trusted officials left behind, there isn't really much chance of revolt, at least not at this time.

Also, isn't a single Satrap for the core of the old Mauryan domains too few? Given India's vast wealth and human resources, the satrap would rival the Great King himself in power, once things settle down.
This was actually a mistake on my part; I meant to say "hyparkhos", a position equivalent to a military viceroy, though not a civil administrator. India will be divided into several provinces with their own respective satraps.

Hell, we could see the same thing that happened to the eastern Argeads happen and have the satrap go native and found a new Indian dynasty.
Quite possibly. Although, remember, the Scythian peoples of the northern steppes migrated south around this time in OTL, probably due to conflicts with the Mongolian tribes that were moving onto the western steppes. So, it's also fairly possible that this will happen in TTL at some point in the near future. A Scythian invasion of India means that a lot is going to change very soon on the subcontinent. Besides, you're quite right, the conquered territories in India are far too large to effectively govern from Babylon.

Are satrapies still semi-hereditary and are satraps also commanders of the provincial army?
I covered this in an earlier update, actually. They are not, and have not been since the reign of Alexander IV. Satraps are drawn from the upper reaches of the nobility and serve for a period of three to five years in TTL before being recalled (you can actually read about it here and here).

As a side note, whatever happened the Silver Shields and the other old Argead elite infantry corps?
These were all subsumed into the new and reformed Athanatoi Immortals during the army reforms in the reign of King Alexander V (It's what I was referring to when I discussed the individual guards being combined here).
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 5909

The African and Greek Revolts
Years 3 to 10 of Tiridatēs Nikatōr Theos.
(193 B.C. – 187 B.C.)

“The Latins may have expanded far too quickly after their victory in the Punic War, but they proved more than capable of holding their new territories in the accompanying tests.” -- from the letters of the philosopher Philippos of Emesa.

The situation in the Mediterranean during the Fourth Mauryan has been relatively volatile, despite a lack of Roman-Argead conflict there.

The installation of the three year old Lysimakhos IV as king in Karkhēdōn by the Roman Republic only serves to further complicate the situation in Aphrikē. While the native population of Phoenicians and Africans, along with the Macedonian aristocracy, is united in its hatred of the occupying Romans, it is far too divided amongst itself to actively resist their presence. At the same time, this does not stop the courtiers from intriguing against one another and attempting to pander to the Romans in order to rise to power. Further, the angry urban mobs of the major cities of the kingdom, now swelling in size, are not above voicing their hatred for the Romans by rioting and attempting to assassinate unpopular monarchs and Roman officials. This all combines to make Aphrikē very difficult to keep under the control of the Roman Senate. However, the grain shipments supplied by the kingdom are crucial, and becoming all the more so in the face of a growing class of urban poor in Italia, due to the decline of small rural farms in favor of growing landed estates; further, the kingdoms strategic position in the Mediterranean (both in terms of trade and warfare) is enough to make it appear worth the cost of money and lives. As a result, however, the Senate refuses to directly annex the kingdom, not wishing to have the impossible task of its governance; instead, it has decided to continue to install its own puppets and back them with Roman legions when necessary.

Thus, when King Lysimakhos’ mother, the regent Polyxenē is poisoned by a rival court faction in the fall of 192 B.C., the Republic supports the regent’s rival for power, the king’s cousin prince Krateros, whom they duly confirm as regent. Like his predecessors, Krateros comes to power at a heavy price: he guarantees further grain shipments and tribute to be paid to the Roman Senate, a senseless move for a kingdom already deeply in debt. When his subjects rebel the following year, the Romans are forced to honor their commitments and send several legions under the command of the consul M. Porcius Cato to put down the rebels, who consist mostly of Berber tribesmen and disposed Phoenician nobles. The war ends up lasting several years, with the rebels employing guerilla tactics to wear down Cato’s resistance. In the end, the proconsul manages to lure them into open battle on the plains near Thala in October, 189 B.C., and destroy what is left of the rebel forces.

In the east, the Republic faces further trouble with its newly subjugated Balkan possessions gained during the Punic Wars. The Greeks of Hellas soon turn against their former Roman allies, seeing them as just another conquering people and no better than the Macedonians. This is mostly due to Roma’s constant interference in their local democracies, ensuring that magistrates remain pro-Latin, and even in some cases (such as in Argos in 193 B.C.), supporting the rise of local tyrants and granting them Roman soldiers to secure their power—directly undermining the Republic’s treaty with the League of Argos. This is all mostly to protect Roman interests in the east, especially in terms of trade and future naval expansion, as well as to ensure that regular supplies of auxiliary forces to Roman legions are continued (especially in troublesome Aphrikē) and that the fiercely independent Greeks do not become too unwieldy allies.

The Greeks finally revolt in the spring of 192 B.C., determined to throw off the yoke of Roman rule and once again gain their former independence and autonomy. However, the Greek cities of Hellas, preoccupied with their former glory, do not realize that Roma is not Persis, and they are not in the military position to successfully attain their goals anymore. Nevertheless, the citizens of Argos act first, as in the past, overthrowing their puppet tyrant and restoring democracy; Delphoi and Olympia soon follow in their example, electing decidedly anti-Latin magistrates that year and ignoring the pressure imposed upon them by far off Roma. By July, 192 B.C., the whole of the League of Argos is in revolt. The rebels soon ally with King Pyrros IV of Thessalia, the young king eager to restore his kingdom’s independence and oppose his hated rival King Antiokhos II of Makedonia in the north (himself also a Roman client).

The Roman Senate sends P. Cornelius Scipio (the proconsul in the Roman province of Epirus) and his legions to deal with the revolt. While Scipio is able to defeat King Pyrros IV with the help his ally King Antiokhos II at Larissa in May, 189 B.C., he finds the League of Argos in the south far more troublesome than expected. The League manages to even defeat Scipio near Khalkis in September, 188 B.C. and hold the whole of Peloponnēsos at the Isthmus of Korinthos. However, Scipio finally manages to overcome them by breaking their defenses and storming the League’s fortifications on the Acrocorinth in February, 187 B.C. After this, the peninsula falls easily into his hands. The League is finally defeated and the rebellion crushed at Megalopolis in August, 187 B.C. Scipio not only sacks Argos, but also directly annexes both Hellas and Thessalia, which become the new province of Achaea. For his efforts, Scipio is hailed as imperator by his troops and granted a triumph by the Roman Senate upon his return to Italia the following year.
 

Deleted member 5909

The Scythian Wars
Years 14 to 25 of Tiridatēs Nikatōr Theos
& Years 1 to 3 of Mithridatēs Philopatōr Theos
182 B.C. – 169 B.C.

“The events surrounding the so-called Night of the Long Knives and the marooning of the women of the royal harem in Pella are the stuff by which tragedies are made of (and indeed, have been, by many a playwright in this century and before). I think, however, that foreign historians have been far too quick to demonize King Mithridatēs Philopatōr for these actions. The Great King of Kings may have been heartless to friend and foe alike, but he was no monster. By sacrificing the lives of a few hundred women and slaves, he may have just saved the empire.” -- Prince Gōtarzēs of the House of Argaïos

In the east, the conquests of King Tiridatēs Nikatōr prove to be short lived. In the north the Scythians invade the province of Sogdianē in the spring of 182 B.C. The Scythians, a nomadic people from the central Asian steppes, have been driven from their homeland by increasing aggression from Xiongu, a Mongolian tribe that has been slowly expanding its western territories over the course of the last century. This has the effect of forcing the Scythians further south from around 200 B.C., finally causing them to migrate into the region of Khorasmia, where they soon begin raiding the wealthy Argead Empire to the south, hoping to settle there. Artoxarēs, King Tiridatēs’ satrapēs in the provinces of Sogdianē and Baktrianē, now finds himself faced with a full scale barbarian invasion. While Artoxarēs at first manages to successfully hold the Scythians at bay, his defeat on the banks of the Iaxartēs River and the resulting sack of the northern city of Alexandreia Eskhatē in the fall of 180 B.C. proves the turning point in the war. Unable to adequately defend his position, Artoxarēs is forced to retreat south and allow the Scythians to overrun much of Sogdianē.

King Tiridatēs immediately acts, mustering his forces at Ekbatana, he marches north to take personal control of the defensive. As usual, the Great King of Asia brings with him a large retinue that includes much of his household and court, slowing his progress to such a speed that he does not reach Baktrianē until February, 178 B.C. Nevertheless, the Great King proves himself fully capable of mounting a defensive campaign against the Scythians, defeating the barbarian tribesmen at Tarmita in September, 178 B.C. Wintering at Sogdianēspetra, he then advances north, inflicting a crushing victory upon the Scythians at Marakanda in April, 177 B.C. This has the effect of forcing the Scythians to retreat north and finally driving them out of most of the province of Sogdianē. While the tribes attempt to mount a second invasion the following spring, they heavy garrison and fortifications erected by King Tiridatēs prevent them from doing so.

The nomadic Scythians do not halt their progress immediately. Instead, with Sogdianē and Baktrianē so heavily defended, they turn their sights east, towards the wealthy lands of India(). In the summer of 174 B.C., the Scythians cross the Paropamisos Mountains and invade the eastern frontiers of Indikē. While the Argead fortifications on the Hyphasis prove enough to prevent the tribes from moving west, they soon set their sides on the rich lands of the east. By early 173 B.C., Alketas, King Tiridatēs’ hyparkhos in India, and his forces find themselves facing a full scale barbarian invasion in the newly conquered region.

King Tiridatēs, however, is unable to come to the aid of his general. In April, 175 B.C., King Antiokhos II of Makedonia sacks Philippoupolis with Roman support, and invades Thrakē. Facing the loss of his valuable buffer in the Balkans, King Tiridatēs marches west with his armies the following summer to defend his interests there, reviving the old rivalry between the two branches of the House of Argaïos. By the time that news reaches him of the Scythian invasion of India in March, 173 B.C., he has already crossed the Hellēspontos with an army of nearly 70,000. Relieving the siege of Beroē, the Great King of Asia defeats King Antiokhos and his Roman allies at Marōneia on November 11, 173 B.C., scoring a massive victory that is remembered ever after as retribution for the humiliations suffered at the hands of the Romans during the Punic War. Wintering in Thrakē, King Tiridatēs thus forces King Antiokhos and his ally, the proconsul M. Marcius Philippus, to retreat into Makedonia for the winter.

Meanwhile, in India, the situation of the Argeads has grown very precarious. Unable to halt the Scythian invasions, Alketas is defeated and slain in combat at Viratapuri on February 19, 172 B.C., along with over 17,000 of his troops, including a number of his supporting satrapai. From this point onwards, the Argead position in India effectively goes into a swift decline, steadily worsening over the course of the next year. King Tiridatēs’ longtime ally, King Kumārasri of Avanti, soon after abandons the Argeads; a confirmed opportunist, King Kumārasri sees the Argead position as quickly sinking, and any attempts to resist the Scythians in the north as futile. Instead, he consolidates his own position in Avanti, desiring to protect his own interests over those of his allies. King Pusyamitra Sunga also turns his back on his former overlord in the west, allying himself with the Scythian tribes to protect his own interest in the Ganges. Betrayed by their former allies and without effective leadership, the remaining forces in India of the hyparkhos Alketas are forced to abandon much of the region and retreat west into the more heavily fortified reaches of the Hyphasis and Indos rivers in the spring of 17o B.C. With India left open, the Scythians soon advance south and overrun much of the former Argead territories there by the fall of 169 B.C.

While King Tiridatēs is angered over the loss of his prized Indian possessions to the invading Scythians, he refuses to turn back in Thrakē. The Great King now realizes that he is on the very cusp of regaining Makedonia, the ancestral homeland of the Argeads, something that the royal house has aspired to since the humiliations of the Punic War. Thinking along dynastic terms, he sees the war on the western theatre as far more important, and thus renews his aggression in the west in the early spring of 172 B.C. In May, 172 B.C., King Tiridatēs defeats Philippus at Sindos, which proves to be one of the most costly defeats in Roman history. Smashing through the lines of the Roman heavy infantry with his cavalry, he inflicts over 25,000 casualties upon the Romans (compared to his own meager 11,000), forcing Philippus and his Macedonian allies to retreat, allowing King Tiridatēs to continue his advance westward. By August, the Great King of Asia is at the gates of Pella, which he manages to finally take by March, 171 B.C. Out of respect for the city’s status as the ancestral capital of the House of Argaïos, the Great King of Asia spares it from being sacked, and instead enters the city in triumph with his forces, publically sacrificing at the temples of Zeus and Hēraklēs.

In Orestis, meanwhile, Philippus and King Antiokhos regroup, swelling their depleted ranks with fresh reinforcements from Italia consisting of three legions. They finally march north in April, 171 B.C., hoping to prevent any further Argead advance into the valuable buffer kingdom. Encountering the Argead armies on the fields of Eoardea on June 15, 171 B.C., they immediately attack. The battle at first appears to be a sure victory for King Tiridatēs, who manages to gain the upper hand. However, without warning, the mighty Great King of Asia is struck by an arrow while personally leading the charge of his cavalry against Philippus and his legions. Thrown from his horse, the mortally wounded King Tiridatēs is soon cut down by an enemy legionary before he can be rescued by his men. Philippus immediately takes advantage of the sudden confusion, luring the Argeads into a trap and outflanking them. The result is that over 30,000 Argead soldiers are slaughtered the ensuing bloodbath. Disorganized and outnumbered, the Great King’s armies are forced to retreat, a decision which is only reached by consensus, allowing another 10,000 to be cut down as they flee.

Fleeing east to Pella, the stratēgoi and sōmatophylakēs of the synedrion find themselves in an awkward position. In the absence of a directly acknowledged heir apparent, the Argead armies are not only leaderless, but face the certainty of permanently losing Thrakē, and with it their foothold in the Balkans. Acting quickly, the stratēgoi immediately proclaim the twenty year old prince Mithridatēs() the new Great King of Asia. The new king, the son of King Tiridatēs Nikatōr by his half-sister Queen Barsinē, takes the royal name “King Mithridatēs Philopatōr” in pious remembrance of his father. The young King Mithridatēs however, despite his age, proves to be far more cunning and ruthless than any of his predecessors.

The decision of the stratēgoi to acknowledge Mithridatēs as their new king is based on several factors: that he is descendant from two royal parents, that he is older than his other half-brothers, and that he is already an experienced soldier and well liked by the army, having seen action with his father. The choice, however, is not well received by the Great King’s other adult half-brothers, the sons of the queens Arsinoē (another half-sister of King Tiridatēs) and Prāsādavati respectively. With very little time to lose in the face of the Roman advance, King Mithridatēs is forced to act quickly.

Two days after being proclaimed king by his troops, a series of events take place over the space of a single evening that will forever be remembered as the infamous “Night of the Long Knives.” The young king orders that all of his surviving half-brothers be strangled in their beds by Athanatoi guards, in the palace at Pella where the army is encamped. Several enemy courtiers, generals, and other offending members of the synedrion are also assassinated, stabbed to death in their tents. The following morning, King Mithridatēs then gathers his troops, leading the retreat east into Thrakē, taking with him not only much of the contents of the royal treasury at Pella, but also the remains of many of his royal ancestors (including the mangled corpse of his father, retrieved by a loyal courtier on the battle field), whose ashes he has commanded to be taken from their tombs for interment in Sousa. Knowing that his army’s retreat will be delayed by the massive baggage train accompanying it, he cruelly abandons the wives and concubines of his father at Pella, along with many of his own slaves and retainers. Many either commit suicide outright rather than fall into the hands of the advancing Romans, or else are captured and sold as slaves when King Antiokhos retakes Pella the following month.

Upon reaching the safety of Perinthos in August, the Great King sues for peace on the advice of his stratēgoi. The Roman Senate, determined to establish a foothold in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, agree to allow the Argead king to retain Thrakē. However, in exchange, he must not only abandon all claims to the Kingdom of Makedonia, but also cede Krētē and the Kyklades to Roma, which he reluctantly agrees to do, seeing the maintenance of a buffer in the west to protect his holdings in Anatolē as far more important than dominance of the waves.

The Treaty of Philippoi concluded in October, 171 B.C., King Mithridatēs and his armies finally return east to Babylōn. In March, 170 B.C., the Great King holds a fabulous series of funeral games at Sousa in honor his father and the “returned” remains of his Argead ancestors, which he entombs in the magnificent royal mausoleum. Afterward he imposes a long period of royal mourning for his popular father, only journeying to Pasargadai in September, 170 B.C., where he is officially crowned and enthroned in the ancient Persian custom, at which time the royal fires are finally relit and the period of mourning over.

Despite the horrendous losses of the Scythian and Thracian wars, the Argead Empire has survived to fight another day.

() This is more or less the same thing that occurred in OTL when the Scythians faced the Greeks of Bactria, and instead were driven into India.
() Born during the Indian campaign, the prince Mithridatēs was named so in honor of his father’s patron, the war god Mithra. His name, and that of his father before him, show a startling trend towards the popularity of Persian names in the House of Argaïos at this time.


ScythianInvasion-1.png


Above: The Argead Empire and its dependencies, 168 B.C.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
All very nice...from an earlier quote from a Roman, it looks like the Argiads aren't going to last out the Roman empire (although the quote in the last post indicates they have at least another century in them). Replacement (eventually) by a purely Persian dynasty, the way the Parthians were OTL?

Bruce
 

Deleted member 5909

The Reign of King Mithridatēs Philopatōr
Years 2 to 17 of Mithridatēs Philopatōr Theos.
(170 B.C. – 154 B.C.)

“I am Mithridatēs Philopatōr, the Great King of Asia and all nations, King of Kings, Lord of the Four Corners of the World, the son of the god Tiridatēs Nikatōr Theos, of divine descent from the great gods Zeus-Ahuramazda and his son Alexandros Basileus Theos. King Mithridatēs Philopatōr says: by the grace of Zeus-Ahuramazda I have built this column, so that the memory of the victories of both I, and of my divine father, in the eastern lands of India, may live forever in the minds of men. May Ahuramazda, Anahita, and Mithra, protect me and my monument against all evil.” -- from the stele inscription on the so-called ‘Column of Tiridatēs’ in Babylōn.

Having come to the throne in a violent bloodbath, King Mithridatēs soon proves to be a ruthless, though able, king. Within days of his coronation festivities at Pasargadai, the Great King of Asia orders his popular grandmother, Queen Drypetis—who has served as his father’s regent in Babylōn during his many campaigns—to be strangled by her own loyal eunuchs at the royal palace of Persepolis. This is mostly due to the influence of King Mithridatēs powerful mother, Queen Barsinē—one of the few women of his father’s harem spared abandonment during the retreat—who sees Queen Drypetis as a threat to her influence at the royal court.

In India, the Argead situation is desperate. With the retreat of much of the empire’s forces into the heavily fortified province of Indikē, the Scythians have been able to overrun much of northern Indian Subcontinent. The loss of Argead dominance in India and the dynasty’s preoccupation with the Scythians has also allowed the Sunga Kingdom to seize much of the empire’s possessions in the upper Ganges Valley, expanding their own influence. By 167 B.C., the Argeads have been forced to almost entirely abandon their possessions in India, with the Indos and Hyphasis rivers becoming the eastern most frontier of the empire. This is mainly due to the Argead Empire’s shift in focus to the western theatre, and the disastrous war in the Balkans. Thus, in late 166 B.C., determined to restore the former glory of his heroic father, King Mithridatēs begins planning a second Indian campaign.

Marching east with his forces (which number almost 65,000 men), the Great King reaches Taxila in November, 164 B.C. Despite the Tragedy of Pella, King Mithridatēs refuses to deviate from established precedent, and he is thus accompanied by a large retinue of concubines, eunuchs, slaves, and courtiers, which slow the advancement of his armies. At first, the Great King enjoys some success, retaking the city of Prasthala in June, 163 B.C., and, after a series of light skirmishes, he even manages to drive the Scythian armies out of the lands of Trigarta by the fall. In May, 162 B.C., King Mithridatēs enjoys a second strategic victory on the banks of the Saraswati River when he manages to massacre a great deal of Scythian light cavalry by outflanking the barbarian army he encounters there. Despite their disorganization, however, the Scythian tribes are still loosely united into a confederacy for the purposes of war, and they are determined to secure control of the fertile and wealthy lands of northwestern India.

This is more than proved on March 4, 161 B.C., when disaster strikes in the Forest of Kamyaka. There, the Great King and his armies are ambushed by a force of Scythian horsemen. While the Great King and most of his retinue manage to at least escape, in the ensuing confusion over 34,000 Argead soldiers are massacred in a military disaster of epic proportions. Without adequate troops and supplies, King Mithridatēs soon realizes that his position in India is doomed to failure if he continues. Thus, at Manusa, the Great King decides to retreat west and permanently pull out of much of India, only securing his recent gains as far as the banks of the Hesidros River in the northeast, while maintaining the empire’s traditional frontiers in the eastern Indos River Valley. The message is now clear: there will be no further Indian campaigns in the future.

Returning to Ekbatana in April, 160 B.C., the Great King soon finds that his failures in India have turned a great deal of the royal court against him. Acting on the advice of the Queen Mother, he soon initiates a series of purges aimed at over mighty subjects. King Mithridatēs orders his powerful uncles, the princes Amyntas and Arsamēs, to be both put to death in 160 B.C. He also poisons his ambitious khiliarkhos, the former regent Lagos, of the illustrious House of Ptolemaios in the spring of 159 B.C. Not even those closest to the Great King are above suspicion; after King Mithridatēs hears rumors of a plot to assassinate him within his own harem at Babylōn, the Great King brutally breaks into the chambers of the suspected concubine, killing their seven year old son with his bare hands and then ordering the woman drowned in the Euphratēs River the next day. Even Queen Arsinoē, the Great King’s wife and half-sister, soon falls prey to his increasingly tyrannical behavior; after growing bored with the queen’s inability to bear him any sons, King Mithridatēs exiles her to far off Kyrēnē in 158 B.C., having her quietly strangled later that year. While his actions are cruel, they at least have the effect of curtailing the growing power of the court nobility and solidifying the absolute position of the King of Kings.

Despite his brutality, King Mithridatēs at least proves to be an able administrator. He orders the extension of the famed Royal Road, the great highway of the empire originally constructed by the Achaemenids, not only repairing the badly neglected communication system, but also ensuring that minor roads are also extended and repaired to the more remote reaches of the empire. The Great King also finances the construction of several ambitious public works, including the famed Aqueduct of Ekbatana, the Column of Tiridatēs at Babylōn (celebrating his father’s Indian triumphs), and the Hippodrome at Sousa. King Mithridatēs also orders the carving a series of rock reliefs in Mesopotamia, Indikē, Persis, Phrygia, and Thrakē (a custom that the Argeads have long since adopted from their Achaemenid predecessors) to commemorate such events as his coronation, the Fourth Mauryan War, and the defeat of the Romans at Sindos. The Great King even constructs new fortifications on the frontiers of Thrakē and Indikē, and restores the badly neglected navy at Tyros.

Nevertheless, by the winter of 154 B.C., the Great King’s courtiers and family have had enough of his savage cruelty towards them. It is not until the spring, however, that King Mithridatēs’ enemies see their chance to act against him. In May, 154 B.C., ignoring the warnings of his mother, King Mithridatēs Philopatōr names the fifteen year old prince Tiridatēs his co-ruler at Sousa, as King Tiridatēs II Eusebēs (“the Pious”). The Great King’s only son by his favorite concubine, the court lady Parysatis—daughter of the Babylonian nobleman Teispēs—the young King Tiridatēs, urged on by his formidable and ambitious mother, now sees his path to power open. It does not take long for the young king to act against his unpopular father.

On June 2, 154 B.C. at the royal palace in Sousa, the young King Tiridatēs and his fellow conspirators make their move. That night, the thirty-seven year old King Mithridatēs is smothered in the royal bedchamber by his own chamberlain, the eunuch Akhaikos. The Great King’s screams are ignored by the Athanatoi guards posted at his door, all of whom who have been bribed by the king’s heir. It is announced to the court that the Great King died suddenly in the night of apoplexy, though by now much of the royal court knows full what has actually occurred and are decidedly relieved that the tyrant is dead. Fearing for her own life, Queen Barsinē hangs herself the following morning, mistakenly believing that she will end up sharing the fate of her predecessor, Queen Drypetis.

Despite his unpopularity, no posthumous action is taken against the memory King Mithridatēs, though this is more out of the new Great King’s piety and filial obligation than anything else. King Tiridatēs sees the political value in honoring his late father’s memory, as it only serves to solidify his own position. King Mithridatēs is duly deified and granted his own royal cult as the god Mithridatēs Philopatōr Theos, just as his predecessors have been honored since the time of Alexandros Basileus Theos. He is entombed at Sousa in the royal mausoleum in a lavish funerary display that includes expensive games in his own newly constructed hippodrome at Sousa. It is nevertheless obvious that much of the pomp surrounding the hated king’s death is empty ritual and meaningless ruse; the king’s period of mourning is remarkably short, only thirty days, and by July the court has already traveled to Persepolis, where King Tiridatēs II Eusebēs is officially enthroned at the nearby ancient city of Pasargadai on July 7, 154 B.C., after which the sacred royal fires are relit throughout the empire.

The popular young king celebrates his rise to power by commemorating his coronation in massive rock cut scene near Gordion, which depicts his investiture with the royal regalia by the goddess Anahita, accompanied by Zeus-Ahuramazda, and, most peculiarly, the Babylonian god Marduk—a clear reference to the Great King’s maternal ancestry.

ScythianInvasion-2.png

Above: The Argead Empire and its allies, 155 B.C.
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Deleted member 5909

I know that it's a lot to digest (hell, this is the longest TL I've ever managed, and I'm somewhat proud of it), but I'm just curious: how many people are actively reading this and interested in its continuation?

Please feel free to leave suggestions or comments, too.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Top
Status
Not open for further replies.
Top