Darkness before Dawn - Purple Phoenix 1416

[elerosse]

As darkness falls upon the night sky, ominous clouds gather, their undersides swirling with a menagerie of grays and blacks. A banner, emblazoned with the proud symbol of a horse's tail, flutters and dances in the breeze as a light drizzle starts to fall. In the distance, low and rumbling thunder can be heard, growing steadily louder with each passing moment. The angry waves of the Aegean Sea crash relentlessly into the rocky shoreline, sending plumes of saltwater high into the air in a majestic display of nature's power. A storm is coming, and it promises to be unlike any other.

Beneath the banner, a man with powerful figure stands tall and proud, his muscular frame cloaked in a blue tunic adorned with exotic patterns that shimmer in the flickering torchlight. His face, strong and handsome, is a testament to his noble heritage, with prominent features that are highlighted by the dancing flames. His gaze shifts between the churning sea and the cloud-covered sky, finally settling on the blurred shadow of a distant city of Thessaloniki that lies beyond the reach of the torchlight.

"Your Highness," comes a soft voice from behind him, breaking the silence of the night, "the wind is heavy, and the drizzle has dampened your hair. It would be wise to seek shelter from the impending storm."

The young man turns slightly, acknowledging the presence of his grand vizier, Bayezid Pasha, a trusted advisor and friend who has been with him through many trials and tribulations. "I know, my dear friend," he replies, his voice carrying a hint of melancholy that is rare for one so powerful. "But we do not have the luxury to choose the storms of life. We can only endure them and hope to emerge victorious on the other side."

Bayezid nods solemnly, understanding the weight of responsibility that rests upon his Sultan's shoulders. "Your Highness has faced many storms before and has always emerged victorious," he says with conviction in his voice. "This too shall pass, and your reign will continue to prosper."

The Sultan turns back to face the sea, his voice hardens and the tiny trace of melancholy disappears with the wind. "Speaking of storms," he begins, "the Venetians have dealt us a heavy blow at Gallipoli, taking many lives and dealing a significant blow to our fleet."

Bayezid frowns, knowing that the loss of their navy at Gallipoli is a serious setback to his Sultan’s new reign. "It is true that we have suffered a setback," he admits, "but the Venetians are not without their own weaknesses. Their fleet may dominate the sea, but they are powerless on land. Their holdings and castles lie bare and open to our arrows and lances. If they choose to challenge us further, they will surely meet their end."

The Sultan nods slightly, his gaze hardening as he considers the future. "Yes, the Venetians may think they have the upper hand now," he says coldly, "but they will soon learn that they have bitten off more than they can chew. Bah, they are but a minor pain… As for my 'dear' cousin Mustafa and that traitor Junayd Bey," he spits the words out with contempt, "they will pay dearly for their treachery."

Bayezid remains silent, he knows the Ottoman crown has weight down on the Sultan. Ever since the disaster at Ankara, where the former Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt was captured by the Tamerlane the World Conqueror, the realm of the Ottomans has been tumultuous. The situation only began to stabilize after the ascension of his Sultan to the throne three years ago, yet fortune force his Sultan, the proud Mehmed to ride against challenge after challenge, crisis after crisis, with no end in sight. With a heavy heart, Bayezid turns his attention to the approaching storm, watching as the raindrops grew larger and heavier with each passing moment.

As the storm draws nearer and the rain begins to fall in earnest, the Sultan stand his ground unmoving, allowing the elements to wash over him. It was as if he were trying his will against the challenge of nature. But the Sultan is a man of iron resolve, and he would not be moved.

"When the time comes," after a long silence, the Sultan opens up finally, his voice carrying over the howling wind and crashing waves, "we will strike back at the Venetians with all the force we can muster. And when we do, it will be like a thunderbolt in the night, swift and unexpected. But as of now, we must eliminate the parasite Mustafa, and that wicked man of Bedreddin first and foremost."

Bayezid nods in agreement. The realm faces many threats, compare to the imminent and stubborn disease that is Mustafa and Bedreddin, the Venetians are only a minor discomfort.

The storm rages on around them, but the two men stand firm against the elements, their resolve as strong as ever.

Three days later, a small vessel set sail from the city of Thessaloniki, bound for Constantinople. On board was a messenger carrying a letter



'To my esteemed Basileios,

The Ottoman prince, Mustafa, along with the governor of Nicopolis, Junayd Bey, have taken refuge behind the tall walls of Thessaloniki after their humiliating defeat by Sultan Mehmed. The sultan's army pursuits relentlessly and has now encircled our city, demanding their surrender. After three days of delicate negotiations, I have deemed it prudent to apprise my Basileios of the Ottomans' offer through this letter. They propose a sum of one million akces in exchange for the contender to the Ottoman throne .

It is worth noting that during these negotiations, the rebellion in Dobrudja has escalated significantly, to such an extent that it appears to have commandeered Mehmed's complete attention. Despite his illness due to a cold, he abruptly departed with his main force yesterday. Considering the Ottomans' precarious situation, I believe they may be amenable to terms more favorable to us. However, such a negotiation demands a direct line of communication between two heads of state.

Meanwhile, Thessaloniki stands resolute. Our walls are manned by vigilant guards, our people are well-provisioned, and morale is high. The Ottoman navy, having suffered a crippling defeat by the Venetians, is unable to blockade our port. Our city shall endure. Despot Andronikos, having recovered from his recent illness, sends his warm regards to you.

I pray this letter finds my Basileios in good health and high spirits.



Your ever-loyal and devoted servant,
Demetrios Laskaris Leontares'

On the fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord 1416.

 

[elerosse]

‘Andronikos Palaiologos's childhood remains frustratingly enigmatic to historians. At the tender age of eight, the young prince was wrenched from his familial surroundings and invested as the titular Despot of Thessaloniki. This significant appointment was entrusted to the capable stewardship of Demetrios Laskaris Leontares, a seasoned soldier and administrator whose guidance was undoubtedly pivotal in shaping the prince's early years.

In contrast to his brother Theodoros, who was bestowed with Morea and condemned to languish in its frigid fortresses, Andronikos enjoyed the relative luxury of residing in the Empire's second largest city. However, Thessaloniki's former glory had long been diminished by years of upheaval and Ottoman occupation, leaving it a mere shadow of its former self. Nevertheless, the city's residual prosperity would have offered the prince a more enriched upbringing than his sibling.

Remarkably, prior to the summer of 1416, historical accounts afford us little to no insight into the prince's life. His absence from the annals of history is so profound that he might be mistaken for a spectral figure, flitting through the margins of medieval chronicles. Intriguingly, scattered references in Roman bishopric correspondence of the 1430s hint at a rare malaise that blighted his youth, severely curtailing his social ability and any participation in affairs of state. These letters, penned by pious bishops, saw his condition as a divine chastisement.

Speculation abounds concerning the influence of the elusive Master Plethon on the young prince. Whispers from the 1430s persist that Andronikos was a clandestine adherent of Plethon's pagan teachings, a devotee of ancient pagan gods hidden in plain sight. However, such tales are the stuff of legend, perpetuated largely by the conservative clergy of the late 1430s and 1440s, eager to malign a ruler whose reforms they deemed heathen.

What we can infer with some confidence, from the accomplishments that would later grace his reign, is that Andronikos must have undergone a rigorous military tutelage. Moreover, his proficiency in the intricacies of statecraft, evident in his early years, suggests that he received at least a modicum of exposure and tutelage in the arts of governance. This conjecture is bolstered by his close-knit relationship with his guardian, the esteemed Leontares, whose own acumen in these matters would have undoubtedly had its mark on the young Despot.’


- Treatise on the political development in early 1400s Empire, Professor Emeritus Alexandros Lekapenos, Academia Thessalonica, 1899



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- Map of Thessaloniki


A teenager with a slim figure and delicate facial features, leans out of his window at the Palace of Galerius. His long, pale hair dances in the wind as he basks in the warm embrace of the sunlight, yet his face, pretty yet pale, betrays the lingering shadows of his former frailty. His eyes, though bright with the novelty of the world outside, are also clouded with a hint of unease.

From his balcony, he surveys the bustling scene below, ears filled with the cacophony of city life. Behind him is the Hippodrome of Thessaloniki, second only to the Hippodrome of Constantinople, to his left is a large harbor, while to his front and right is a bustling street and market. But beneath the hustle and bustle, he detects a subtle undertone of unease, a whispered mention of Ottomans coming, a looming siege. This news, coupled with his own fragile past, weighs heavily on his heart. A whiff of salt and fish in the air catches his attention, drawing his gaze towards the harbor.

"The ships about to set sail." he murmurs, noting that many of the foreign trade vessels docked in the harbor have begun preparation to leave port, obviously fearing the safety of the city. As he counts the sails and flags, his thoughts wander back to the long years he spent confined to his room.

A week ago, a newfound strength had coursed through his limbs, thanks to the potions sent by his old mentor and friend, the renowned philosopher Master Plethon. However, with this newfound freedom came a heaviness of heart, the world he had once known only through books and letters was now spread out before him, but so too were the worries and fears that awaited him.

Now that the storm which lasted for 5 days has finally settled, the young man decides to take a walk outside for the first time in years. He dresses himself in fine clothing and slowly makes his way down the palace stairs, still adjusting to walking himself. As he passes, servants bow, their eyes still filled with surprise at the sight of him walking freely. But he senses their surprise is mixed with a cautious optimism, aware of the fragility that still clung to him.

Stepping outside, the young man feels a surge of excitement, but it is quickly tempered by the weight of his concerns. The ordinary sights and sounds of the city, once a novelty, now carry with them the whispers of an impending crisis.

As he strolls through the streets, listening to the banter and bargaining, he catches snippets of conversation that speak of the Ottomans, their vast and unrelenting army now encircling the city, and the past unspeakable calamity that army inflicted to his people not that long ago.

Even now after a decade, whenever spoken, the name of Bayezid the Thunderbolt, lord of the Turks, Master of the horses, Conqueror of Christian lands and Head of the Ottomans, still frightens the hearts and minds of Roman people, reminding them the humiliation and devastation he imposed upon them.

Born in 1400 as the son of Emperor Manuel II, the young man is named Andronikos by his father. Although he was too young to understand, he could still recall when he was three years old, the excitement among the servants in Constantinople when news broke that the terrible Bayezid had been defeated in a great battle to the East by another mighty horse lord, and his son the young Sultan had come to Constantinople begging for peace. For the first time in almost a century, the fortunes of the Empire seemed to have turned for the better. Not soon after, at the age of eight, he was appointed Despot of the newly reacquired Despotate of Thessaloniki which include the city of Thessaloniki and its surrounding holdings.

Another eight years have past, and as he stands here, seeing and sensing people around him, feeling the wind brush against his face and the sun warm his skin, he cannot help but feel the ghosts of his past illness hovering around him. He wonders if his newfound strength will be enough to carry him through the storms that are sure to come.

With a heavy heart but a determined stride, Andronikos takes a deep breath, knowing that every step he takes is not just a journey of discovery but a test of his will and resilience.

"Your Highness," a guard pants as he rushes up to Andronikos, "Lord Leontares is awaiting you in the palace."

Andronikos nods curtly and follows the guard back into the palace. In the hallway, he finds the tall and composed general, his steward, Demetrios Leontares standing at attention, dressed in armor. As soon as Andronikos enters, Leontares breaks into a broad smile and hugs him deeply.

"It is good to see you well, my Despot, I heard you took a walk to the streets? You should have had guards with you…" Leontares says, voicing concern.

"Thank you, Demetrios, but I am fine and capable to handle things myself." Andronikos replies calmly, shifting the topic to more pressing issues. "I presume you've come with urgent matters? Have we received any news from the wall? Have the Ottomans made any new move?"

Leontares' smile fades away. "Yes, my Despot, I fear the news is not good. Our guards on the wall have reported that the Ottomans have begun pillaging nearby villages, demanding tribute and ransoms from the local people."

Andronikos' face darkens. "Outrageous! We have a Treaty with them! They have no right to trespass our territory or destroy the livelihood of our people!"

Leontares waits for Andronikos to have his emotions vented, pauses for a moment, then continues in a calmer tone. "We are well aware of the Ottomans' barbaric behavior. But the disparity in our forces makes intervention difficult on our part. It's a bitter truth we must swallow."

"The strong takes what they can, and the weak suffers what they must. But we are not without options." He pauses, looking Andronikos squarely in the eye. "The Ottomans are here because they seek our two 'guests', particularly Prince Mustafa. As the son of former Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt, he has many sympathizers and followers in the Ottoman court. He may have been routed by Sultan Mehmed in this round, but in the next round, if under right circumstances, he could pose a significant threat to Mehmed. Your father, His Majesty, intends to use this to our advantage."

Andronikos nods slowly. "I see. And what do you propose we do in the meantime?"

"Patience, my Despot." Leontares replies. "Come with me to the walls. It would be beneficial for you to witness the Ottoman army with your own eyes."

Andronikos changes his regal clothes for armor, and follows Leontares to the acropolis of the city, encountering soldiers along the way, many of them local militias, their armament poor and morale low. As the pair near the wall, Andronikos catches sight of the Ottoman army for the first time. Immeasurable tents, camps, weapons, horses, wagons, and provisions are stretched out in an orderly manner. Soldiers in bright armor perform their daily duties with precision.

From afar, Andronikos sees a plume of smoke rising from one of his villages. "Do we have any way to save those villagers?" he asks, with empathy and sorrow in his eyes.

Leontares shakes his head. "Not at the moment, unfortunately, my Despot. But if we can negotiate with the Ottomans favorably, we might be able to save our people from further harm."

"And when would that be?" Andronikos demands.

"Patience, my Despot," Leontares repeats. "As Despot, you must learn to possess this virtue."

Andronikos sighs heavily. "Very well. But I want you to count the number of people enslaved by the Ottomans each day and report the names of the victims to me. They are my people, and even if we cannot avenge them now, they shall not perish nameless and forgotten."

Leontares is surprised by the order and the emotion behind, he looks at Andronikos briefly, then nods in assent. "As you command, my Despot. I will ensure that all names of the victims to the Ottoman incursion are accounted for."

After issuing his first order, Andronikos takes a deep breath and turns to survey the Ottoman camp. The centuries of humiliation inflicted by the Ottomans on his empire and his people fill him with resolve. He swears to fulfill his duty as Despot and protect his people to the best of his ability. Then, his eye catches sight of an unusually large horse tail banner in the center of the Ottoman camp, tilting slightly from left to right.

"Demetrios," he says, "how many soldiers do you estimate they have out there?"

Leontares considers for a moment, then replies, "Based on the number of wells they have dug, the plumes of cooking smoke I've observed over the past few days, and the size of their horse herd, I would estimate their numbers to be around 8000 infantrymen and 4000 cavalry."

Andronikos' brow furrows. "That is more than all the men at arms in the empire. We currently only have 1800 garrison in our city, right?"

"Yes, my Despot," Leontares confirms. "But we have an effective Treaty with the Ottomans, they cannot afford the cost to alienate the Empire. And despite all their numerical advantage, they lack siege equipment and would have a difficult time breaching our walls."

As the two men continue to discuss preparations for a full mobilization, Andronikos' eye is suddenly drawn to the large banner he had noticed earlier. It begins to move, and he sees hundreds of horsemen marching out of the Ottoman main camp.

“This banner belongs to Sultan Mehmed.” Leontares has also taken note. He stares intently for a brief moment, soon finding himself pondering: "Judging by their direction, it seems the Sultan is making his way north. Given that he arrived here just four days ago after a lengthy pursuit, it's evident that something urgent is brewing in the north. What could it possibly be? A rebellion led by the remnants of Mustafa? Or perhaps a Vlach invasion?"

“Regardless, I must uncover the truth behind this and relay it to your father.”

 

[elerosse]

The early 15th century marked a critical juncture in the intricate and storied tapestry of Roman history. The preceding century had borne witness to a precipitous decline for the once-illustrious Empire, leaving it teetering on the brink of oblivion. It was only through the timely intervention of Tamerlane, the heir of Temujin and Conqueror of Asia, that the Empire escaped the clutches of Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt. The fateful Battle of Ankara in 1402, followed by the capture of Bayezid and the Treaty of Gallipoli, which restored vast tracts of land to the Empire, and the ensuing eleven-year Ottoman Interregnum that irrevocably altered the trajectory of the Empire, the Ottoman Sultanate, and indeed, the historical course of Europe.

Many, even among the elite and powerful circles of the era, were oblivious to the subterranean tectonic shifts occurring beneath the surface, the subtle undercurrents that were heralding the dawn of a new age. Little did they realize that the changes looming on the horizon would be nothing short of epochal. As the curtain rose on this new era in 1416, a fresh character emerged onto the historical stage: the young Despot Andronikos. Alongside venerated figures such as Manuel II, Mehmed I, Sigismund the Holy Roman Emperor, and countless others, they collectively played out a captivating drama that has since enshrined the early 1400s as one of the most intriguing and pivotal moments in world history.



- Treatise on the political development in early 1400s Empire, Professor Emeritus Alexandros Lekapenos, Academia Thessalonica, 1899


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- The map of the Empire of the Romans and its surroundings, circa 1410



14th of June, 1416

The messenger, bearing news from Leontares, arrives in Constantinople and promptly makes his way to Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos. Manuel, having reigned for two decades, is renowned for his eloquent words, captivating charisma, gregarious nature, and sharp intelligence.

Recently recovered from a severe cold, the aging emperor appears visibly tired, yet his eyes retain their customary wisdom. As he reads the letter, his gaze shifts from the parchment to a large map of the surrounding region spread across a nearby table. His eyes briefly linger on the position of Thessaloniki, then shift northward to Dobrudja, a region in northern Bulgaria divided by the Danube River from the voivodeships of Wallachia and Moldavia.

After a moment of silence, Manuel begins to compose a reply. He hands the letter to the waiting messenger, saying, "Deliver this to Demetrios and remind him to keep a close eye on Mustafa and Junayd. They must be treated well but kept secure from themselves, the Ottomans, and any other parties with conflicting interests. As for the Ottoman unrest, I commend Demetrios for his efforts. Rest assured, I will negotiate a favorable deal with my beloved son, the Sultan, who will be obedient in times like these."

"As you wish, my most benevolent Basileios," the messenger replies.

Ever since his early days as a hostage in the Ottoman court, Emperor Manuel has forged a strong friendship with the young prince Mehmed. Mehmed always holds Manuel in high esteem, admiring his wisdom, charisma, cunning, and diplomatic skills. After Mehmed emerged victorious during the Ottoman Interregnum, their bond was further cemented when he honored the Treaty of Gallipoli signed by his pretender brother, Suleiman. By this agreement, the relationship between Manuel and Mehmed is nominally father and son.

As the messenger departs, Manuel's gaze returns to the map. He summons his eldest son, Ioannes, who has recently been crowned co-emperor and has witnessed the exchange. Ioannes walks to his father's side, curious about the matter.

"Ioannes, my son, this is Dobrudja, where Sultan Mehmed is heading, according to Leontares' report," Manuel says, pointing to the location on the map. As his son observes, he continues, "My agent in the north has sent reports from Mesembria, indicating that a certain mystic, former kazasker to the late Prince Musa, Sheikh Bedreddin, has gathered a significant following in Northern Bulgaria. Rumors suggest he has gained support from the princes of Wallachia and Moldavia, and there are reports of weapons, armor, wheat, and arrows being transported across the river."

"This Sheikh Bedreddin must be a headache for Sultan Mehmed," Ioannes observes. "Many Ottoman frontier beys still hold favorable opinions of Musa, and I've heard that some Ottoman Sipahis are uneasy with Mehmed's favoritism towards foreign Gazi warriors. But without a son of Bayezid at the helm, I wonder how long this unrest will last."

"The politics of this situation are complex, my son," Manuel replies. "We must carefully consider our moves, if we were to support for Mehmed in suppressing this unrest, it would certainly gain his favor and lift the siege on Thessaloniki. However, we must also consider the cost. How many men can we spare? What are we willing to sacrifice for the Ottomans? And most importantly, what benefit could they possibly offer us in return? Mehmed is well aware of our limitations."

Ioannes, however, has a different perspective. Young and eager for glory, he argues, "That is but one of our options, but if we refrain from supporting Mehmed and instead take advantage of the fact that Mustafa and Junayd are currently in our custody... imagine if we transported them to Anatolia while Mehmed is distracted in Bulgaria. They could stir up considerable support and pose a serious threat to Mehmed's position. Then he would truly understand our potential and grant us even greater concessions."

Manuel frowns at the aggressive stance of Ioannes, he patiently explains his position to him: "We are still too weak to engage the Ottomans in an open conflict, Ioannes. Mustafa and Junayd are our only significant leverage. If we release them, we lose control of the situation and risk losing Mehmed's favor. It would be a dangerously risky move for us without any prospect of benefit."

"Precisely because we are weak on our own, we must exploit the Ottomans' internal divisions to keep them occupied and distracted," Ioannes insists. "That way, when the Latin crusaders finally arrive, we can strike the final blow against our common enemy and reclaim our empire." His voice is determined.



“Latin Crusaders! Don't let your hopes soar too high. If we solely rely on Latin intervention, our fate will be sealed.” Manuel pauses for a moment, his tone softening as he continues. "If we release Mustafa and Junayd today, with Mehmed still enjoying the allegiance of the beys, Mustafa would be crushed by the beys in Anatolia eager to prove their loyalty to the sultan. Therefore, it's best that we entrust Leontares and your brother Andronikos to keep them in Thessaloniki. They'll remain in our grasp until some major crisis erupts in the Ottoman court, whenever that may be. And for now, we must maintain amicable relations with Mehmed to safeguard our hard-earned gains following the Treaty of Gallipoli. This way, we can keep our options open without forcing our hand."

Ioannes has to reluctantly acknowledge that his father's wisdom outweighs his own impulses. He bows his head in agreement and shifts the conversation's focus. "How much are the Ottomans willing to offer us to keep Mustafa and Junayd away from them?"

"Initially, they demanded an immediate release into their custody," Manuel replies. "But Leontares has negotiated an initial Ottoman offer of one million akces for their release."

"And what's your plan, father?" Ioannes inquiries.

Manuel smiles briefly. "We'll promise Mehmed that we'll never release Mustafa and Junayd, but they'll remain in our custody. Fortunately, the Venetians have crippled Ottoman naval capabilities, and Bedreddin's rebellion has strengthened our position. I'll demand an annual payment from the sultan. I estimate a 500,000 akces yearly would be a reasonable figure, given Mehmed's current predicament."

"In addition, Leontares has also reported instances of pillage in Thessaloniki," Manuel continues. "We must demand compensation for these damages as well."

Satisfied with his son's understanding, Manuel places his right hand on Ioannes' shoulder. "My son, the path of an emperor of the Romans is long and challenging. It demands patience above all else. Rash decisions will lead us to ruin."

Ioannes looks at Manuel firmly and replies: "I understand your decision, father. I'll be more patient."

"Leave the negotiations with Mehmed to me." Manuel says. "Focus your efforts on the upcoming Morea campaign. This we have been planning all year, waiting for the opportune moment. This moment has now arrived! We must seize the opportunity provided by the Ottomans' distraction. You must fully support your brother Theodoros in consolidating Peloponnese and sweeping aside the remaining Latin usurpers. We must take advantage of every opportunity to strengthen ourselves while carefully avoiding intervention from the Ottomans and Venetians."

Ioannes smiles eagerly at his father, his mood brightens with hope of victory and glory. As a young man, he is eager to prove his worth, and a military campaign in Peloponnese will certainly cement his rightful position as co-emperor of the Roman Empire.




[1] A kazasker or kadıasker (Ottoman Turkish: قاضی عسكر, ḳāḍī'asker, "military judge") was a chief judge in the Ottoman Empire, so named originally because his jurisdiction extended to the cases of soldiers, who were later tried only by their own officers.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 3 - BEDREDDIN THE REVOLUTIONARY

As Manuel and Ioannes pressed forward with their plans in Constantinople, and Andronikos familiarized himself with his new role as despot in Thessaloniki, Sultan Mehmed marshaled his army and invaded the dense, hilly region of Dobrudja.

Dobrudja, a windswept and rugged land, lay sandwiched between the Danube River to the north, the Black Sea to the east, and Bulgarian territory to the south and west. Its landscape was a diverse tapestry of thick forests, rolling hills, and lakes in the south, and hills, steppes, and marshy lowlands in the north. Its inhabitants were a mix of Turks, Bulgarians, and Vlachs, each group carrying their own unique culture and traditions.

For centuries, Dobrudja had been sitting at a strategic crossroads, facing constant threats and invasions throughout its history. Its people, hardened by these constant challenges, had developed a reputation for martial prowess and a rebellious spirit that had long haunted their overlords. They were proud descendants of Ivailo, the legendary peasant leader who, in the 1270s, rallied the people to expel the Mongol invaders and briefly reigned as Tsar of the Bulgarian Empire, until betrayed and slain by his own nobles.

The Ottomans had only recently conquered Dobrudja after a protracted struggle with Wallachia's voivode Mircea, who coveted the strategic land as much as the Ottomans.

Ivan, a young Bulgarian herdsman, found himself caught in the maelstrom of events. Born into a once-wealthy family in his native Dobrudja, Ivan had known a life of privilege until the Ottomans' conquest. His father, recruited by the Ottomans as a tax collector, had converted to Sunni Islam and changed his name to Omar, dragging his family into a new religious orbit.

Ivan's childhood had been a blend of comfort and learning, his father's privileged position afforded him access to education and exposure to both Christian and Islamic teachings. But his life and dreams were soon shattered by the Ottoman Interregnum, a period of political turmoil and societal collapse that ravaged Dobrudja.

The Ottoman Empire was thrown into chaos and dynastic infighting after Sultan Beyezid I's defeat by Tamerlane at Ankara in 1402. This period, known as the Ottoman Interregnum, saw Mircea seize the opportunity to launch a new anti-Ottoman campaign. In 1403, he captured the Genoese fort of Kilia at the mouth of the Danube, and by 1404, he had extended his authority over Dobrudja, which had descended into anarchy.

During this tumultuous time, the lands of Dobrudja was repeatedly ransacked by the armies of rival Ottoman princes and Wallachians. Each of the armies came and went, always leaving behind a repeatedly pillaged and extorted local populace. Death and starvation stalked the land, and Ivan's world crumbled around him. Many of his friends and neighbors were killed or starved to death, even more fled their houses and field to find safe haven in the dense marshes and forests, Ivan was one of the lucky few who fled out of harm’s way.

Ivan survived for years and fighting through meagre food supply and constant starvation in the nearby forest. When the war finally ended and a new Sultan Mehmed proclaimed the new Sultan, Ivan received the news that his father had long time ago died fighting for the pretender Sultan Suleiman, his mother and sister vanished, and with his father's allegiance to a dead pretender, their homes and privileges were stripped away by the new Sultan Mehmed. The family’s tax collector's privilege was awarded to an elderly Gazi warrior from Anatolia, a ruthless and ill-mannered warrior who cared only for his own gain, exploiting the poverty-stricken locals.

Ivan, now orphaned and penniless, found refuge as a herdsman with a kindly survivor who had once been helped by his father. His new life was a far cry from the comforts of his childhood. He worked long hours for little pay, barely scraping by, his stomach constantly gnawed by hunger. As the years passed, the resentment and bitterness among the survivors of Dobrudja grew, and Ivan's heart was filled with a deep and abiding sorrow for the life he had lost and the future that seemed so bleak.

It is in these extraordinary circumstances, that the revolutionary Sheikh Bedreddin chose Dobrudja to initiate his revolt, a land fraught with potential and ripe for civil discontent. Born in 1359 to a Turkish Muslim ghazi warrior and a Greek Orthodox mother, Bedreddin's early life was a tapestry of religious coexistence. Initially serving as a kadi, the military judge to the Ottoman army, he later delved into theology, studying in Konya and Cairo, and even lived among the mystic Safavid Shia Muslims, absorbing their wisdom.

His encounters with various religious beliefs kindled a fire within him, and drawing inspiration from Shia Mystic teachings, Bedreddin forged a unique pantheistic belief—the doctrine of "oneness of being." He vehemently denounced the arbitrary social structures of religion and social class, viewing them as obstacles to the unity of God and the individual. He preached a message of full equality between Muslims and Christians, advocated the abandonment of personal property, and the establishment of communal ownership.

During the Ottoman Interregnum, Bedreddin occupied a position of influence as the chief military judge under Prince Musa, who controlled Rumelia and battled against the Romans, as well as his brother Mehmed, who reigned over Anatolia. Leveraging his influential position, Bedreddin preached his beliefs, attracting a loyal and passionate following. His generosity in granting favorable lands, known as timar, to loyal ghazi warriors further endeared him to the masses and made them more receptive to his teachings.

However, when Musa was defeated by Ottoman Sultan Mehmed I in 1413, Bedreddin was exiled to Iznik, and his followers were stripped of their lands. The anger and dissatisfaction among his followers, coupled with the widespread discontent among dispossessed warriors, administrators who lost their privileges, tax-burdened peasants, bankrupt merchants, and artisans in the post-civil-war Ottoman society, made Bedreddin firmly believe that the end of Ottoman rule was nigh. He saw it as his divine duty to establish a new and equal world on the ashes of the House of Osman.

In 1415, Bedreddin escaped his exile in Iznik and made his way to Sinope with a cadre of devoted followers, intent on raising the banner of revolution and spreading his beliefs across the lands of Rumelia and Anatolia like wildfire. From the port of Sinope, Bedreddin sailed across the Black Sea to Wallachia, where he found a supporter in Voivode Mircea, who was eager to stir up unrest in Ottoman territory. With Mircea’s supplies, Bedreddin raised the standard of revolt against the Ottomans in the Deliorman region of Dobrudja in the summer of 1416.

Deliorman, meaning ‘mad forest’, is a region known for its dense and vast forests, was a territory that Bedreddin knew well. He understood the suffering of the locals and how he could win them over to his cause. He also knew that the rugged terrain would negate the overwhelming numerical advantage of Mehmed's army.

Concurrently with his uprising in Dobrudja, followers of Bedreddin also rose up in Izmir and Saruhan, led by his faithful chief disciple Borkluje Mustafa. The rebellion was a diverse coalition of disgruntled Ghazis, dispossessed Sipahis, Medrese students, Jewish merchants, sailors, artisans, Muslim and Christian peasants—all across the society rose up in flames.

Ivan, having known Bedreddin as a just, wise, and well-esteemed kazisker before the rebellion, was immediately fascinated by his teachings. An intelligent man who had lost all his earthly possessions due to the brutal infighting between greedy Ottoman princes, Ivan took up arms and joined the ranks of the newly formed rebel army. He was appointed as a Kadi, a military judge, overseeing a contingent of 1,000 men, mostly composed of former soldiers who had vast experience in the Ottoman army.

Realizing the impossibility of confronting Mehmed's army in open battle, they decided to adopt guerrilla tactics. Utilizing the dense forests of Dobrudja to their advantage, they launched surprise attacks on the Ottomans' flanks and rear, disrupting their logistics while avoiding pitched battles. Ivan, with his keen strategic mind and compassion for the downtrodden, quickly rose through the ranks, becoming a key figure in Bedreddin's rebellion.

Sultan Mehmed, a statesman of profound wisdom and a ruler of unwavering intelligence, was immediately cognizant of the immense threat posed by Bedreddin's revolt to his sovereignty. Without hesitation, he set aside his rest and swiftly assembled a vast army to quell the uprising before it gained momentum. Abandoning his camp near Thessaloniki, he personally led his men into the fray in Dobrudja, determined to stamp out the rebellion. His trusted Vizier, Bayezid Pasha, was tasked with leading another formidable force into Anatolia to crush the revolt simultaneously.

However, fate had a cruel jest in store for the Sultan. The persistent cold Mehmed had contracted due to the nocturnal rain at the Thessaloniki camp worsened during his arduous journey northward through the windswept Dobrudja. As he arrived with his army at the outskirts of Deliorman in mid-July, Mehmed was stricken with a high fever. The camp medicus, though well-trained, administered treatments that only exacerbated the Sultan's condition. After consuming the potions prescribed by the medicus, Mehmed lapsed into a coma, spending most of his days unconscious, unable to speak or issue commands.

With the Sultan incapacitated, the Ottoman army ground to a halt. None of the beys dared to take command without Mehmed's explicit orders. Rumors began to swirl that the Sultan might soon perish, causing panic and confusion to grip the camp. The morale of the army sank to new lows.

While Mehmed lay bedridden, Bedreddin seized the opportunity to consolidate his position. He stocked up on provisions, established defensive fortifications across Deliorman, and dispatched his followers to quell unrest in Bulgaria. By the time Mehmed miraculously recovered from his coma, a month had already passed, and it was mid-August. The army's inaction had left disorganized. Many ignored the martial order and left camp to pillage the surrounding lands, further alienating the local population against the ill-disciplined army.

Meanwhile, Bedreddin's rebellion had spread like wildfire across Northern Bulgaria. Inspired by his teachings, disgruntled peasants and ghazi warriors rose up in defiance, seizing land from loyal beys. In Anatolia, the revolt at Izmir was also raging. The bey of Aydin, Alexander, fell victim to an ambush and was killed by the rebels. His 7000-strong force was either slaughtered, surrendered, or scattered.

Realizing his weakened state, Mehmed summoned his trusted Vizier, Bayezid Pasha. He was the only one Mehmed could entrust with the command of the entire Ottoman army. As Mehmed had main support based in the Anatolian beys and gazis, he distrusted the Rumelian beys and gazis, many of them had once been subjects of his brother Musa, an enemy of Mehmed and a compatriot of the rebellious Bedreddin, and only recently had sworn allegiance to him.

Even in agony, Mehmed still remembers the teaching of his father that ‘A sultan must always be vigilant against those close to him’. Given that his brother, the pretender Mustafa was still alive inside the walls of Thessaloniki at the hands of the ever-creative Romans, who knew what these frontier beys of Rumelia might do if they gained control of a powerful army, especially when the sultan was weakened? On the contrary, Vizier Bayezid Pasha has always been his most ardent supporter ever since the Battle of Ankara. As a man of lowly origins, his friend the Vizier had no claim to the throne and all his powers and positions relied solely on the grace of Mehmed. In the eyes of Mehmed, Bayezid Pasha was thus the only candidate to lead the main Ottoman army in his absence.

While Mehmed's choice seemed sensible, it nonetheless led to further delays in action. Bayezid had already assembled a formidable force in Bursa, Anatolia, intending to march towards Izmir. Upon receiving Mehmed's order, he was forced to abandon his post and nominally entrust the army to the young prince Murad, who was only 12 years old at that time. After attending to all crucial matters, Bayezid Pasha swiftly headed north to Mehmed's camp. Once there, he wasted no time in reorganizing the camps, chastising the unruly beys and soldiers who had become lax due to the prolonged inaction, and restoring order and discipline to the camp and army.

Before long, Bayezid Pasha managed with whip and wit to reorganized the ranks of the Ottoman army, restored its morale, and regained its campaign capabilities. They were finally ready to strike at the rebels. The newly regrouped army quickly pacified the surrounding towns and villages, killing and capturing many rebels in the process. Growing confident from recent successes, and with new-found intelligence of the whereabouts of Bedreddin from the mouths of the captives, on 13 September 1416, Bayezid Pasha led the main force of the Ottoman army - a formidable contingent of 18,000 hardened and experienced warriors - deep into the forests of Deliorman where Bedreddin is supposed to have his main base of operation located. Bayezid Pasha is determined to put an end to the rebellion once and for all.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 4 – SILENT HILLS AND MOVING BUSHES



"Run! Run! Save our lives!"

Bayezid Pasha, the Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, watches as hundreds of terrified rebel peasants flee in panic. The Ottoman cavalry charges forward, intent on hunting them down. Some are hacked to pieces by the Ottoman scimitars, while others scramble into the hills and forests, using the rugged terrain as a shield against the pursuing cavalry.

"These peasants are like sand castles against our mighty waves," mocks a bearded Ottoman general. "A single charge from our cavalry is enough to shatter their fragile line. This is hardly a battle; it's more like smashing flies."

Bayezid Pasha glances at Ahmed Yahyali, the cavalry commander of his army. A muscular man with broad shoulders and a deep chest, Yahyali boasts about the bravery of his men. Though Bayezid dislikes the commander's arrogance and bad temper, he acknowledges the truth in his words.

Since leading the main Ottoman army of 12,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalries into Deliorman to crush the rebel forces, they have encountered scattered resistance along the way. Most often, the enemy forms roadblocks with poorly equipped peasant rebels hiding behind hastily dug ditches. Their numbers never exceed a thousand.

Routing them requires only a single cavalry charge or a concentrated volley of arrows. They always flee into the hillsides at the first sign of contact, leaving their wounded and dead comrades behind. This cowardice fills the Ottomans, who prize bravery and courage, with contempt for the rebels. As the Ottoman army presses deeper into Bedreddin's territory, they are all confident that victory is near.

"My Pasha, we have a prisoner," a cavalry officer announces, bringing forth a wounded captive. With a kick, he forces the captive to kneel before Bayezid Pasha.

"Speak to the Pasha, or you will die by the sword," the officer threatens.

"Lord Pasha, please be merciful and forgive my trespasses! I am a humble peasant, caught up in the lies of..."

Before Bayezid can speak, Ahmed Yahyali dismounts from his horse and kicks the captive in the stomach. "Stop your games, fool! Where are the main rebel forces? How many men do they have?"

The captive rebel, a middle-aged man, sobs and snivels, his dirty shirt covered in snot and tears. With fear in his eyes, he nods his head violently, eager to tell them everything to save his life. "My good lord, I'll tell you everything! The rebels have set up a camp in a village about two days' march to the north. I was there a week ago, working on building wooden fences and digging ditches. I was forced to join the rebels; if I didn't, they would've killed me, I swear!"

Yahyali draws his sword and presses it against the captive's throat. "Silence, you worthless pig. Answer my question. How many men are there?"

"There are around 4,000 men in the camp, mostly from nearby villages. Please, have mercy and spare my life. My good lord, I beg you..."

"How deep are the ditches?"

"They're... about half a man's height deep."

"Do they have any armor? Any horsemen?"

"No horses, only some goats and sheep, and... and chickens and boars, all from nearby villages. Some men are clad in iron, but most are like me, just peasants with pitchforks, kidnapped by the devil. I have no ill will towards the great Sultan or my good lord."

Yahyali seems satisfied with the answers. He helps the captive to his feet and cuts him loose with his sword.

"Thank you, my benevolent lord. May God..." Before the captive can finish his gratitude, Yahyali slashes open his throat.

Without even looking at the man he has just killed, Yahyali calmly cleans his sword with a piece of cloth. He turns to Bayezid Pasha and says, "The captive's words are consistent with those of the others. They must be speaking the truth. The enemy headquarters is only miles away. We should strike quickly and take them by surprise, ending this rebellion once and for all. Our sultan will be pleased with our swift action."

Bayezid Pasha glances briefly at the body on the ground. The man's hands are still clutching the gaping wound in his throat, as life slowly slips away from his eyes. For a fleeting moment, a hint of empathy flickers in Bayezid's gaze before it returns to its usual cold, calculating state. He turns his attention back to Yahyali and considers his recommendation carefully. Despite his disdain for Yahyali's ruthlessness and ambition, he must agree with the commander's assessment, albeit for different reasons.

Unlike Yahyali who is eager to gain military accomplishment by crushing the rebels and obtain the favor of sultan Mehmed, as grand vizier Bayezid Pasha must think of the bigger picture. Due to the late delays and departure of the army, they only have a short campaign season. If they fail to encircle and destroy the main rebel army before the snow falls, the cold and harsh climate of Dobrudja will prevent them from taking any major military actions for the remainder of the winter season, and the rebellion will be drawn out to next spring. This in turn will waste hundreds of thousands of extra silvers to supply the army, money much needed to rebuild the empire; not to mention a delayed campaign and distraction in Dubrudja could prompt other players lurking in the dark to make moves against the Sultan. To destroy the rebels before winter arrives is therefore of high priority to Bayezid Pasha.

“Give my order to the army, form a battle column, with the cavalry in front and the main infantry groups into ten columns and force march towards the rebel camp, we shall crush the rebels once and for all, so that no one dares to defy our great sultan ever again!” with the order of Bayezid, the Ottoman army moves north with fervor.

“Wise Vizier, your grace, I humbly propose to lead my cavalry men as the vanguard, I promise to bring to you the head of Bedreddin.” Yahyali pleads with Bayezid Pasha to let him receive the glory of defeating the rebels.

Bayezid Pasha considers this proposal carefully. As he has decided to rush and surprise the rebels with a swift attack before they manage to spread and flee to the forests and become a continuing headache, he intends to make good use of Yahyali’s courage. This experienced cavalry commander known for his unrelenting and forceful charges will surely shatter the rebels.

“Bey Yahyali, I commend your courage, you have my permission to lead your men as vanguard, be careful of rebel tricks, and do not disappoint our great Sultan!”

“Thank you, my Vizier, you are wise as always, I will not make you regret your decision today!”

The Ottoman army, led by the determined Grand Vizier Bayezid Pasha and with the eager Yahyali as vanguard, rushes northward with a singular purpose: to crush the rebels before winter's icy grasp sets in. Their cavalry forms the sharp edge of the blade, while the infantry masses behind in tight columns, ready to strike.

As the Ottoman army marches through narrow dirt roads, the dense vegetation and steep hillsides loom ominously. Unbeknownst to them, they are being watched closely by the rebels, lying in ambush. Ivan, the leader of the ambushing rebel forces, clutches his crossbow tightly, sweat beading on his forehead despite the chill autumn breeze. His heart pounds as he waits for the signal to attack.

The Ottoman soldiers, blinded by their greed and arrogance, march onward, unaware of the danger looming ahead. Suddenly, a group of rebels appears in front of them, blocking the narrow road with their loose formation. Yahyali, seeing an easy target, orders a cavalry charge.

But the rebels don't budge. Instead, they stand their ground, using their large shields and long spears to fend off the Ottoman charge. The cavalry's momentum is halted by the narrow road and the unexpected resistance. Yahyali grows impatient, ordering a full attack with the rest of the army.

As more cavalry pours into the battlefield, the rebels are pushed back, but they refuse to break. Just as Yahyali thinks victory is within his grasp, a small rock fall near him. He looks up, horror-struck, to see countless rebels lining the steep hillsides, bows and crossbows aimed down at the Ottoman forces.

Ivan, his heart filled with revenge and the desire for a new world, shouts, "For the new world, for our Sheikh Bedreddin!!" With all his might, he loosens his bolt, sending it flying towards the enemy. Around him, the other rebels follow suit, loosing their arrows and rocks, raining down a deadly hail on the Ottoman army.

The Ottoman soldiers, caught in the midst of this unexpected ambush, panic begins to spread. The cavalry, once so confident and fierce, is now thrown into chaos as they try to evade the hail of arrows and rocks. The infantry, trapped behind, can only watch helplessly as their comrades fall.

"Ambush! Sound the retreat!!" Yahyali's panicked cry rips through the air, as countless arrows rain down on the unsuspecting Ottoman ranks. The narrow dirt road confines their formation, making the arrows' aim all the more deadly. With their main armor and shields facing the road ahead, they're left exposed to the flanking and rear arrows. Arrows pierce unprotected backs and bodies, and within minutes, the Ottoman soldiers are suffering horrendous casualties.

Meanwhile, Ivan stands on the hillside, watching the Ottoman army fall. His heart is filled with both revenge and a sense of justice. He knows that this is only the beginning of their fight against the Ottomans, and he is ready to lead his men into battle again and again until they achieve their sacred goal.

Simultaneously, the thundering of cavalry charges echoes, and the Yahyali's hearts sink further as he beholds hundreds and of rebel cavalry and infantry, fully armored, charging down the road from everywhere. Trapped by the arrow fire and a relentless rebel infantry, the Ottoman formation becomes chaotic and too disorganized to mount any meaningful resistance.

Yahyali's face contorts in a mask of despair and fury. His eyes bulge from their sockets as he watches his men fall, helpless to stop the onslaught. "This cannot be happening!" he screams, his voice hoarse with rage. "Where did they all come? How did they hide their forces from us??"

As the rebel army crashes into the Ottoman ranks, men are thrown into the air by the force of the impact. The Ottoman battleline collapses in a chaos of screams and panic, Yahyali's bravely faces the onslaught, killing many rebels with his sword and roar, before vanishing in the sea of rebel army. With their commander dead, and nowhere to go but through the dense forests, the Ottoman army panics and flees, trampling and killing their own men in the mad dash to escape.

Not far behind, the main Ottoman army faces a similar fate. Ambushed by an even larger rebel force, they fight desperately but slowly lose ground as enemy arrows rain down and heavy infantry hack into their flanks. Bayezid Pasha, rallying his troops with shouts of encouragement attempt to hold their ground until their vanguard could come to their reinforcement, unbeknown of Yahyali's fate.

“Hold on brave soldiers, hold your ground! Bey Yahyali will charge them from the rear and route them!”

“Look, the banner of Bey Yahyali is in rebel hands!”

Bayezid looks to the call of a Ottoman officer, seeing a signature red horse-tail banner and realizes in an instant the demise of Yahyali's force's. His face falls, realization dawning.

"Bedreddin..." he mutters, realization striking him like a blow. "He's been playing us all for fools. His elite forces were hidden, feigning weakness." The peasant forces were a distraction, meant to lull us into a false sense of security. The banner of Yahyali made the Ottoman soldiers realize that no reinforcement is coming and they are fully surrounded, morale begins to collapse.

Bayezid's heart sinks as he watches this once proud army begin to crumble, then flee in disarray in front of him.

"This is disaster..." he repeats, his voice filled with regret and helplessness. As his loyal guards drag him away, he can only stare in horror at the carnage unfolding before him. The Ottoman soldiers, their armor discarded in their haste to escape, flee with no honor, leaving only the sound of their panicked shouts echoing in the aftermath of the battle.

Of the 18,000 soldiers deployed, only about a third returned alive to their camp. Bayezid Pasha, along with approximately half of his men, survived with minor injuries, but the main cavalry force, including its commander Yahyali, perished in the woods. In stark contrast, Bedreddin's rebel forces sustained negligible casualties to their elite corps.

The stunning Ottoman defeat at Deliorman by the rebels came as a surprise to the entire region of Rumelia, news of Ottoman defeat spread like wildfire, and many whispers appear in the darkness.

As winter approached, Mehmed was compelled to acknowledge defeat and postpone his campaign until the next year, while hastily assembling a new army. It was in this disadvantageous position that Mehmed received a personal envoy from Emperor Manuel II. Physically weakened by illness, pride wounded, and having recently lost his main army, Mehmed reluctantly agreed to terms heavily favoring the Romans on October 27, 1416. In exchange for the Romans keeping Mustafa and Junayd away from Ottoman territory, with Mustafa exiled to the island of Lemnos and Junayd confined in the castle of Neopatras, the Ottomans were obligated to pay 600,000 akces annually and cede control of the castle of Neopatras to the Romans. Neopatras, situated at a crossroads between the despotate of Thessaloniki, Duchy of Athes, Duchy of Epirus, and the Despotate of Morea, became a valuable strategic asset for the Romans, opening a corridor between Thessaloniki and Morea through the Gulf of Corinth.

- Sheikh Bedreddin visits and commends the victorious rebels that returned to the villages, with crowds cheering.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 5 – THE CHOSEN

- А miniature from the Louvre MS. Ivoires 100 manuscript, depicting the Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaiologos, empress Helena and three of their sons - the co-emperor John VIII and the Despots Theodore and Andronikos.


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The recent treaty with sultan Mehmed is yet another Roman diplomatic success, the news of signing sends the Roman court in Constantinople into jubilant moods. The yearly income of 600.000 akces accounts for almost one tenth of the total annual revenue of the empire, and provides a rather significant boost to its limited financial status.

In addition to the monetary gain, the strategically important castle of Neopatras was also returned to Roman hands. A masterful plan devised by Despot Andronikos and Leontares of Thessaloniki; the castle situated in the county of Salona was originally a remnant of Latin empire. 20 years ago, the last Count of Salona sold the county to the Knight Hospitaller for a rather meagre sum of money. The Ottomans however did not respect the transaction and forcibly took the county from the Knights Hospitaller around 10 years ago.

Due to the constant civil war and internal struggle Ottomans faced, they haven’t had the resources to consolidate their gain in the county, and as a result many cities and castles in Salona is only lightly garrisoned or outright abandoned. Now, Neopatras is situated to the northern part of Salona and next to the vital land road connection between Thessaly, by controlling the castle the Roman army of Thessaloniki can traverse briefly through Ottoman Salona, then reach the gulf of Corinth to be ferried across easily. This will in practice link up the Despotate of Thessaloniki with the Despotate Morea, significantly improve the synergy and connection not to mention opening up future expansion routes into Epirus and Central Greece. This diplomatic success makes large scale reinforcement from Thessaloniki to Morea possible and easy, and vice versa, undoubtedly helpful to the coming Morea campaign which will see the Empire assemble all its might into reconquering the remnant Latin holdings in Morea and Achaea.

To celebrate this recent fortune, Emperor Manuel II announces a grand banquet at the palace of Blachernae, but only in honor of the newly arrived Despot Andronikos, to avoid offending the Ottomans. Many details of state affairs will be discussed before, during, and after the banquet.

As soon as Andronikos arrived by sea to Constantinople, he was immediately summoned to a state council inside the palace, participating the meeting is Emperor Manuel, Co-emperor Ioannes, Despot of Morea Theodoros and Andronikos himself.

Chairing the council is the young and vigorous Ioannes, he opens with a firm voice: “Now as the Ottomans have suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the mystic rebels, it is high time that we put our plan into action! We must utilize this opportunity to restore Imperial rule on all of Morea and Achaea again, and liberate our people from the yoke of the illegal Latin occupants!”

“Theodoros my son, please inform us of the provisions.” Manuel takes over the conversation, and asks Theodoros for confirmation.

The young and inexperienced Theodoros seems nervous at first, he stutters a bit before gathering his act together and reads from a parchment prepared for him by his advisors: “Since last spring, we in Morea have prepared energetically for the upcoming campaign. We increased taxes and the storage of grain, and made good effort in importing additional grains from Egypt through the Venetians. We are now pleased to inform the Basileios that we are well course to meet our target, and when the campaign begins next year can sustain four thousand men for three months of campaign of immediate vicinity with sufficient grains and other necessary supplies. Anything further than that will put great stress to our local economy and the tax base in years to come.”

Manuel nods without any comments, then place his looks on Andronikos. Without hesitation and with a confident posture, Andronikos reports that: “The weapons supply target of Thessaloniki will meet in time, we are proud to report that as of now, a thousand infantry spears, three hundred cavalry lances, five hundred bows, three hundred crossbows, a thousand shields, and four hundred long swords have been manufactured and procured in place. Furthermore, we like to use this opportunity to inform our wise Basileios that we plan to train a new army of a thousand men using our share of the yearly tribute the Ottoman provided us.”

“A thousand men? Are you sure?” Ioannes sound surprised. In his calculation, 600.000 akces although a very large sum, is not nearly enough to pay for a thousand men in arms. Fighting men are very expensive. “Our campaign is of utmost importance, we do not need ill-equipped militias, they won’t help only increase our labor.”

Manuel and Ioannes cast suspicious glances at Andronikos as he explains his plan. "A thousand well-trained, capable fighting men, that's my promise to you," he declares firmly. "We've established furnaces and manufacturing facilities in Thessaloniki to produce all our equipment locally. This will significantly reduce the cost of our armament compared to imported weapons and armor."

"And how do you plan to pay them?" Manuel asks, showing interest.

"Instead of money, we've acquired vast tracts of land from abandoned villages and farms in our Despotate," Andronikos replies. "Already, hundreds of people fleeing Ottoman territory have settled there. They'll serve as levy soldiers in our new army, paying their dues through their service."

"A Pronoia army, a Timar army," Manuel murmurs, considering the idea. "But why are so many Ottoman subjects fleeing to us now?"

"Most of them are followers of Bedreddin," Andronikos explains. "Unlike previous instances, these followers of the Mystic Rebel have been treated harshly under the direct order of Sultan Mehmed. He considers them a threat to religious stability and his rule, vowing to eliminate them all. Countless men, women, and children have been slaughtered indiscriminately by the Ottoman armies before they could reach our gates."

"And you don't think they pose a threat to us as well?" Manuel asks.

"While they could indeed be a potential threat, and the Church in Thessaloniki opposes my decision, I believe they will provide valuable manpower for our cause," Andronikos replies. "They hate the Ottomans deeply and have nowhere else to go. Relying on our grace and mercy to survive, we can harness their strength for our own benefit. This outweighs all other considerations, as we need to prepare for a prolonged struggle, and in that struggle, we need all the men we can gather."

"An interesting idea, Father," Ioannes says, nodding in approval. "Let's give Andronikos a chance to try his method. We do need good men to fight, and I've heard that many of the followers of the Mystic Rebel are experienced fighters. If Andronikos can control and organize them efficiently at a low cost, it will greatly aid our efforts."

Manuel nods in agreement. "So be it. Now, let's discuss our strategy. The campaign shall commence in spring, when the Latins least expect us..."

Theodoros interrupts with concern, "But what about planting the fields? No campaign has ever been launched in spring. The land needs men to till it, and the crops need to grow..."

Manuel frowns at his inexperienced young son and speaks in a tone seldom heard from the otherwise charismatic emperor, "Don't get distracted by minor details; you are a Despot! Look at the bigger picture! Our procurement of grains and supplies must have already alerted the Latins. They are not fools and will be expecting an attack. But they will surely anticipate an attack in the summer, after the fields have been planted. That's why we must strike in spring, when their castles are unmanned, without reinforcements from Italy or provisions gathered after winter depletion. They will be most vulnerable then. As for the loss of crops in Morea, that's a cost we must bear. This is war, my sons! You are too young to remember, but war is ugly, it devours flesh and bone, and it demands the greatest sacrifice from everyone involved. Never forget that!"

With a strong voice, Emperor Manuel II reminds everyone that he has lived through more turmoil, faced unwinnable challenges, and experienced horrors beyond imagination. War, betrayal, intrigue, diplomacy, death, tragedy, and struggle are all part of the old Emperor's memories. Despite everything, he stands strong and resolute, vowing to stand against the tide of oblivion and refuse to bow his head to cruel fate.

With the campaign's launch date set, the state council continues discussing other details and tactics for the entire day. It is decided that Theodoros will assemble an army of 2000 men in Morea, Ioannes will lead 2000 men from Constantinople, and Andronikos will bring another 1000 men from Thessaloniki. They will join forces in Mystras, the capital of Morea, and launch a surprise attack across Achaea, capturing as many castles as possible. Then, they will march on and reunite at the capital of the duchy of Achaea, Castle of Glorentza, to defeat Count Centurione and reclaim the rest of Achaea once and for all.

A day later, on the eve of November 11th, 1416, the palace of Blachernae was transformed into a vibrant painting of sights and sounds. The grand hall was adorned with rich tapestries, golden candelabra, and intricate mosaics that sparkled in the candlelight. The air was filled with the enticing aroma of exotic spices and the sweet scent of flowers, mingling with the rich aroma of roasting meats and baking breads.

All the dignitaries of Constantinople had gathered, dressed in their finest attire, eager to pay their respects to Emperor Manuel II. As they entered the hall, they were warmly greeted by the emperor, who stood at the entrance, a welcoming smile on his face.

The banquet that followed was a feast for the senses. Long tables were laden with a variety of dishes, from succulent roasted meats to delicate pastries, all served on fine porcelain plates. The wines flowed freely, and the air was filled with the clinking of glasses and the laughter of guests.

Dancers from the Orient entertained the crowd with their exotic and acrobatic dances. They moved gracefully, their bodies twisting and turning in intricate patterns, their costumes adorned with sequins and beads that sparkled in the light. Their movements were accompanied by the rhythmic beats of drums and the sweet melodies of flutes, creating a magical atmosphere.

Bards, too, took to the stage, singing songs of praise to the empire and the emperor. Their voices rose and fell, filling the hall with melodies that were both powerful and poignant. The lyrics spoke of the glory of the empire, its past triumphs, and its present challenges, inspiring the guests to remember their heritage and to strive for a brighter future.

In the midst of this celebration, Manuel sat in the main seat, surrounded by his family and closest advisors. His eldest son, Ioannes, sat to his left, while his wife, Empress Helena Dragas, occupied the seat to his right. The younger sons, Demetrios, Konstantinos, and Thomas, sat nearby, their faces reflecting the excitement and anticipation of the evening.

As the banquet progressed, the atmosphere in the hall became increasingly festive. Guests mingled and conversed, laughing and joking as they enjoyed the feast. The emperor, too, seemed to relax, his face breaking into a warm smile as he engaged in conversation with his guests.

And then, to further enhance the festivities, a mystic claiming to come from the faraway land of India took to the center of the hall. He swallowed a long sword without harm, much to the amazement and awe of the audience. The feat was met with a thunderous applause, and the mystic bowed gracefully, acknowledging the praise.

While Manuel greets each guest who has come to pay their respects to the emperor, Ioannes, Andronikos, and Theodoros seize the opportunity to relax after a hectic meeting yesterday.

"I must say, your suggestion to take Neopatras is a genius move!" Ioannes looks at Andronikos, cup raised, a big smile on his face.

"Yes, now the lands of the Romans are linked. The Venetians can't cut our sea communication anymore. It will greatly aid our campaign!" Theodoros, still not accustomed to wine due to his young age, is already half-drunk and red-faced.

"Come spring, and I'll lead the Thessaloniki army to join you, my brother, in Morea. Together, we'll crush the Latins who have infested our lands and people for too long!"

"Let's drink to that!" Ioannes finishes his cup, wine dripping down his strong beard. He puts his arm around Andronikos' shoulder and shouts, "That's the spirit! The empire depends on our unity, but first, let's enjoy this banquet."

"Andronikos, our father calls to you." Theodors taps Andronikos on his shoulder, he turns and sees Manuel waves at him, calling him to his side.

Andronikos leaves his seat and come to the side of Manuel. "Let me take a good look at you. I'm pleased with your recovery. It's truly a blessing from heaven." Manuel looks visibly happy with Andronikos, his health, and his calm intelligence.

"It was all thanks to Master Plethon and his potions."

"I know. Now, tell me about Thessaloniki. How is this beautiful city? Does the bell of the Church of Prophet Elijah still ring as loud as before?"

"The bell has undergone renovation to remove rust. Now, it's the bells of Sankt Nicholas that ring."

"Ah, Sankt Nicholas. You see, when I was the Despot of Thessaloniki some thirty years ago, not much older than you are now, I used to walk down the streets and admire the ancient murals in the churches and monasteries. I often held long conversations about theology and philosophy with the clergymen. There was one young priest, so intelligent and pleasant to talk with." Manuel can't help but reminisce about his youthful years when he was the steward of Thessaloniki and ruled for almost ten years before the Ottomans conquered the city.

Andronikos rarely sees his father praise another man in such glowing terms. Curious, he asks, "What's this man's name, and where is he now?"

Manuel's eyes darken a little. "His name was Nikephoros. He was taken as a slave by the Ottomans when the city fell. The next time I saw him was seven years later, at the siege of Philadelphia. Our Empire's last stronghold in Asia Minor, a valiant and loyal city that held out against the horde of heathens for eighty years without reinforcement."

"I was there as the hostage of Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt. As the Ottomans prepared to assault the city, I saw Nikephoros from afar. His blonde hair was visible. He was in the first assault ranks, ragged men whose only purpose was to absorb the defender's arrows. I saw arrows pierce his chest, and he died on a sunny morning in the fields."

Andronikos' emotions deepen with a hint of sorrow. Manuel taps his son's hand and comforts him gently. "Many good men have died in the past, too many to count. What's important is that we move on."

"Maybe I'll visit the city once the Morea campaign is over and before my aging bones prevent me from moving around, haha." Manuel laughs, lightening the mood. His spirit is high, and he jokes around. Before sending his son away, he gives him advice: "You've grown into a bright young man, my son. Read history in your free time. Learn from past mistakes to draw inspiration to face future challenges. Read especially carefully about the events of our Empire in the last hundred years. See how much destruction the civil war between the Andronikos and Ioannes caused our Empire's demise. See how the Ottoman Interregnum made them suffer. Learn from them and don't repeat past mistakes."

“I will learn with all my passion.” Andronikos makes vow to Manuel.

As the evening draws to a close, the emperor rises to his feet, raising a glass in a toast to the empire and its future. His voice rings out clear and strong, filling the hall with a sense of hope and determination. The guests follows suit, raising their glasses in unison, their voices echoing in the grand hall as they pledg their loyalty and support to the empire.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 6 – A NEEDED RESPITE

- Miniature of Sultan Mehmed I from 16th century manuscript.

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The Grand Vizier, Bayezid Pasha, entered the sultan's palace in Adrianople with cautious steps. His cheeks were hollow, his appearance haggard, exhausted by the three-day ride from the Ottoman capital of Anatolia, Bursa, to the capital of Ottoman Rumelia, Adrianople, amidst a heavy snowfall.

Mehmed, half-leaning against a Roman couch, looked up at his grand vizier bowing before him and extended a trembling hand.

After the humiliating defeat in Dobrudja, Mehmed and Bayezid Pasha were forced to lead the remnants of their army back to Adrianople for the winter, leaving behind only a small defensive force to contain the rebel advances. Once back in Adrianople, Mehmed's condition had improved somewhat, but he still struggled to leave his bed and took only brief, assisted strolls.

Bayezid removed his hat, stepped forward, and gently kissed the hand of Mehmed, then retreated to his original position. "I have come at your Highness's request as soon as possible. How may I be of service to my sultan?"

Mehmed spoke without any preamble, his voice hoarse and tired. "What is the situation in Izmir? How serious is the dispute between Murad and Mustafa, and how much is it damaging our military efforts?"

Bayezid sighed heavily before responding. "When the princes arrived in November, their relations were cordial. They managed their respective armies orderly and prevented the rebellion from spreading further. But things turned sour when Murad's cavalry was ambushed by the rebels on the outskirts of Manisa, a garrison area under Mustafa's responsibility. Murad accuses Mustafa of failing to secure the area, while Mustafa blames Murad for entering his territory without warning."

"Soon, the coordination between the two princes' armies broke down, and the rebel army led by Torlak Kemal, a disciple of Bedreddin, took advantage of the chaos to pillage several villages lying between their garrison areas. The harsh winter has prevented our main army from moving in large numbers, and our fleet has been decimated by winter storms. The small detachments we sent out either failed to intercept the rebels, who are intimately familiar with the terrain, or fell into ambushes and suffered heavy losses."

Mehmed's voice remained calm, but his eyes flashed with anger. "Who do you think is at fault? Who should be blamed for this mess?"

Bayezid hesitated. "Forgive me, your Highness, but I am not in a position to judge the princes. However, without a clear chain of command, I fear the situation will not improve."

Mehmed stood; his body still weak from his long illness. He walked past Bayezid to the wall and drew a sword from one of the scabbards hanging there. "It was my mistake to call both my sons and their respective armies to Izmir. I had high hopes for them, but they have both failed me. As a result, I am appointing you to take charge of the army in Anatolia, while I deal with Bedreddin myself."

"But your Highness, your health..." Bayezid began to protest.

Mehmed interrupted him with a determined voice. "My health cannot be a concern now. Our spies in Europe have informed me that the Infidel Christians, assembled by the incompetent king of Hungary, Sigismund, have gathered in the city of Constance to discuss a reunion of the churches and plan another crusade against us. Although they have not yet chosen a new Pope, the discussions are nearing their end. We must be prepared for another heathen army descending from the north. But before that, we must eliminate the main obstacle, Sheikh Bedreddin. We cannot allow him and his supporters to gather strength. We must root out this weed and secure our flanks and rear."

Bayezid knew that Mehmed was right. Bedreddin had capitalized on his victory to expand his territory, now controlling most of the Bulgarian lands north of Shumen, including all of Dobrudja. He had become a serious threat, one that only Mehmed or Bayezid himself could defeat with a large army.

Bayezid Pasha was grateful for Mehmed's tolerance and mercy after his defeat. He had underestimated the rebels' cunning and would never make such a mistake again.

Mehmed handed the sword to Bayezid. "Rest a while, my friend, but I fear you must journey back to Bursa immediately to arrange the army. I shall lead a new army to Dobrudja when spring comes. I am placing Anatolia in your hands. You have my authority to command the army. My sword is your symbol of authority. Your orders shall be mine. You must punish Murad and Mustafa for their petty squabbles and restore order and cohesion. Only together can we deal with this crisis."

"As you wish, your Highness," Bayezid replied, accepting the sword. He bowed and exited the palace, his mind heavy with the burden of Mehmed's trust and the responsibility he now carried.

As Bayezid disappeared into the cold, drizzling February weather, Mehmed let out a quiet sigh, his face etched with weariness and the weight of the Ottoman Empire resting heavily on his shoulders.

The situation for him and his empire is hardly rosy. Bedreddin can only be barely contained in the north, another crusade is looming in Christian lands, the rebels in Anatolia have scored another victory against local beys, they now lay siege on Izmir and may take the important city if reinforcement is not sent immediately. Furthermore, his agents inform him the Romans is in the process of gathered a rather considerable army with unknown intentions, most likely a campaign against the Latin counties and duchies in Greece.

Although these Latin remnants are not vassal of the Ottomans, Mehmed was nevertheless concerned of the growing strength of the Romans. Given strength, the past history had shown that these Romans, under the wise and stable hand of emperor Manuel, his nominal ‘father’, will undoubtedly increase their meddling in Ottoman affairs, seek to undermine Ottoman rule, and plan to restore their former lands taken by Mehmed and his ancestors.

If only Allah could grant him the health and time to reconsolidate his empire...



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Hundreds of miles away from Adrianople, in Thessaloniki, Andronikos also faced a predicament, albeit a minor one compared to Mehmed.

Ever since his return from Constantinople to Thessaloniki, Andronikos immediately dedicated himself to preparing for the coming campaign. The first military campaign he participated in and led, alongside his brother in arms, meant a lot to the young Despot. Excited as he was, he was determined not to let his brother or his father down.

He actively studied under the tutelage of the experienced soldier Demetrios Laskaris Leontares, learning how to command an army, establish a clear chain of command, treat his captains and soldiers, organize camp and logistics, and understand the important tactical maneuvers under given conditions, among other things. Additionally, he had to pick up horse riding and swordsmanship skills to improve his chances of survival on the dangerous battlefield. From grand strategy to minor tactical details, Andronikos learned with great vigor and eagerness throughout the winter.

The men he intended to lead into Morea were a mixed contingent, consisting of an experienced officer corps and soldiers levied from the recently arrived Bedreddin followers. Although these men had recently escaped from Ottoman slaughter, despite Andronikos’ empathy for their situation, circumstances forced him to make the tough choice.

For many of the refugees of Ottoman persecution, the Romans in Thessaloniki were the only thing preventing them from being slaughtered by the Ottomans, and they lacked the funds to escape by ship. As the Romans offered them shelters and food, and promised them land of their own in exchange for military service, most of them accepted. Some begrudgingly, some at ease.

These men mostly came from nearby areas, many of them Christian Greeks, so they were all accustomed to Roman tradition and rule, and thus blended into the Roman command structure quite effortlessly. Additionally, many had served as Ghazis or levies of Ottoman armies and thus had past military experience. It was obvious that once reorganized into Roman ranks, their performance surprised even the most optimistic predictions.

Unlike local garrisons who lacked professionalism and were only utilized for local defense, and unlike mercenaries who had their own traditions, command, and tactical structures free from interference, this new army provided Andronikos and Leontares with a rare opportunity to experiment with new tactics.

Drawing from the effectiveness of a disciplined army using combined arms tactics that the Ottomans had utilized to great effect at the battle of Nicopolis against a numerically superior but disorganized crusader army, Leontares and Andronikos set out to establish a semi-professional army. This new force of 1000 men consisted of four main infantry spear companies, each with 100 men armed with pikes as long as 4 meters, known as kontaria, a spatha sword as a sidearm, and wearing gambeson armor with a medium shield. There were also three companies of archers to provide missile cover, two sword and shield companies excellent in melee combat, and a company of light cavalry to provide screening. This new army was named by Andronikos as the ‘Epilektoi’ – The Chosen, inspired by the Elite Hoplite formation of Ancient Greek City States.

Leontares used military treaties from the classical age that had survived history to train them in pike wall tactics, and ancient Roman military treatises to drill them rigorously to instill discipline among the ranks. The old-school Roman officers, initially skeptical, soon saw the value in the experiment.

When the snows melted and green appeared, Andronikos stood ready for war.

On 22 February 1417, an envoy from Constantinople arrived at Thessaloniki, bringing a letter from Ioannes. Ioannes informed his brother Andronikos that he intended to depart Constantinople at the end of the month and expected to see Andronikos in Morea by early March.

Together with his trusted general Leontares, Andronikos made plans and departed Thessaloniki with his newly formed, 1000-man strong Epilektoi towards Neopatras. Once they arrived, they continued further south to the coast, where the combined navy of the Roman Empire would ferry them across the Gulf of Corinth into the Despotate of Morea.

After years of meticulous planning and seizing the moment while the Ottomans were distracted, the Roman campaign to reclaim the storied duchy of Achaea finally commenced. If this quest failed, it would be a devastating blow to the empire, shattering its aspirations of rising from the ashes of decline.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 7 – THE FIRST STEP OF RECONQUEST

- The map of Peloponnese, the Principality of Achaea occupies most of Achaea and Elis, and northern parts of Arcadia, Argolis and Messenia. The Roman Despotate of Morea controls Laconia and parts of southern Arcadia.

Historically, the principality of Achaea has long served as a vassal under the crown of Naples, but the Neapolitan influence has gradually waned over time. In 1407, Duke Tocco of Leucas and Epirus, eager to seize control of the principality for himself, successfully persuaded King Ladislaus of Naples to rescind his nominal overlordship over Achaea. However, Tocco's subsequent invasion of the principality was thwarted by the intervention of the Republic of Genoa. Since 1409, Achaea has been nominally a protectorate of Genoa.


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On the sunny day of 7 March 1417, Andronikos gathers with his brothers at the war council in the castle of Mystras, the administrative capital of the despotate of Morea. Outside the castle walls, the Roman army, numbering over 5,000 men, has encamped. They've arrived from Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and Morea, ready for battle.

Facing them are approximately 2,000 Latin garrisons, led by a hundred knights. But these forces are spread across Achaea, unaware and unprepared for the imminent attack. Intelligence suggests that the Latins did not anticipate the Romans to launch their campaign in spring. As a result, the defense of Achaea lies exposed and vulnerable.

During the war council, it's quickly decided that Co-emperor Ioannes will assume the role of supreme commander for the entire campaign and lead the main army towards the enemy capital of Glarentza. Meanwhile, the Thessaloniki army, nominally led by Andronikos and assisted by the experienced general Leontares, will strike independently through the Achaean countryside, capturing key castles along the way. Theodoros, Despotate of Morea, due to his forces' familiarity with the terrain, will focus on establishing Roman rule over the countryside.

The combined Imperial forces were to depart collectively from Mystras, located in the south of the Peleponneses, and head towards Messenia. From there, Ioannes will proceed north into Elis to besiege Glarentza, a formidable Latin castle that serves as the capital of the principality of Achaea. Imperial agents inform that the enemy's main forces have gathered there. The Imperial navy will support the siege with a blockade, effectively cutting off communication between the Latin lords and their army in the rest of their realm.

At the same time, the forces of Andronikos and Theodoros will spread out to besiege major settlements of Navarino, Oleni and Clerment, and various towns and villages throughout Achaea. This is to secure the area while providing necessary food and provisions for the large army, supported by local village elders and clergymen. During this phase, Latin castles and strongholds like Arkadia will be surrounded and monitored, but no siege efforts will be made.

Once the countryside secured, the Imperial forces will reunite outside the walls of Glarentza and, depending on the situation, take the castle either by force or starvation. Once Glarentza falls and the main enemy army is destroyed, the Thessaloniki and Constantinople contingents will return home. Meanwhile, the local forces of Morea will engage in mop-up operations, capturing any remaining Latin holdouts in Achaea, including the strategic port city of Patras, if it hasn't already been taken.

The Morea campaign has been meticulously planned by the emperor Manuel, Ioannes, Andronikos and Theodoros. In anticipation and preparation, sufficient food, armor, weapons, arrows, gunpowder, horses, livestock, and all necessary war materials had been stocked in Mystras. To further safeguard against any potential Italian involvement, the Greek philosopher Plethon, who enjoys a good reputation in Italian courts, is sent to Naples to placate first the Neapolitan then other Italian lords.

In the face of the might of the Imperial army, Prince Centurione II Zaccaria of Achaea and his Latin retinues stand firm. As a formal vassal to the King of Naples, Centurione is renowned for his greedy nature, willing to employ any means necessary to get what he wants. Having been aware for some time of the Romans' intentions towards his domain and realizing his inability to defeat them alone, he has spent the past year frantically preparing for defense.

He has reinforced the walls of Glarentza and several other crucial castles, stockpiled food from the countryside, and dispatched numerous courtiers to Naples, his former overlord, Genoa, his nominal protector, and Venice, the enemy of his nominal protector, pleading for assistance. Even his wife's cousin Carlo I Tocco, the duke of Leucas, who had unsuccessfully attempted to seize Glarentza by force years ago, was not spared his pleas.

However, these efforts have provided him with scant comfort. The swiftness of the Roman advance has disrupted his plans, leaving the gates of many castles and towns open and their garrisons unmanned. To his disadvantage, the Greek population in Achaea is often indifferent, and at times openly hostile, to his attempts to hoard provisions from the countryside, let alone his efforts to gather a local levy force. Organized by the local Orthodox clergymen, numerous Greek villages have refused to comply with his orders to send provisions or men to Glarentza.

On 8 March 1417, a day after the war council, the Roman reconquest of Achaea begins. In accordance with the battle plan, the Roman forces march northwards, their banners fluttering in the wind. The Thessaloniki contingent, led by Andronikos and Leontares, slashes through the Achaean countryside, capturing many Latin castles and watches along the way, even taking the strategically important castle of Arkadia by a surprise attack. Theodoros also find great success, as many Greek villages and churches welcome their brethren with open arms. Meanwhile, the main army, under Ioannes' command, heads towards Glarentza, the heart of the enemy's power.

As Ioannes near their target, the siege preparations begin in earnest. The Roman forces encircle the castle, cutting off all supplies and reinforcements. The siege weapons are assembled, and the soldiers dig trenches and construct protective walls. The blockade by the Imperial navy ensures that no help can reach the besieged Latins.

The walls of Centurione's castles are indeed fortified with wooden attachments and ramparts, but without a steady supply, the garrison forces risk succumbing to a prolonged siege. What's more, he lacks the manpower to fortify all his positions. The Italian lords' inaction deeply disappoints Centurione. The lords of Naples are embroiled in internal struggles following the death of former king Ladislaus. Genoa, his nominal protector, is under immense pressure from the Duke of Milan on land and the Crown of Aragon at sea, unable to offer any support. And the Venetians, ever cunning, demand unacceptably high prices for minimal support.

Despite having taken these precautionary measures, Centurione finds himself torn between confidence in his preparations and concern over the vast numbers of the Roman army. He clings to the hope that God will intervene and that his Italian allies maybe will send crucial reinforcements. Surprisingly, it is the former enemy of Centurione, Duke Carlo I Tocco of Leucas, who responds positively to his plea for help. Perhaps sensing the threat of Roman reconquest on his holdings in Epirus and Cephalonia, he sends what little resource he can spare - two galleys arrive at the port of Glarentza, bringing 200 soldiers, provisions enough to supply 500 men for a month, and two cannons recently acquired from Venice and gunners to operate the cannons.

Heavily outnumbered, without the unwavering support of the local population or a guarantee of foreign intervention, and with the Roman attack catching him off-guard, Centurione's only practical option is to concentrate all his forces in Glarentza and brace himself for a long and brutal siege. As intelligence reaches him that a large Roman army has gathered and moved out of Mystras, he retreats to a local chapel to pray fervently to God for divine help. With little else he can do; he anxiously awaits the incoming Roman onslaught.

The Roman campaign couldn’t have received a better start: The Latin defenders were caught off guard, their numbers few and spread out couldn’t mobilize any serious resistance to Roman advances; the local Greek population makes no trouble whatsoever, many villages even openly welcome the arrival of Imperial army, ready to provide shelter and a limited amount of provision to their Imperial liberators. That been said, it was the rich and clergymen that showed the most enthusiasm to Roman liberation, whereas the majority of peasants are more or less indifferent to the whole situation – they may hate the foreign Latin lords that have placed heavy taxation and discriminatory policies upon them, but Roman rule have not shown any respite on the heavily-burdened peasants in the past, the taxes were equally heavy. For most of the them, this whole campaign is for the nobles and the haves to fight over, as have-nots, they only hope for lenient taxation and less levy in the future.

As the main army rapidly marched north to encircle Glarentza, villages along the main road are quickly occupied and secured. Not before long, the whole south and central Achaea is placed under Roman control, where the Latin resistance either retreats north and east towards the mountainous terrain, or hold out in a few castles spread across central Achaea. Less than a month into the campaign, the purple banner of the Imperial army already flies triumphantly over most of the hills, forests, and farmlands of Achaea, with only Glarentza remaining as the last unfinished business.

As the armies of Andronikos and Theodoros marches along the ancient Roman roads and through the countryside of Peloponnese to meet up with their Ioannes in Glarentza, Andronikos, clad in armor and astride a white horse, surveys the scene ahead. In front of him, the Imperial cavalry screens the advance, while behind him, an endless column of infantrymen and supply wagons stretches out. The Roman soldiers march with heads held high and chests puffed out. They are equipped with newly refurbished armor, influenced by Italian designs, and their polished swords and lances gleam brightly in the sun. They march towards reconquest and glory, their eyes fixed on the prize.

On 18 March 1417, the Romans surround Glarentza from all sides, and promptly set up camp, the siege of Glarentza has begun.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 8 – BAPTISM BY FIRE

- The Layout of Glarentza Castle

- Ruins of modern day Glarentza Castle, seeing from the eastern side


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Andronikos surveys the muddy ground outside his camp, the result of several days of relentless rain. Wooden walkways have been laid to facilitate the soldiers' movements, connecting the tents and camps of the ever-expanding Imperial encampment that surrounds the castle of Glarentza.

With heavy thoughts weighing on his mind, Andronikos wraps himself in a cloak and strides towards the main camp for a war council. Eighteen days have passed since their arrival in Achaea, and ten since the siege of Glarentza commenced.

However, the situation has been deteriorating, as the weather has taken a turn for the worse. Sporadic but persistent early spring rain has turned the ground into a muddy quagmire, hampering efforts to set up camp, prepare siege equipment, and fill the moats surrounding the walls. A seasoned commander knows the toll such relentless rain takes on the men's health and morale. The defensive posture of Glarentza offers little comfort to the Romans as well.

Glarentza, founded in the mid-13th century by William II of Villehardouin, the first Latin prince of Achaea, stands as the principal port and mint of the Frankish Principality. Nestled on a small plateau, sloping gently from west to east, it occupies a strategic position at the northwestern tip of the Chelonatas peninsula in the Elis region. Its irregular shape spans approximately 450 meters from east to west and 350 meters from north to south, encompassing an area of roughly 8,800 square meters. The town's northern and western sides border the sea, guarded by a sheer cliff that plunges fifty meters into the waves. The port, situated in the north, is sheltered from the harsh western and southwestern winds. While Glarentza's walls may not compare to the grandeur of Constantinople or Thessaloniki, breaching them remains a laborious task due to the town's advantageous defensive terrain. This fact was immediately apparent to Andronikos upon his arrival, as he recognized the daunting challenges his men faced—Roman soldiers must haul their equipment and siege engines up a slippery slope before encountering a long moat. Only after filling the moat under enemy fire can they approach a series of ramparts, and only after demolishing these can they draw near the walls themselves.

The Latins, despite being outnumbered, have sufficient manpower to fully garrison every inch of Glarentza's fortifications. As the main port and bastion of Latin influence in the Peleponnese, Glarentza is home to two thousand inhabitants, a mix of merchants, urbanites, craftsmen, and professional soldiers. Andronikos has no doubt that Centurione has mobilized every able-bodied man for his cause. The young prince faces a tough and unforgiving struggle ahead.

Stepping into the tent, Andronikos is immediately overwhelmed by the tense atmosphere of the ongoing war council. He watches as Leontares and Theodoros intently discuss a spread-out map, their brows furrowed as they seemingly ponder the strategic layout for the next move.

Ioannes, standing across the table, notices Andronikos' arrival and gives him a subtle nod of acknowledgment. With a firm voice, he declares, "So far, despite some hindrances from the weather, our campaign has been progressing smoothly. In less than a month, we have successfully encircled Centurione and his Latin accomplices in Glarentza, and we have secured almost all of Achaea under imperial control. It's only a matter of time before all of Achaea is reunited under the Empire!"

"Glory to the Empire!" the men present shout in unison, their voices thundering.

Ioannes' eyes glint with confidence as he continues, "Now, Glarentza stands as the final barrier before us. We must seize the momentum and launch a fierce attack! Strike the enemy hard! Our siege engines must be ready within two weeks. By then, reinforcements from Morea will have arrived, and we shall capture Glarentza once and for all!"

However, not everyone shares Ioannes' optimism. Leontares voices his concerns cautiously, "My lord, I understand your eagerness, but Glarentza has been fortified by the Latins. They possess many experienced siege warriors. I've heard rumors that they have even mounted two cannons on their walls. We must not underestimate the enemy."

"Cannons? Hah, they are mere toys that only scare cowards! They are useless in real warfare!" scoffs Demetrios Koutsoukos, a veteran and old-school general from Constantinople, he is trusted by Ioannes.

Ioannes concurs with Demetrios and scoffs, "Leontares, you worry too much sometimes. The Latins in Glarentza are isolated, with no reinforcements coming to their aid. Once we attack, they will panic and lose their will to fight."

However, Leontares stands his ground, "The Latins are renowned for their tenacity. I have faced them in the past, and they will not surrender easily. I am not opposed to attacking, but we must prepare thoroughly, especially against arrows and firearms. Every soldier of the Empire is a precious asset. We cannot afford to sacrifice their lives in hasty assaults."

Andronikos comes to Leontares' aid, agreeing, "Leontares is right. We can make additional preparations while still adhering to the timeline set by you, my lord."

Ioannes' expression briefly turns serious, but he soon recognizes the validity of Leontares' concerns. "Extra preparations can indeed be beneficial - as long as everyone meets the deadline. But ensure that your soldiers get adequate rest before the attack. I don't want a tired army that lacks focus due to lack of sleep."

Leontares and Andronikos nod in agreement. After further discussion, it is decided that the attack will commence on mid April. However, before the operation, Leontares proposes a strategy, "We could initiate a probing attack to assess the enemy's weak points. This way, we can launch a more targeted assault during the official attack."

The men nod in unison, acknowledging the wisdom of Leontares' suggestion. Thus, a carefully planned siege operation is about to unfold.

Days later, the Roman army begins its probing attacks to assess the enemy's strength and defensive setup. It quickly becomes obvious that the steep hill posed a serious challenge to the attacking army. While soldiers were climbing up hill, they get showered by a consistent arrow fire. Despite their bravery, the Roman soldiers have their shields pierced repeatedly by arrows, and their armor is being marked with mottled scars. The probing attack shows that without proper preparation, it would be very difficult to storm and take the castle.

The weather finally turned dry before the assault, seen by many as a blessing from God. The men are no longer hindered by muddy terrain, providing a significant relief to the Romans.

On a cloudy morning 15 April 1417, with a light breeze whispering through the air, the Roman forces march out of their camp in an organized manner. The front line is composed of men wielding large shields and specially constructed wagons with wooden planks in front. Following closely behind them are men carrying sacks filled with sand and dirt. Their mission is to fill the moat, shielded by the men with shields and wagons.

Next in line stands approximately a thousand armored men armed with spears and bows, most of them hailing from Thessaloniki. The spearmen's task is to guard against any potential enemy assault, while the archers provide covering fire.

The drums of war echo across the battlefield, and purple banners wave, signaling the commencement of the attack.

Hundreds of men stride across the treacherous hillside, their hearts pounding as they draw nearer to the moat in the distance. The enemy in Glarentza waits patiently, their weapons at the ready, holding their fire until the Romans enter their range.

Andronikos, mounted on his steed, watches anxiously as the first line of wagons rumbles towards the moat. Suddenly, a deafening roar erupts from the walls of Glarentza, and a cannonball crashes into the ground near a wagon, sending a shower of dirt and sand into the air.

"So that is the power of cannon," Andronikos gasps, his heart racing with excitement and fear as he beholds the devastating weaponry he has never witnessed in action before.

"Yes, the Venetians have them mounted in their galleys – they are invaluable in siege warfare and naval battles," Leontares replies, his voice steady despite the chaos. "They may lack precision, but their impact is devastating."

The Thessaloniki soldiers, tasked with protecting the wings of the army, move in formation behind the wagons and dirt-bearers, always on the alert for enemy assaults. They are new to battle, and their nerves are on edge, but they steel themselves, determined to carry out their duty.

'Bang!' Another round of cannon fire shatters the air, and Andronikos watches in horror as a cannonball lands a direct hit on a wooden wagon. The wagon explodes into shards of wood, sending a hail of flying debris that kills and wounds a dozen men around it.

The battlefield is a cacophony of screams, shouts, and the constant bangs of cannon fire. Men duck and weave, trying to avoid the hail of arrows and cannonballs. The air is filled with the acrid smoke of gunpowder, and the ground is littered with debris and bodies.

As the men near the moat, the arrows start to rain down upon them. Most are intercepted by shields and wagons, but some slip through the defenses, landing hits on unarmored men. The screams of the wounded and dying echo across the battlefield, adding to the horror of the scene.

By noon, despite the constant barrage of cannonballs and arrows, the Roman men work furiously to fill the moat. Their arms are aching, their backs are broken, but they persevere, driven by their desire to conquer.

"Get the first column of men back for rest, send in the second column!" general Demetrios shouts, his voice hoarse from shouting orders. He senses that his men are tiring, and he knows that they need to rotate to keep up the pace.

As the first column of shield-men and dirt-bearers begins to withdraw, the southern gate of Glarentza suddenly swings open. A charge of 200 Latin knights, mounted on tall horses and clad in shining armor, thunders through the gate, lances lowered and eyes blazing with battle fever.

"Epilektoi! Spears down!!" Leontares shouts, his voice a roar above the din of battle. The Thessaloniki forces, positioned on the flanks, face the charging knights directly.

Most of the men follow the drill, forming a tight line with spears lowered. But some, overwhelmed by the terrifying charge, fail to execute the standard procedure. Their movements become jerky, their formation shatters.

"May God help them," Leontares whispers, his heart heavy as he watches the Latin knights charge into the disarrayed groups, slicing through the fleeing men like butter.

But the men who have formed a solid formation manage to stall the advance of the main charge, holding the knights back with a wall of spears. The Latin charge is disrupted, breaking into a stalling main group and a smaller group pursuing the broken formations.

Sensing an opportunity, Leontares quickly decides to lead his cavalry out to intercept the smaller group, leaving Andronikos with the main formation to fend off the main group of Latin knights.

"Archers, fire freely into the enemy!" Andronikos shouts, riding directly behind the ranks. "Men, hold your line!!"

The arrows fly from the Roman bows, piercing the air towards the enemy. The Latin knights has regrouped from their last failed charge, and begins another charge onward, undeterred by the hail of arrows. Their lances glint in the sun as they lower them in preparation for the impact.

The clash of spears and lances is deafening as the two forces collide once more. The Romans hold their line, bracing the impact of the charge with their spears. The Latin knights are forced to slow their advance, but they continue to push forward, determined to break through the Roman defense.

Andronikos watches the battle unfold with a mixture of fear and excitement. He has never seen such violence and chaos before, but he knows that he must steel himself and face it. He urges his men to hold their line, shouting words of encouragement and inspiration.

Months of drills and harsh discipline have paid off on the battlefield. Despite the constant attempts to disrupt their formation, the Latin knights have failed to gain ground. In fact, they have suffered horrendously in the process, with many falling to the spears and arrows of the Romans.

The unstoppable charge that the Latin knights were so proud of has been stopped by a group of trained commoners. The Romans have shown that they are not to be trifled with, and they are determined to conquer Glarentza.

On the other side of the battlefield, Leontares and his cavalry have surrounded the disorganized groups of Latin knights. They attack with precision and ruthlessness, destroying each and every one of them without mercy. The battle is slowly turning in favor of the Romans.

But just as it seems that the Romans have gained the upper hand, the cannons in Glarentza roar once more. This time, they are aimed directly at the Roman formations. Several barrages are fired at the fighting men, most of them hitting the ground nearby and missing their targets.

But one cannonball hits the ground and bounces, striking a Roman soldier and glancing off his shield. It continues its trajectory, hitting the horse beneath Andronikos. The impact shatters the horse's limbs, and Andronikos is thrown off, his body slamming heavily on the ground.

The world spins around him as he lies there, dazed and disoriented. He feels a sharp pain in his leg, and he looks down to see a shrapnel has pierced through his armor, blood streaming down his leg. His heart pounds in his chest as he struggles to get up, but his body feels heavy and unresponsive.

Around him, the battle continues unabated. He hears the shouts and screams of men, the clang of weapons, and the roar of cannons. He tries to focus his mind, to ignore the pain and fear that are washing over him. He knows that he has to get up, he has to fight.

With a groan, he manages to push himself up onto his elbows. His leg is throbbing with pain, but he ignores it and focuses on the task ahead. He looks around for a weapon, seeing a spear lying nearby where he fell. With a grunt, he reaches out and grasps the handle, pulling the spear towards him.

As he stands up by leaning to his spear, wincing against the pain in his leg, he sees the battle unfolding before him. His Epilektoi are fighting valiantly, but the enemy is still strong. With a roar of defiance, he limps towards the Latin knights fighting in front, spear raised and ready for battle. He knows that this is his moment, his chance to prove himself on the battlefield.

Andronikos closes in and thrust his spear against an armored knight, landing a hit on the knight’s helmet. As Andronikos tries once more with a thrust, he sees the Latin knights slowly retreating, Leontares has returned with reinforcement.

After a sigh of relief, a wave of dizziness suddenly hit Andronikos, and he closes his eyes, fading to darkness.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 9 – CRACKS FROM WITHIN

- A depiction of Sappings from the Siege of Godesberg 1583, where the attackers digged a tunnel under the besieged castle, detonated it to collapse the walls on top, a common and effective siege tactic during the Medieval and Early Modern period.


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Andronikos slowly opens his eyes to find himself lying on his bed inside the tent. As consciousness returns, he feels aches all over his body, particularly a sharp pain in his left thigh. He shifts his position slightly to ease the discomfort. An elderly man notices his movement, places a bowl of herbal medicine beside him, and approaches.

"My dear Despot, you've been saved by the grace of God. It's truly remarkable that you've recovered so well. The wound on your thigh is healing nicely," the elder says with a reassuring smile.

Andronikos's head still feels heavy, and he's confused. "What happened? Did we win the battle?" he asks.

"It's been three days since the clash, Despot. Our men bravely repelled the Latin attack, but their cannons prevented us from capturing the castle. Sadly, the Latin flag still flies proudly above its walls," the elder explains.

Andronikos sighs, feeling a mix of relief for his survival and disappointment for not seizing Glarentza. For the next few weeks, he's confined to his tent, receiving guests while patiently waiting for his thigh to heal.

Meanwhile, the siege of Glarentza stalls. Unable to neutralize the enemy cannons, the Roman leadership hesitates to sacrifice their precious soldiers for minimal progress. They face a choice: find a way to silence the cannons, accept unacceptable casualties, or starve the enemy into submission.

The Romans choose the latter course.

As Andronikos gradually recovers, the Romans wait patiently in their camp, watching their supplies dwindle. They hope to outlast the defenders before their own resources run out.

A month passes, and when Andronikos finally attends his first war council since his injury, he's warmly greeted by all. They praise his bravery and sacrifice.

After everyone settles in, Co-emperor Ioannes clears his throat and begins the meeting. "I've called this war council due to our dire situation. The enemy remains entrenched within their walls, while the morale of our soldiers wanes. In the past weeks, I've received increasing reports of drunkenness, brawls, and disobedience. The situation will only worsen, and soon, our fighting spirit and discipline will be lost in this dull and purposeless waiting. If that happens, our men won't survive another enemy cavalry charge."

"The consequences will be catastrophic for our campaign! I will not allow it!" Ioannes slams his fist on the table. He scans the room and his gaze settles on Leontares.

"Tell them your plan, Leontares," he orders.

Leontares stands up as Ioannes sits down. "As you wish, Excellency. We face a critical situation, my friends. Our discipline must be restored before it's too late. Therefore, I propose sending out special inspection squads and military judges around the camp to mediate conflicts and punish anyone who violates martial law."

"Regarding the siege of Glarentza, we cannot rely solely on the enemy's hunger. We must take action and actively harass them, make them struggle, and put extra pressure on their minds and supplies. Fake assaults, sapping efforts, loud noises at night—anything to keep our men busy and the enemy on edge."

"The ground beneath the castle is made of hard and solid gravel, so sapping efforts will take a very long time. But if we disguise our progress and make it appear that we're making steady gains each day, it will undoubtedly create panic and fear among the enemy ranks."

Strategos Demetrios raises his doubts. "My dear Strategos, how do we deal with the enemy cannons that will wreak havoc on our sappers?" he asks.

Andronikos jumps into the discussion. "By building this," he says, placing a model of a small wooden palisade on the table. "Our mathematicians have calculated the range and impact width of the cannons to determine their approximate power. If we fill bags with sand and place them on top of movable wooden palisades, they will cushion the impact and safely protect our sappers."

It's clear that Ioannes, Leontares, and Andronikos have planned this in advance. With no objections, the Romans tries yet another way to take Glarentza.



*************************



Outside the walls of Glarentza, life is nothing short of dire, yet even within its fortifications, the situation offers little comfort. Everything from bread to the merest drop of water is strictly rationed, and the walls are constantly manned, never free from vigilance. The constant harassment and distractions of the Roman besiegers place an immense strain on the nerves of Latin defenders, who are constantly on edge.

In order to maintain morale among his troops, Centurione II Zaccaria showers his knights and men-at-arms with lavish gifts and promises of future rewards. He vows to double their fiefs once the Romans are repelled, a promise that provides a small boost to the morale. As for the representative of the Giustianiani family, who controls over the vital port of Glarentza and whom Centurione had to cede control to during his first war with Theodoros the Despot of Morea in 1408 in exchange for monetary assistance, he offers assurances of expanded trade rights once the conflict is resolved.

The failure of the Romans' initial assault provided a brief respite for the defenders, giving Centurione a renewed sense of hope that they might hold out. The weeks following the assault were relatively calm, until a novel development bring urgent news to Centurione from the guards on the watchtower.

"Milord, you must see this yourself," the guard exclaimed, his voice filled with urgency.

Centurione ascends the watchtower and beholds a startling sight. The Romans have established four camps in close proximity to the ditches, which have been filled during the initial assault. Large canvases shield the camps from the sun and direct observation from the walls of Glarentza. However, the constant movement of laborers entering and exiting the camps provide a revealing sign of their purpose.

Centurione observs the camps closely, noting that the laborers entering carry digging tools and equipment, while those exiting have heavy bags on their backs. During one such trip, a laborer stumbles and fall, spilling the contents of his bag to the ground. To Centurione's astonishment, the bag contains nothing but sand and dirt.

"This is impossible!" he exclaims. As a veteran of warfare, Centurione immediately recognizes the Romans' intention: to dig a tunnel beneath the earth and towards and sap the walls of Glarentza. What puzzles him, however, was that Glarentza is situated on layers of hard gravel, which would render such a feat all but impossible in most cases.

"Prepare the cannons!" he orders, his voice stern and determined.

Soon, the two cannons roar to life, firing upon the Roman camps. However, to the dismay of the defenders, the cannonballs fall short of their mark. The Romans have learned the range of the cannons during their initial assault and have positioned their camps accordingly.

As Centurione fumes over the ineffectiveness of his cannons, the trade representative of the Giustiniani family appears on the watchtower. "My good lord Centurione, I have heard rumors that the Greeks have begun sapping. Is it true?" he inquires.

"It's merely a ruse," Centurione replies. "The ground beneath us is full of gravel. It would be folly for them to continue digging. They will soon exhaust their manpower and resources, all for nothing." He attempts to reassure the representative, who is skilled in the art of business negotiation but knows little of warfare. The representative, though looking skeptical, is forced to accept Centurione's words as truth.

For the next several weeks, all eyes on the walls of Glarentza were fixed on the Roman camps. As the days pass and more dirt and sand were carried out, the mood among the defenders grows increasingly tense. Meanwhile, the Latins attempt various strategies to disrupt the Romans' progress, including feigned attacks, cannon fire, and cavalry charges. However, all their efforts prove fruitless, leaving only more wounded and demoralized soldiers in their wake.

The veterans know what the Romans' success in digging their way to the walls would mean: the collapse of the fortifications and an overwhelming attack by the enemy. Desperately, the Latins attempt to dig their own tunnel to counter the Romans' sapping efforts. But to their dismay, the ground surrounding their castle is indeed composed of gravel, rendering their efforts fruitless.

"How can the Greeks possibly continue to dig through gravel? It makes no sense!" Centurione exclaims, frustration evident in his voice. He watches as a massive mound of dirt grows next to the Roman camps, a testament to their remarkable progress over the past three weeks.

"Perhaps they have found a path through the gravel?" the representative suggests, his voice calm and collected.

"It's impossible. It must be some kind of trick!" Centurione refuses to believe what he was seeing. He turns to the representative, speaking as calmly as he could manage: "We will hold this castle. The Greeks will not prevail in Glarentza. Remember, if the barbaric Greeks take Glarentza, they will revoke all trade privileges granted to the Giustinianis. Privileges that I have personally secured for you."

"Of course, my lord," the representative replies, bowing courtly before leaving the walls. As he descends, one of his servants approaches and whispers in his ear: "A small boat has arrived in the harbor during the night. A messenger requests to see you."

The representative nods slightly, his mind turning over the new information. It appears a new possibility has arisen, and he knows he would have to act swiftly and decisively to protect his and the family’s interests.

On the very next day, as Centurione finishes his morning routine with a prayer in the chapel and walks outside, he is suddenly confronted by a dozen of his knights, all clad in armor. Guessing that they have come to petition for a frontal attack, Centurione walks towards them with a smile: “I appreciate your valor…”

“Lord Centurione, we have come to petition…”

“I know, I know, but you must be…”

“For a negotiated surrender.”

“Patient. ……What?”

Centurione is in shock, he couldn’t believe what he just heard. The knights surround him, then opens a small pathway, and the representative suddenly appears and walks straight to Centurione with a faint smile.

“My lord, I know you have fought valiantly, which I admire. Unfortunately, the situation has become untenable. The Greeks… The Romans have completed their sapping, and they can blow up our walls any minutes, and slaughter us all effortlessly. Fortunately, the Romans send their proposal for surrender yesterday, and it is indeed a generous one: If we surrender now, the Romans will spare our lives, we can keep all our weapons, and all belongings which can be moved by foot. The Roman will in addition carry us into the realm of Count Tocco. We therefore strongly urge you to accept such offer of peace.”

“YOU… Traitors!” the veins of Centurione are all exposed by the anger, his face glowing red. He reaches for his sword in subconscious, but finds the left side of his belt empty. He then remembers he left his sword at the gate of the chapel.

“Traitor, what harsh words my lord. But you see, you misunderstands us, we, all of us, only wishes to safeguard your security. None of us wants to see you perish in a hopeless fight.”

Centurione looks around, and to his despair only sees faces cold as stone. He knows all is lost, his men have decided to surrender, and there is nothing he could do.

“Alas, I give my consent.”

“Wise choice my Lord. Tell the Romans that we accept their terms and surrender.”

On 28 May 1417, a sunny morning, the last holding of the County of Achaea, the mighty castle of Glarentza surrender to the Romans.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 10 – A VISITOR IN ITALY

- Painting of the pearl of Adriatic, city of Venice, Serene Republic of Venice, circa 1480.


The news of Achaea's swift fall into Roman hands quickly rippled across the Italian peninsula. While many might have anticipated the outcome given the Romans' overwhelming power, they were nonetheless astonished by the speed of their reconquest. The Romans captured Glarentza, a heavily fortified castle, in just about a month, a remarkable feat considering the standards of late-medieval sieges, which could often drag on for months, if not years. People's curiosity was piqued about how the Romans achieved this, and soon, the tale spread through whispers among the surviving Latin defenders.

It transpired that the Romans never intended nor were capable of digging their way through the hard gravel. Instead, they devised a clever ruse. At night, laborers secretly carried dirt and sand from unobserved areas outside Glarentza into the sapping camps under the cover of darkness. During the day, they pretended to dig behind large canvases, only to carry the dirt and sand out of the camps to construct a huge mound. This gave the defenders a false impression of daily progress.

When the mound reached a sufficient height and the morale of the defenders sank to an all-time low, the Romans sent a secret messenger from the seaside to try to persuade a representative of the Giustiniani family. They offered generous terms, appealing to the representative's desire to preserve their trade privileges. The representative, who controlled the port of Glarentza and had numerous connections and influence among the knights and nobles, had no loyalty to Centurione and was eager to maintain their trading privileges. These privileges would be guaranteed and preserved by the Romans if the representative could facilitate a peaceful transfer of Glarentza. Otherwise, they made it clear that no mercy would be shown once the Imperial forces took the castle by force. The trade representative ultimately agreed and fulfilled his part of the bargain.

In June 1417, two crucial meetings discussing the aftermath of Achaea's fall occurred almost simultaneously in Genoa, the nominal benefactor and protector of Achaea, and Venice, the city-state with the most interests and influence in Morea and Achaea. In Genoa, a proposal was brought forward to send a punitive expedition to Morea – the insult against the Serene Republic of Genoa must be repaid with Greek gold or with Greek blood. However, the majority of those present expressed caution, pointing out that Genoa was already embroiled in a long and bloody war against the Duchy of Milan. They had few ships and even fewer men to spare. Given that Achaea had always only nominally been under Genoese control and that Constantinople had agreed to uphold and protect existing Genoese trade interests in the area, most saw military intervention as a waste of valuable resources. An open conflict with the Romans would also pose a great threat to Genovese colony of Galata which were situated next to Constantinople and provided Genoa with vital fund and trade. In the end, Genoa swallowed its pride and signed a formal agreement with Constantinople, acknowledging the change of sovereignty over Achaea.

The Venetians, on the other hand, were far less accommodating. Venice and Rome had extensive diplomatic ties and relations in the past, sometimes cooperative, other times not. In general, Roman-Venetian relations had been relatively cordial over the past five years. The Venetians had successfully dominated the Aegean trade network and sought to protect their holdings rather than expand further. As a result, they saw the severely weakened Constantinople as a potential buffer against the dominant power of the Ottoman Turks, who were still technically at war with Venice following the naval battle of Gallipoli in 1416, although there had been no armed conflicts since the Ottoman navy's crushing defeat. Additionally, the Venetians had gained every possible trade concession from the Romans within Constantinople, to the point where it could be argued that the Romans had fallen under Venetian economic dominance.

When Roman ambassador Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes visited Venice in February 1416, he was warmly welcomed. During his brief stay, Nicholas offered to mediate between the Venetian Republic and the King of Hungary, Sigismund, for the conclusion of peace. He also requested aid in rebuilding the Hexamilion wall that protected the entrance to Morea and urged the formation of a Christian league against the Ottoman Empire. The Venetian Senate gladly accepted the Byzantine proposal to mediate with Sigismund but was hesitant to commit to either of the latter's proposals.



In the year 1417, the Romans' triumphant campaign in Achaea shifted the Venetians' attitude. As the undisputed naval powerhouse in the Aegean Sea, with interests extending deep into Morea and Achaea, the Venetians had long cast covetous eyes on Patras and Glarentza, the two vital trade hubs of Achaea. They had been closely monitoring the Roman campaign, eagerly awaiting an opportunity to seize Patras. However, the swift capture of both Glarentza and Patras by the Romans caught the Venetians off guard, their naval and land forces still unprepared, rendering direct intervention a near impossibility in the short term.

Venice found itself in a predicament. The fall of Glarentza and Patras into Roman hands, along with the potential Roman domination of the Peloponnesus, threatened Venetian interests in the region, a prospect that was unacceptable. Consequently, the Venetian Senate adopted a hardline stance against the Romans, and an official letter was promptly dispatched to Constantinople. Leveraging a lease agreement between Venice and the former Prince of Achaea, Centurione, the Venetians formally demanded that the Romans cede control of Patras to Venice and restore Centurione to Glarentza and several other castles and holdings. This was aimed at restoring a balance of power and checking Roman expansion.

The Romans took the Venetian demand seriously. Accepting the Venetians' terms would be humiliating and would undermine their hard-earned gains. However, the Empire was not in a position to risk a potential open conflict with Venice. A delicate diplomatic balance needed to be struck. On the 6th of July, a Roman delegation of a dozen men, led by Andronikos, Despot of Thessaloniki, and Plethon, a renowned Roman philosopher in Italy, arrived in Venice to negotiate terms. The Venetians greeted them with a polite but cold reception, a stark contrast to the warmth shown to the previous Roman diplomatic mission.

Before the official meeting, Andronikos took a brief tour of the city, fascinated by Venice's industrial might, particularly the immense Arsenal complex, where galleys and firearms were produced in vast quantities monthly. After several days of waiting, the Roman delegation was finally granted a meeting with Doge Tommaso Mocenigo, a war veteran of the failed Nikopolis Crusade in 1396. Initially, the Doge adopted a strong and arrogant stance, refusing to entertain any modifications to their demands and insisting that the Romans accept all terms unconditionally.

The Roman delegation, however, displayed humility yet firmness, remaining patient and refusing to yield under Venetian pressure. The initial meetings ended with no progress for either side. As time wore on, the Venetians' impatience grew, their tone becoming increasingly harsh, culminating in veiled threats of war.

However, the Venetians' true intentions began to emerge. Aware that their truce with Sigismund, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, was set to expire in April of the following year, and noting the significant rise in the prices of wheat, leather, iron, and other war materials in Venice, Andronikos and Plethon deduced that the Venetians were amassing provisions for a potential war against Sigismund. In such a scenario, Venice could not afford a prolonged conflict in the Aegean, given the threat posed by Sigismund's might in Dalmatia. Sigismund, with the potential to mobilize tens of thousands of men from Hungary, Croatia, and the German states, posed an existential threat to Venice, far greater than the annoyance posed by the Romans.

As autumn approached and the Venetians' bluster failed to achieve its desired effect, their position began to soften. After several rounds of negotiations, on August 14th, 1417, an agreement was finally reached. The Romans would retain Glarentza and "redeem" Patras from Venetian lease, paying an upfront fee of 2,000 ducats and an annual fee of 300 ducats for ten years. Additionally, the Venetian navy and trade fleet would be granted free access to the port of Patras for fifteen years, and Venetian merchants in Patras would enjoy tax exemption for the same duration.

The signing of this agreement marked the conclusion of a successful Roman campaign. However, Andronikos and Plethon did not return home. Instead, they traveled north across the Alps towards the German Archbishopric of Konstanz, where they were invited by Emperor Sigismund to participate in the final stage of the Council of Konstanz. Their mission was to help elect a new pope and resolve the Western Schism, while also discussing the prospect of a Crusade.





[1] The Venetians intervened OTL and gave such terms to Constantinople, which the Romans reluctantly agreed – prolonging the rule of Centurione in a few Latin holdings in Achaea for another decade.


[2] From 1412 to 1423, Emperor Sigismund campaigned intermittently against the Republic of Venice in Italy with the aims of taking the rich Dalmatian cities and cut down Venetian influence in the area. The Venetians on the other hand planned several assassinations attempts on the emperor.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 11 – SUPER GRAMMATICAM



Sigismund of Luxembourg was elected King of Germany (King of the Romans) in 1410, as well as prince-elector of Brandenburg (1378–1388 and 1411–1415). He was the last male member of the prominent House of Luxembourg.

Sigismund was the son of Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor and his fourth wife Elizabeth of Pomerania. He married Mary, Queen of Hungary in 1385 and was crowned King of Hungary soon after. He fought to restore and maintain authority to the throne. Mary died in 1395, leaving Sigismund the sole ruler of Hungary.

In 1396, Sigismund led the Crusade of Nicopolis, but was decisively defeated by the Ottoman Sulatan Bayezid Thunderbolt. Afterwards, he founded the Order of the Dragon to fight the Turks and secured the thrones of Croatia, Germany and Bohemia. Sigismund was one of the driving forces behind the Council of Konstanz (1414–1418) that ended the Papal Schism, but which also led to the Hussite Wars that dominated the later period of his life. He would later be crowned Holy Roman Emperor and ruled until his death.

Known for his regal attitude, when at one point during the council of Konstanz a cardinal corrected Sigismund's Latin, Sigismund replied Ego sum rex Romanus et super grammaticam ("I am king of the Romans and above grammar")

- A portrait of Emperor Sigismund, painted after the emperor's death.


****************************************************


When Plethon and Andronikos arrived at Konstanz on 5th October, they were greeted by the Roman diplomat Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, who had been participating the Council of Konstanz on the Empire’s behalf for a year. Plethon and Nicholas was old acquaintances and colleagues from Morea. After a brief rest from the long journey, Nicholas gave an update of the current situation to Plethon and Andronikos, and the reason why he invited them to Konstanz soon becomes clear.

The council of Konstanz had been ongoing for almost three years. Originally, the main purpose of the council was to end the triple Papal schism which had resulted from the confusion following the Avignon Papacy. Pope Gregory XI's return to Rome in 1377, followed by his death (in 1378) and the controversial election of his successor, Pope Urban VI, resulted in the defection of a number of cardinals and the election of a rival pope based at Avignon in 1378. After thirty years of schism, the rival courts convened the Council of Pisa seeking to resolve the situation by deposing the two claimant popes and electing a new one. Though the elected Antipope Alexander V and his successor, Antipope John XXIII, gained widespread support, especially at the cost of the Avignon antipope, the schism remained, now involving not two but three claimants: Gregory XII at Rome, Benedict XIII at Avignon, and John XXIII. Therefore, many voices, including Sigismund, King of the Romans and of Hungary (and later Holy Roman Emperor), pressed for another council to resolve the issue. That council was called by John XXIII on 16 November 1414 in Konstanz.

With the support of Emperor Sigismund, the Council of Konstanz recommended that all three papal claimants abdicate, and that another be chosen. Gregory XII then sent representatives to Konstanz, whom he granted full powers to summon, open, and preside over an Ecumenical Council; he also empowered them to present his resignation of the papacy. This would pave the way for the end of the Western Schism.

On 4 July 1415 the Bull of Gregory XII was formally read before the assembled bishops. Prince Malatesta then informed the council that he was empowered by a commission from Pope Gregory XII to resign the Papal Throne on the Pontiff's behalf. The bishops voted to receive the Papal abdication immediately. Thereupon the commission by Gregory XII authorizing his proxy to resign the Papacy on his behalf was read and Malatesta, acting in the name of Gregory XII, pronounced the resignation of the papacy by Gregory XII and handed a written copy of the resignation to the assembly. Followingly, the other anti-popes were all deposed. Gregory XII's cardinals were accepted as true cardinals by the council, but the members of the council delayed electing a new pope for fear that a new pope would restrict further discussion of pressing issues in the church.

However, before the new pope was elected, another controversial matter was brought before the council - the heresy of Jan Hus. Initially summoned to Konstanz under a letter of safe conduct, after several theological debates where Jan Hus and his followers stood firm against accusations from conservative bishops, he was later found guilty of heresy and turned over to the secular court, which on 6th July 1415 sentenced him to be burned to death at the stake. This act was seen as an outrageous betrayal by Hussite followers, and seeds of discontent and rebellion begin to spread throughout Bohemia.

When Nicholas arrived at late March 1416, the Council was at its critical stage of electing the next Pope. Many names were put forward, each with backing from prominent figures such as established Italian noble houses, influential cardinals, the Monarchs of Europe such as King of France or Emperor Sigismund of the Holy Roman Empire. Nicholas was well-known for his natural gift to socialize, always able to read the room and say the words most pleasant to the ears of the listener. As soon as he arrived, he managed to identify the deciding figure in the Papal election, Emperor Sigismund and focus on befriending the emperor who himself was also a gregarious man. As both men were interested in a united Catholic Church to sponsor a renewed crusade, the two soon formed a close friendship and working relationship, where Nicholas helped Sigismund to persuade people of importance to the election behind the scenes. It was with Nicholas’ assistance that the candidate favored by Sigismund, the 48 years old clergy man Otto Colonna became the man favored by most electors and most likely to become the next Pope.

Bringing the Western Schism to a successful end was no small feat which required enormous amounts of efforts and diplomatic skill – the result will inevitably provide Sigismund with significant prestige and authority throughout Catholic world. With strengthened position at home and a Pope of his backing, Sigismund could now focus his energy on planning for the next crusade against the Ottomans, of which Constantinople could potentially play a very critical role. The recent Roman success in Achaea no doubt improved its standing in Sigismund’s eyes, so when Nicholas asked him for an audience with the newly arrived Roman delegation nominally led by son of Emperor Manuel II, Despot of Thessaloniki Andronikos, he happily agreed.

As for why Nicholas would need to bring Andronikos all the way from Venice to meet Sigismund, was due to one simple fact – the ever-cautious Emperor Manuel II though had given Nicholas the authority to initiate a discussion of fermenting a crusade, had refused to give any concrete promises on Roman participation in such crusade. To Nicholas, he fully understood his emperor’s position – the crusade was far away and distant in the future with many uncertainties, while the Ottomans was close by within vicinity and had every means to utterly devastate the Empire. There were inherently no wrongs in be cautious and not anger the Ottomans before circumstances become clear. That being said, Nicholas knew well the ever-pragmatic Sigismund would need to be assured of Roman involvement, before crusade goes into any meaningful preparations, therein lies the dilemma - to help organize a crusade that have the potential of decisively destroy the Ottoman threat to the Empire once and for all, Nicholas must disobey the explicit order of his Emperor. For that to happen, and to make his case convincing to Sigismund, Nicholas would need someone with more credibility, who better than a son of Manuel II, Despot of Thessaloniki? As soon as he heard of Andronikos’ arrival in Venice, Nicholas knew his only chance to convince Sigismund and set the crusade in motion had arrived.

Nicholas had initially expected a long and difficult effort to persuade the young Despot to consciously disobey his father. To his surprise Andronikos was surprisingly accommodative to his idea. Nicholas soon realized that Andronikos shares his view on the Ottoman threat. Opposed to the risk-adverse strategy of constraint adopted by Manuel II, Andronikos was far more risk-taking and view the Ottomans as the foremost existential threat of the Empire and therefore must be weakened at every opportunity – and the only opportunity to destroy Ottoman threat once and for all was through a crusade. Dire situation calls for radical measures, and Nicholas, Andronikos and Plethon were all willing to take the risk to give the Empire a chance to rise. Determined and ready to bear any responsibilities, it was on 16th October that the meeting between Sigismund, Andronikos and Nicholas happened.

The failure of the last crusade of Nikopolis in 1396, of which Sigismund was the leader, had always lingered at the back of his mind. It reminds him that the sole effort of his powerbase in Hungary and the nearby allies of Serbia, Bosnia and Wallachia were not enough to overcome the Ottoman threat.

Despite being significantly weakened by the Timur invasion and the subsequent civil war, the Ottomans retained a firm grip over the Balkan territories, possessing a formidable army and a vast pool of manpower. Sigismund was convinced that to succeed, he must unite all forces under a single banner of crusade. With this objective, he founded the Order of the Dragon in 1408, a military order modeled after the Crusades, calling upon its members to defend the cross and wage war against the enemies of Christianity, primarily the Ottomans.

Sigismund held high hopes for the Romans' participation in the crusade. Their geographical position could serve as a strategic asset, hindering Ottoman reinforcements from Asia. The meeting with Andronikos proved fruitful as they shared a common goal. Sigismund was elated to find a kindred spirit in Andronikos and offered to spearhead a crusade that would unite the Christian world, vanquish the Turks, and restore vast territories to the Roman Empire.

Andronikos promised Sigismund that once the crusade was ready, the Empire would stand beside them. However, he cautioned that joining the crusade prematurely could alert the Turks and rob them of the element of surprise. Sigismund acquiesced to this wisdom.

After countless hours of intense debate and deliberation, Sigismund, with steely resolve, vowed that upon the election of the successor to the papal throne and the reunification of the Catholic world, he would persuade the new pope to issue a passagium generale, effectively declaring a crusade against the Ottoman Empire. This call to arms would resonate throughout the Order of the Dragon, an esteemed assembly encompassing monarchs and nobles from Hungary, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Wallachia. Moreover, contingents from Poland and Bohemia had vowed to join this grand crusading army, while Venice had in secret already pledged to the Pope its naval support in an upcoming Crusade, and Italian city-states and the Papal State would surely commit to providing financial aid.

Sigismund's projections indicated that in three years, by the turn of 1419 into 1420, a formidable crusade army numbering approximately 30,000 men would be poised to strike the Ottomans. At that juncture, the Romans, in tandem with the Venetian fleet, would be tasked with sealing the Dardanelles Strait, while harassing the Ottoman rear through their strategic positions in Constantinople and Thessaloniki. This would create the ideal conditions for a decisive victory, one that would once and for all evict the Ottomans from Christian lands.

With the crusade now in motion, Nicholas, Plethon, and Andronikos participated in the final vote that elected Otto Colonna as Pope Martin V. The wise Master Plethon even engaged in an engaging intellectual discussion with the new pope, who expressed keen interest in Plethon's profound knowledge of Greek philosophers from the Classical Age.

As November progressed, Nicholas remained in Konstanz to oversee the conclusion of the Council, while Plethon and Andronikos departed for Italy. Embarking on a ship, they sailed across the Adriatic Sea, heading towards the Aegean. Weeks later, Plethon disembarked in the newly revitalized harbor of Patras, bidding farewell to his young friend before resuming his duties as magistrate of Morea. However, before Andronikos could return to his home in Thessaloniki, he was obliged to sail around the Peloponnese towards Constantinople, where he was duty-bound to report the outcomes of his journey to his father, Emperor Manuel.

At the serene palace of Blachernae, the aging emperor Manuel initially greeted the news of Andronikos's diplomatic success with the Venetians with a approving nod. His face, creased with years of wisdom and power, broke into a rare smile as he heard of the agreements reached.

But that smile vanished as quickly as it had appeared when Andronikos mentioned his clandestine meeting with Sigismund. Manuel's expression shifted from one of mild interest to one of stark disapproval, his brows furrowing in a deep scowl.

Andronikos, well aware of the potential backlash, had been cautious not to promise anything concrete before a crusade was firmly in the planning stages. Nevertheless, he had underestimated the fury of his father, whose anger burned hotter than any fire. Manuel was enraged that his son had dared to negotiate with a foreign monarch without his permission or authorization, potentially jeopardizing the delicate balance of power with the Ottomans.

A furious scolding erupted in the palace, a rare display of emotion from the usually composed emperor. Manuel's voice rose to a near-shout, his hands gesturing angrily as he berated his son. The peace with the Ottomans was precious and hard-earned, he shouted, and Andronikos's foolishness could shatter it all.

To Manuel, the Ottomans were a constant threat, and he had walked a careful line with Sultan Mehmed, extracting concessions while avoiding any provocations that could tip the balance in their favor. If Mehmed learned of an alliance between Constantinople and Sigismund, and of Roman involvement in a crusade, it could spark a catastrophe. The Ottomans might unleash their full wrath upon the Empire, and Manuel would be left with no allies to turn to, as the Crusade, even if were up to their words, would need another three years to be ready – the Empire could very well have perished by then.

Moreover, Manuel had been secretly plotting to meddle in Ottoman succession or other internal struggles once the Sultan's health began to fail. He needed the Ottoman court to remain friendly or neutral, and Andronikos's folly had threatened to destroy all his carefully laid plans.

Now, because of his son's recklessness, Manuel's plans were in jeopardy. Sultan Mehmed, alerted by Roman involvement in Konstanz, would never again willingly put his princes into Roman custody as had been the norm in the past. This denied Manuel a key bargaining chip in any potential Ottoman succession crisis.

And an angered and suspicious Sultan Mehmed might well turn his full attention to the Romans, curtailing their breathing room and potentially leading to a deep crisis where the Ottomans focused all their efforts on conquering Roman lands and destroying the Empire once and for all.

As the firestorm he had unwittingly created continued to rage, Andronikos found himself alone and exposed. But in the midst of the crisis, his elder brother and co-emperor Ioannes came to his rescue. A secret participant in the Roman deal with Sigismund and a co-conspirator with Andronikos, Ioannes managed to drag his brother away from the scene and returned to calm their father down.

Unlike their father, Ioannes saw the Ottomans as the greatest existential threat to the Empire, and he believed that a crusade was the only way to eliminate them once and for all. Therefore, he was willing to facilitate a crusade even if it risked Ottoman retribution or defiance of their father.

Manuel, noticing his sons' attitude, realized that he was the minority in his own court. His hawkish sons had already made up their minds to take a risky step further, and there was nothing he could do to stop them. With a heavy heart, he reluctantly acknowledged the situation on the ground, while praying fervently that the aggressive attitude of his sons would not lead the Empire down a spiral path to destruction.

 

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CHAPTER 12 – A MENACE IN THE FORESTS

- An Ottoman depiction of the Siege of Macin, 1417


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As the Romans engaged in fierce battles with the Latins in Achaea, the Ottomans were not idle. In the year 1417, Mehmed spent the majority of the campaign season attempting to eliminate his arch-nemesis, the self-styled sheikh and rebel leader Bedreddin. Bedreddin and his followers had become master of guerilla warfare. capitalizing on his profound understanding of the forested and hilly terrain of Northern Bulgaria, they wrought havoc on Ottoman rule. His calls for equality among all faith and a redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor resonated deeply with disgruntled gazi warriors and the lower caste, constantly oppressed by Ottoman nobles. Furthermore, as the rebels had proved their worth by defeating the Ottomans many times, Mircea, the Voivode of Wallachia abandoned his cautious approach and were now openly supplying the rebels with crucial supplies, even sending soldiers and officers to fight alongside the rebels.



As a result, the rebel forces swelled in numbers, their ranks grew by the day, attacking Ottoman garrisons, granaries, and mansions throughout Bulgaria, gaining provisions and arms while extending their influence across the land.



Following the disastrous defeat at the battle of Deliorman in late 1416, the Ottoman forces regained their strength by the late spring of 1417 and embarked on an aggressive push into rebel territories. Led by Mehmed, the initial Ottoman campaign made significant gains. Many rebel villages and towns along navigable waterways or road junctions fell swiftly to the advancing Ottoman forces, forcing the rebel army to retreat from the fertile farmlands into the hills and forests. On May 20th, 1417, a significant contingent of the rebel army was defeated and routed by the Ottomans at the battle of Novi Pazar, a village situated on the banks of the Kriva Reka River. For a time, it seemed as though the rebellion had been crushed.



However, things did not proceed as smoothly as the Ottomans had hoped. As the rebel forces abandoned villages and towns in the plains and valleys, retreating into rugged hills and forests, the Ottoman campaign progressed at a snail's pace. With a well-stocked supply line and a mobile army composed primarily of light-footed soldiers who had a deep understanding of the local terrain, the rebels began to harass the Ottoman supply line through guerilla tactics. They set ambushes on Ottoman garrisons and patrols, picked off small reconnaissance groups, and avoided pitched battles at all costs.



Although the daily Ottoman casualties remained low relatively, as the rebels lacked the manpower and weaponry to engage the powerful Ottoman army directly, their guerilla tactics nonetheless took a significant toll on Ottoman morale. As summer progressed, the Ottomans found themselves locked in a game of cat and mouse, unable to secure a decisive victory. In response, Sultan Mehmed devised a new battle plan – to crush the rebellion once and for all, he would personally lead his army deep into enemy territory, aiming to capture the rebels' operational base, which as the rebel cause grew had moved from Deliorman village to the town of Macin.



The town of Macin sat atop an ancient Roman fortification on "Cetate" Hill. To the south, the Macin River flowed into the Danube, which lay to its west. Vast wetlands and marshes stretched to the north, and to the east rose the mountainous Macin, the highest point within the Dobrudja plateau. With marshes, mountains, and rivers protecting its flanks, and easy access to the Danube transportation artery, Macin was a strategically advantageous base for the rebels. Furthermore, the Wallachians secretly supported the rebels, sending large quantities of arms, weapons, and other war materials across the Danube to Macin. If the Ottomans could capture Macin and cut off the flow of supplies, the rebels would be unable to replenish their depleted war materials, dealing a significant blow to their cause.



To achieve this objective, Mehmed assembled a large fleet of boats and ships. He would personally lead the main Ottoman army of 20,000 men and sail along the Danube, while a detachment of 7,000 men would march north along the Macin River. The two forces would converge and besiege the town of Macin.



In late July, Mehmed and his forces landed unopposed near Macin. However, to his surprise, his detachment encountered fierce delaying attacks and failed to reach the rendezvous point on time. Nevertheless, based on reliable intelligence, Mehmed knew that Macin was defended by only around 6,000 rebels. With 20,000 well-trained and professional soldiers under his command, he was confident that he could capture Macin quickly, with or without the support of his detachment.



The rebels had fortified Macin with stones, bricks, and wood, lining its hillsides with fortifications. They had also dug ditches and constructed wooden palisades, making a frontal assault a difficult task. The Ottomans were forced to attempt such an assault, as only the southwestern side of Macin offered relatively flat and open terrain suitable for troop deployment.



As the Ottomans deployed their forces, the rebel defenders also prepared vigorously their defenses.



“Hurry, dig the wells and tunnels deep and wide! Also, we need more bricks on the walls!” a lean young man shouted to a group of rebel construction team that were in the process of digging a tunnel and heightening their walls. The young man wore a decent armor, identified by his sharp look it was Ivan.



Despite being surrounded by all sides, Ivan’s spirit was pious and strong, and as a true believer and trusted follower of Bedreddin, he was made commander of Macin. His goal, to stall and halt the Ottomans for as long as possible, to give his comrades time to reallocate valuable men and resources into the mountains.



From the walls of Macin, he saw the vast Ottoman fleet on the river, and a massive camp structure housing thousands of men, animals, arms and provisions. As he watched, he noticed anxiety among his men, for they are few and the enemy many, better equipped and better trained than ever.



“Have faith men, come, do not forget the preaching of our beloved Sheikh Bedreddin.” Ivan tried to encourage men around him by repeating the sayings of Bedreddin: “There is no such place as heaven or hell, all pleasures and pains arise from your own soul and mind.”



“There is no such place as heaven or hell, all pleasures and pains arise from your own soul and mind.” Men followed suit and repeated his verses. As they repeat the sayings, their anxiety slowly disappears.



“There is no Satan or Angel, the true Satan is the greed and lust living within men, while true angel is the goodness in the soul.”



“God has created the world and bestowed it on human beings, therefore food, clothes, animals, land all belong to God and therefore must be shared between all of human beings. People are equal by nature and creation.”



“The wealth of the have-alls shall be equally redistributed to the have-nots.”



“From now on the Ottoman Sultanate has been given to me by God, Bedreddin, I shall be the Caliph of Islam on earth. All who want land, timars and zeamet, come to my banner, and you shall regain your humanity and equality!”



“Praise God almighty, Praise our Prophet Bedreddin!!”



“Praise God almighty, Praise our Prophet Bedreddin!!”



From outside the walls, Mehmed frowned at the loud cry coming from Macin. It meant that morale of the defenders was very high. A tedious and long siege was to be expected.



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For the next several weeks, the Ottomans relentlessly bombarded Macin with small cannons, siege equipment, and missiles, followed by relentless assaults from heavily armored infantry. The heroic rebel defenders led by Ivan fought valiantly against wave upon wave of Ottoman attacks. Ditch by ditch, palisade by palisade, the outer fortifications were gradually leveled, yet Macin's resistance persisted throughout August, they fought with a tenacity and fanatical unlike anything Mehmed had ever seeing. Although the rebels against hopeless numerical inferiority suffered heavy casualties, they inflicted even greater losses in lives and matériel upon the attacking Ottomans.



Mehmed however, was determined to capture Macin, whatever the cost may be.



As time progressed and the fortification gradually fell, the Ottoman war machine's brute force proved overwhelming. After nearly 80 days of valiant resistance, in which the defenders fought heroically to the last man, Macin fell into Ottoman hands in early October. Mehmed's joy of conquest was fleeting, however. He learned that while around almost all of the 2000 rebel defenders had sacrificed and died defending the town, the main rebel force, including Sheikh Bedreddin himself, had escaped before the Ottomans' arrival.



Furthermore, on the same night as Macin fell, as Ottoman soldiers celebrated and let their guard down, a group of rebel saboteurs formed by Macin survivors who hid in the wells and tunnels, infiltrated behind outside, attacked the drunken guards near the river, and then set fire to the lightly guarded ships docked along the Danube. The flames, visible from Macin, and all the way to Wallachia, engulfed a significant portion of the Ottoman supplies. Led by the resourceful Ivan who then led his men to vanish under the nightly sky.



Mehmed had now realized the precarious situation he had landed himself in. Although he had captured Macin at great cost in men and equipment, he had yet again failed to annihilate the main rebel forces or capture Bedreddin.



With winter approaching, efforts to locate the rebel forces hiding in the Dobrudja mountains proved futile. As his ships and most of his supplies vanished, Mehmed faced the urgent question of how to resupply his hungry and war-exhausted soldiers.



Mehmed lingered in the devastated town of Macin for two weeks, waiting for reinforcements or supplies that never came. Finally, he begrudgingly ordered a retreat. The Ottomans destroyed what remained of Macin before marching south along the branch river Macin, which they traversed in about 10 days.



However, disaster struck during the retreat. Mehmed's incomplete and misguided guide led him into a trap. The rebel main forces, which had been hidden and elusive throughout the campaign, suddenly appeared along the entire route. With the Ottoman army stretched out in a thin line along the narrow riverbanks, surrounded by forests and hills, the march south became a hunting ground for the rebels.



Hungry, tired, and demoralized after a long and fruitless campaign, the Ottoman soldiers were easy targets for the rebels. The weakest and sickliest were abandoned to their fate. Were it not for the bravery and excellent command skills of Mehmed, who personally led a fateful charge and scattered the rebel army at a critical moment, the entire army would have perished.



Nevertheless, the victory was pyrrhic at best. What had taken the detachment a week to traverse took Mehmed's larger army almost three weeks. By the time he reached his main camp with his men, only half had survived out of an initial force of 26,000 men.



Physically and mentally devastated by this ordeal, Mehmed refused to return to Adrianople to rest. Knowing that his soldiers' morale was at an all-time low and that the rebels might take advantage of his absence and retake the grounds he so vigorously attained, he decided to winter in Bulgaria despite the potential toll on his fragile health.



Furthermore, Mehmed was alarmed by the news of Roman successes in Achaea, the peace deal between Constantinople and Venice, and the arrival of a Roman delegation in Konstanz. The threat of a potential crusade involving the Romans posed a significant danger to Ottoman rule in the Balkans, perhaps even greater than that posed by Bedreddin. To dissuade the Romans from taking radical action and crush the threat of a crusade before it materialized, Mehmed knew he must send a strong signal soon.



Yet, not all news was bad for Mehmed. While his army suffered a crushing defeat in Macin, messengers arrived from Anatolia bearing good tidings. The army of Vizier Bayezid and his eldest son Prince Murad had decisively defeated the rebels in Izmir and Saruhan, killing their leader Torlak Kemal, executing thousands of their most fanatical supporters, and are now in pursuit of the remnants who had regrouped and retreated to coastal areas.



As a harsh winter set in and the year 1417 drew to a close, all campaigns came to a halt. The warring parties in the Southern Balkans found a temporary respite, licking their wounds while preparing for the inevitable continuation of conflict come spring.

 

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CHAPTER 13 – UNSCRIPTED DEVELOPMENT

- The Acropolis of Athens in the mid-18th century. The discernible fortifications, eventually demolished in the mid-19th century, date back to the Duchy of Athens era, established by the de la Roche and later expanded in Acciaioli periods, a mighty fortification during the 14th and 15th Century.

The Duchy of Athens was a Latin or Frankish state in Greece that existed from 13th Century to Early 15th Century. It was created in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade (1202-1204 CE) and would be ruled for the majority of its history by the Burgundian de la Roche family, the Catalans under the rule of the kings of Sicily, and the Florentine Acciaioli family. As a Latin state in Greece, it was closely connected to its neighboring states as well as the rulers of southern Italy and imposed feudal law on its small territory in Attica and Boeotia.

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The New Year's festivities had barely waned in Constantinople, and the city's streets still echoed with the joyous laughter and chatter of its citizens. Amidst this jubilation, a momentous event awaited the Roman Empire - the arrival of a large envoy from Italy, bearing tidings of yet another celebration. For in a display of Christian unity and Roman diplomatic prowess, the newly elected Pope Martin V had offered a marital alliance between three prominent Catholic Italian noblewomen and Roman princes Andronikos, Theodoros, and Ioannes. If accepted by Constantinople, the wedding shall be determined at a later stage.



As emperor Manuel accepted the offer, the news of a new marital alliance with Italy spread like wildfire among the ordinary Romans, igniting a flurry of excitement and gossip. The identity of the brides, their appearance, attire, and dowry became the talk of the town, with speculation and curiosity filling the air. For the influential men of the Empire, however, these marriage offers represented a beacon of hope and support from the West. Rumors began to swirl within the upper circles of society, whispering tales of a potential crusade led by the Catholic world, aimed at evicting the Ottoman menace from the Empire's borders.



Last time the Crusade of Nicopolis almost destroyed the Ottomans, were it not for a foolish charge by overconfident French knights. God bless the victorious Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt was then defeated by Timur. This time, with the Ottomans still recovering its strength, another Crusade would surely finish the undone business.



As Constantinople immersed in celebration, the news of the marriages had also reached Andronikos, who had returned to his domain in Thessaloniki. Unlike his eager subordinates, Andronikos received the news with a reserved demeanor, for his thoughts were firmly fixated on the potential crusade, as the meeting in Konstanz had instilled a determined ambition in him to participate in this war that could in once strike lift the empire from its decline.



What Andronikos was anticipating was a secret letter delivered to him by a messenger who blended into the grand envoy from Rome. This man brought with him the latest development of the preparation for a Crusade, among other intelligence, written by none other than Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, the Roman ambassador to the Latin world.



In the letter, Nicholas described to Andronikos in a regrettable tone the aftermath of the Council of Konstanz, which saw the new Pope, Martin V, elected. As the Latin Church had been fragmentated for decades, the restoration effort was massive, the bishops and cardinals had to negotiate painstakingly the redistribution of Church authorization, find compromise in personnel appointment and dismissal, reallocation of Church treasures, so on and so forth. The Council was thus expected to last another season, and before that nothing could be done.



Not only are the attention of the Catholic Church devolved fully into internal affairs, the other main proponent of the Crusade against the Ottomans, the Holy Roman Emperor, Sigismund also had his attention demanded by a rising heretic unrest in Bohemia: thousands of followers of the heretic preacher Jan Huss, who were executed in 1415 at the Council of Konstanz, had made unacceptable demands of religious tolerance, and Sigismund was in no mood to accept. With the Catholic Church and emperor Sigismund both occupied, a timetable for the Crusade was yet to be settled.



Andronikos was undoubtedly disappointed by the news of slow progress, which stood in stark contrast to what Sigismund had promised to him months ago, and he began to understand his father, emperor Manuel’s position better. The Empire of the Romans must save itself with or without the help of a Crusade from the West.



As Andronikos’ mind came to reason, he began to assess the situation with a cooler head. The reality of a now uncertain Crusade and the still powerful Ottomans loomed large in his mind, the vast disparity in power between The Roman Empire and the Ottomans are almost insurmountable. The Ottomans excelled in every measurable aspect - from the quality of their army to the vastness of their manpower, tax base, and financial resources. Relying solely on the support of crusading allies would be imprudent, and if the Romans were to engage in this crusade, they must be fully prepared to withstand Ottoman aggression for a prolonged period.



The Romans' territorial holdings after 1405 were predominantly coastal, lacking strategic depth. The Roman army, despite showing potentials in its victory in Achaea, was still too small to face the overwhelming Ottoman force. The spread-out nature of Roman holdings also meant lacked cohesion, making concentration of force difficult. To gain strategic initiative, a forward base of operation and concentration had to be established, and that place must be Thessaloniki.



Fully surrounded in its land borders by vast Ottoman holdings, Constantinople is isolated and trapped. However, its symbolic and political importance, and coupled with its mighty walls and excellent geographic advantage makes it an optimal anvil, to be synchronized with a hammer, coming from south, from the ancient lands of Hellenes where civilization once prospered.



With the successful Achaea campaign last year, almost all of Peloponnese came under Roman hand save a few coastal cities such as Nauflion, Modon, Argos controlled by Venice. Across the narrow Corinthian strait was the Roman outpost of Neopatras which connected Roman forces in Achaea and Morea with Lamia, the Romans control the coastal half of Thessaly, and Thessaloniki in one continuous thin strip of land, the only obstacle to consolidate this collection of holding into a sustainable and defendable domain, was the existence of Duchy of Athens.



Since his conflict with the Venetians in 1406, Antonio I Acciaioli, the Duke of Athens, had effectively served as a vassal to the Ottomans, intermittently harassing Venetian and Roman territories with swift raids. A strategic wedge between Roman holdings of Thessaloniki and Morea, and threatening Venetian holdings in the important trade hub of Euboea, the Ottomans had always had an extra care for Athens compared to other vassals, often supporting them with generous arms and supplies, sometimes even directing Ottoman troops to assist directly in Athenian raid of Venice.



Just two years ago during the Ottoman-Venetian war of 1416, a combined Ottoman and Athenian force had attacked the Venetians in Euboea, though unsuccessful due to their inferior navy.



With strong Ottoman support, it had always seemed unlikely the weak and terminally ill empire of the Romans could have threatened Antonio. However, the Roman victory in Achaea, combined with successive Ottoman defeats at the hand of rebel Bedreddin had changed the calculation. With the Roman morale were high and their ranks strengthened, all the while Ottomans were copiously distracted in their struggle to contain a massive religious rebellion, it seemed an ideal opportunity for Romans to strike Athens had opened.



Andronikos had no intention to let this rare opportunity go to waste. In early February, he wrote a letter to co-emperor Ioannes in Constantinople, laying out his ideas, and entered into an intensive discussion with Ioannes on the prospects and details of a potential campaign against the Duchy of Athens. Unlike Achaea which were weak and lacked real protection, Duchy of Athens was well consolidated under Antonio and could indeed mobilize a strong resistance, not to mention the possibility of a forceful Ottoman intervention.



Nevertheless, it was agreed between co-emperor and Despot to not finalize any specifics of the campaign as of yet, but begin the preparation for a campaign in earnest, so as to seize the opportunity when it arises.



For Andronikos, the first order of business in his preparation was improvement of armament, particularly firearms. Drawing from his own experiences in the traumatic wars of Achaea, Andronikos saw great promise in these deadly weapons, especially the devastating power of cannons in siege warfare, both in defense and offense, as demonstrated in the siege of Glarentza.



A prospective campaign into Athens must be swift, to minimize the incentive and thus possibility for Ottomans to intervene. Therefore, it was not only important to win field battles, but arguably more important to prevent any prolonged sieges. A situation such as Glarentza would be disastrous to the Romans.



With his war spoil from the loot and confiscation of Latin properties in Achaea, Andronikos had amassed a significant fortune. After paying his army a hefty bonus, he still retained a considerable amount of wealth, including 10.000 ducats in coins and numerous estates and properties worth several thousand more ducats. Throughout the spring of 1418, Andronikos invested heavily in establishing a gun factory modeled after the Venetian Arsenal he saw in Venice, even spending a large sum to hire a former gunsmith foreman of Arsenal.



Andronikos oversaw the construction of the gunsmith with meticulous care, ensuring that it was equipped with the latest technology and skilled craftsmen. He imported rare materials and components from Venice and other parts of Europe, determined to create a formidable arsenal that would give the Romans an edge in the upcoming conflict. Craftsmen from across Italy were invited to Thessaloniki, and the first prototype cannon replicated from one of the Venetian cannons seized by Andronikos from Glarentza and brought back to Thessaloniki was produced in early April, marking the first instance of Roman cannon production.



the news of Bedreddin's triumph over Mehmed and the subsequent defeat of his disciples in Anatolia reached Andronikos by early April. Already acquainted with Bedreddin's beliefs through his interactions with numerous former followers who had become integral members of the epilektoi, Andronikos developed a profound interest in the Mystic Rebel's philosophy, much of which resonated deeply with his own convictions. Particularly intriguing was Bedreddin's unwavering belief in the inherent equality of all men and the necessity for them to share their possessions with each other.



Andronikos' curiosity did not solely extend to theology; he was equally, if not more, fascinated by the potential manpower that fleeing Bedreddin followers could bring to his cause. The epilektoi's social and military experiment had demonstrated remarkable promise, cultivating a loyal, disciplined, and highly capable army at a fraction of the cost of recruiting a similarly powerful mercenary group. If this model could be replicated, it held the potential to become the blueprint for rebuilding the Roman army. What was required, however, was not monetary resources but rather access to unoccupied lands for distribution and a consistent influx of men willing to fight for those lands.



Thessaloniki still possessed vast tracts of unoccupied land, sufficient to accommodate another thousand families, which in turn would translate into a thousand fresh troops. Yet, Andronikos lacked access to able-bodied men. The majority of the Greek populace within the Empire had become accustomed to avoiding active participation in warfare; they excelled as sailors, merchants, or clergymen but were scarce as soldiers.



Realizing that to expand the epilektoi and augment his army's size, Andronikos recognized his reliance on a continuous flow of capable men willing to risk their lives for land. The only viable source of such manpower lay with Bedreddin's followers fleeing Ottoman persecution. Consequently, he dispatched Leontares on a mission with a small navy, tasked with sailing to the western Aegean coast near Izmir, gathering as many refugees as possible, and transporting them back to Thessaloniki to bolster the ranks of the epilektoi.



This continuing influx of ‘heretic’ men into Thessaloniki, occupying land and taking up arms, and the favoritism Andronikos showed them had made the local Diocese of Thessaloniki very uneasy. They had made countless protest to the Despot, objecting what they saw as the poisoning of the mind and land of Christian, all to no avail.



Andronikos had come to the conclusion that to form a capable army enough to project the political will of the empire and protect its land and vital interest was of utmost importance and highest priority, if it meant antagonizing the church, then it is a cost he was willing to pay.



By late April of 1418, Andronikos had implemented most of his intended preparations, and as he busy himself with further implementation, a huge unexpected change of circumstances would disrupt everything he planned and threw his preparations up in the air.



To Andronikos and many Romans disbelief, Antonio I Acciaioli, Duke of Athens, without any warning, launched a surprise attack into the Roman lands of Achaea and Morea, taking the strategically important city of Corinth by a surprise assault which caught the local garrison with their pants down.



Now instead of preparing to defeat the Athenians in offense, Andronikos must now consider how to defeat them in defense.



A few days later, a formal request for assistance arrived in Thessaloniki from Despot Theodoros himself. In his letter, Theodoros urgently appealed to his brother, Andronikos, for military support as the scale of the Athenian incursion had far exceeded his expectations. The fall of Corinth had left Peloponnese vulnerable to Latin advances and plunder, and reports indicated the presence of Ottoman contingents among the Latin ranks. This was not a mere raid; it was a full-scale invasion.



As Theodoros was still striving to consolidate his control over the newly conquered Achaea, he had relocated a significant portion of his resources and troops to that region. Consequently, the defense of Corinth and Morea in general was woefully undermanned and unable to withstand the unexpected Athenian invasion.



Realizing that only he had the necessary manpower to intervene in a timely manner, Andronikos wasted no time in summoning his generals and captains to devise a battle plan. The call to arms was sounded, and on 29 April 1418, a hastily organized army of 2,000 men, consisting of called upon 1500 epilektoi and 500 standing garrison of Thessaloniki, marched out of the gate of Galerius, led by Andronikos personally, heading southward to reinforce his brethren.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 14 – A FINE CATCH AT ACROCORINTH

Antonio was the illegitimate son of Nerio I Acciaioli. Nerio conquered of the Duchy of Athens in practice 1388, and formally acknowledged by King Ladislaus of Naples who granted the Duchy of Athens to Nerio and his legitimate male heirs on 11 January 1394.



Nerio I Acciaioli made his last will on 17 September 1394. He bequeathed two important castles in Boeotia, Livadeia and Thebes, to Antonio, but willed most of his domains to his daughter Francesca and left the town of Athens to the Church of Saint Mary on the Acropolis of Athens. When he died on 25 September, his daughters and son soon fought for control over Athens.



During the turmoil, a small Ottoman Turk force attacked the Acropolis of Athens and Nerio's brother, Donato, who had inherited the title of Duke of Athens, was in no position to defend the town. The locals sought assistance from the Venetians in Negroponte, and the Senate of Venice approved the annexation of Athens on 18 March 1395. Antonio sided with the Ottomans during the ensuring skirmishes between the them and the Venetians.



In Antonio led his forces and penetrated deep into Athens, forcing the defenders of the Acropolis to surrender in February 1403 and taking the city. On 1405, a compromise was then reached at the mediation of King Ladislaus of Naples with Venice. Antonio agreed to compensate Venice for the munitions seized in the Acropolis and to send a silk robe to St Mark's Basilica every Christmas. He also pledged to return the goods of the last Venetian governor of Athens, Nicholas Vitturi, to his heirs. In return, Venice recognized Antonio's right to rule Athens and removed a price from his head. As the new duke, Antonio made no effort to honor his part of the deal, and when Venice and Ottomans went to war in 1416, Antonio happily joined his suzerain and raided the Venetian coastal holdings.



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Using the same marching route as the Achaea campaign year before, the Army of Thessaloniki forced marched for three days to reach Neopatras, the southernmost territory of Roman Thessaly, then boarded upon ships sailing towards Peloponnese.



The situation in Morea seemed desperate to Romans, and Antonio was on major advance across the front.



Antonio had been engaged in constant raiding for the past decade, mostly against the Venetians, but sometimes also intrude Roman lands. His men were well-customed to the hit and run tactics and pillaging methods. So, when Sultan Mehmed sent his envoy to demand a large raid into Roman territory in Peloponnese, Antonio did not hesitate to assemble his men and answer his Sultan. To further increase his strength, Sultan Mehmed provided Antonio with two ‘orta’s to assist his raid in Peloponnese. An orta is a regiment of around 1000 Ottoman soldiers, led by a Chorbaji.



The decision of Sultan Mehmed to encourage and support Antonio to attack the Romans was in part a result of the unexpected Roman result in Achaea, and in part the consequence of Andronikos’ visit to Konstanz and getting tangled in a whispered preparation of a Crusade. Mehmed aimed for Antonio to disrupt the Roman economy by raiding fields and markets, distracting Roman attention towards reconstruction, and sending a warning to the Romans against hostile actions against the Ottomans.



However, what Mehmed wished wasn’t necessarily what Antonio wants. For Antonio, he saw the aid of the Ottomans as an opportune chance to expand his holding into Morea, which he saw was rightfully his. Antonio had his eyes set on the strategically and commercially important city of Corinth, which he had held for extensive period before losing it to the Romans a decade ago.



Antonio crossed the lightly defended Hexamillion Wall on 12 April 1418, and on the same day conquered Corinth by a surprise assault, completing his initial goal. While the Ottoman contingents plundered and pillaged across the undefended Morea lands, Antonio utilized the situation where the Ottomans raiding party would distract many Roman defenders to expand his area of control, gather valuable loot in the rich cities and towns, and prop up his defense against a potential Roman counterattack. To this end, Antonio set his eyes on the next target of his, the city of Polyphengos, which situated along the mountain pass that would open the rest of Morea to Antonio.



Relying on his swiftness and assuming that the fall of Corinth hadn't yet roused the city's defenders, Antonio hastened towards the city gate with his fleetest knights. However, fate was not kind to him, as he arrived just a hair's breadth too late. The defenders had received the news an hour prior from fugitives fleeing Corinth and had successfully shut the gate in time.



Forced to bide his time while his infantry met up and prepared the siege, Antonio sent his knights rampaging through nearby markets and villages, plundering treasures and seizing provisions.



Unfortunately, as Antonio reunited with his infantry and just about to set up camp, and commence preparations for the siege, he received startling news - the Despot of Thessaloniki, Andronikos Palaiologos, had marshaled a force worth attention of 2000 men from Thessaloniki to bolster Morea's defenses.



Antonio had always anticipated Roman reinforcements, but he never anticipated their ability to assemble an army so swiftly. Typically, it took at least a month for a medieval levy-based army to assemble, so he had assumed he would enjoy a six-week window of operational freedom, during which he could loot and besiege without much interference, before the combined forces of Morea and Thessaloniki could mobilize against him. By then, he intended to withdraw his men, treasure, and provisions to Corinth and its surrounding castles, preparing for a protracted defensive siege that would eventually wear down the Romans and force them to concede - or so he had thought.



However, Andronikos's rapid mobilization and advance threw Antonio's plans into disarray, forcing him to make hasty adjustments. As Andronikos was likely to take the route through Thessaly and cross the Corinthian Strait into Peloponnese, Antonio realized the precarious position he would be in if he didn't retreat from his current location. Remaining there would mean being trapped between the Romans landing near Corinth and the Roman forces converging in Mystras. Furthermore, Antonio was uncertain about the defense of Corinth in his absence, and so, reluctantly, he sounded the retreat.



What Antonio was unaware of was the swiftness of Andronikos' movements, exceeding all his expectations. If he had known that the message he received was already three days old, and that by the time he was reading the letter, the young Despot had already landed near Corinth, he would not have hesitated to depart, instead of wasting time gathering his plunder onto ox carts for transportation back to Corinth. This delay cost him a whole day, a precious loss of time.



The battlefield situation was evolving rapidly. Upon receiving information from locals that Antonio had abandoned Corinth and led his main force towards Polyphengos, Andronikos recognized a rare opportunity presented by the gods.



Instead of attempting to besiege Corinth and assault its Latin defenders without their Duke, Andronikos made a strategic decision. He ordered his entire army to embark on a forced march along the western road, the same route Antonio had taken in his advance.

- Acrocorinth (Greek: Ακροκόρινθος, lit. 'Upper Corinth' or 'the acropolis of ancient Corinth') is a monolithic rock overlooking the ancient city of Corinth, Greece. Acrocorinth's fortress was repeatedly used as a last line of defense in southern Greece because it commanded the Isthmus of Corinth, repelling foes from entry by land into the Peloponnese peninsula. Situated along a hilltop and with its secure water supply, Acrocorinth commands the main route into and out of Peloponnese.


The archaic acropolis was already an easily defensible position due to its geomorphology; it was further heavily fortified during the Byzantine Empire as it became the seat of the strategos of the thema of Hellas.



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By the evening of the same day as their arrival, Andronikos and his elite squadron of 100 horsemen arrived at the formidable fortress of Acrocorinth, guarded only by a scant hundred Latin foot soldiers. His swiftness exceeded all expectations, and the defenders of Acrocorinth, unaware of the Romans' advance, were misled by the setting sun and the dimming sky. They mistakenly identified Andronikos and his knights as friendly forces approaching from Athens.



Spotting the gate ajar, Andronikos wasted no time. He spurred his horse onto the drawbridge, sword drawn, and before anyone in the fortress could react, he swiftly dispatched the unsuspecting guards in his path and galloped into the courtyard.



"I am Andronikos Palaiologos, Despot of Thessaloniki! Your Duke Antonio has been slain by my army of 10,000 men! Surrender now and live, or draw your sword and die!" Andronikos bellowed furiously, circling the courtyard as he repeated his demand. His horsemen poured into the courtyard, joining in the chorus.



The Latin defenders, bewildered by the sudden turn of events, scrambled out of their quarters, some unarmed, most without armor. They looked on in desperation as fully armored warriors dismounted and charged towards them, swords glinting in the fading light.



A few Latin men fell victim to the sword before they could react, and the rest, unprepared and fearing for their lives, panicked. Some fled and barricaded themselves inside their rooms, while most fell to their knees and surrendered. Andronikos ordered the surrendered men to be bound, then commanded his men, who now filled the fortress, to slay any who still resisted. By the end of the night, the ancient fortress of Acrocorinth was firmly in Roman hands, effectively cutting off Antonio from his base in Corinth.



Andronikos took command of the fortress and ordered the interrogation of the Latin captives for information on Antonio's forces. Meanwhile, he awaited the arrival of his main army.



By the early hours of the following day, the main Roman army arrived, promptly setting to work on fortifying the defenses of Acrocorinth. Supplies were secured from neighboring villages, trenches were dug along the primary route Antonio was expected to take, and barriers were erected on nearby hilltops, establishing archery positions that commanded the entire passageway.



Two days later, Antonio and his army emerged, wagons laden with plunder. To his horror, he beheld the Roman flag fluttering proudly atop Acrocorinth. It became apparent to him that his men were now isolated from their supplies and reinforcements.



To secure a safe return, Antonio had to vanquish the defending Romans. With no sustainable source of provisions, they had little time to hesitate before their food and water ran out.



Antonio ordered his army to encamp, dispatching his cavalry to scout the defenders and summoning the marauding Ottoman horsemen to his aid.



The following morning, on the 6th of May 1418, Antonio received intelligence from his scouts that the Roman army numbered only a thousand men or slightly more and had captured the fortress just two days prior. Intent on striking the numerically inferior enemy before they could establish a solid defense, Antonio commanded his 4,000 men to march out and array themselves for battle.



To his surprise, the Roman army did not cower within the camp but instead emerged to form ranks atop a hill. Though numerically inferior, their army was well-ordered, their weapons and armor glinting in the morning sun.



Despite the Romans' evident discipline, Antonio remained confident in his superior numbers and the loyalty and reliability of his men, who had followed him faithfully through years of warfare.



The archers and crossbowmen of both armies unleashed a hail of arrows and bolts upon each other's positions. The Romans, with their advantageous high ground, quickly gained the upper hand, their shots raining down with deadly accuracy on the Latin archers. The casualties among the Latins began to mount alarmingly.



Observing this, Antonio ordered his infantry to advance. They moved forward slowly, many tripping over the palisades and falling victim to the relentless Roman arrows. As they hacked and slashed their way through the palisades, they were met by the Roman infantry, who used their long spears to hold off the numerically superior enemy.



The clash of spears and swords echoed through the hills as the two forces engaged in fierce hand-to-hand combat. Blood splattered the ground as soldiers grunted and gasped for breath amidst the fury of battle. The Latins fought valiantly, but the advantage of high ground, Romans' disciplined formation and effective use of spears gave them the edge.



As the battle ground to a halt, Antonio's frustration grew. He hesitated, torn between sending in his cavalry for a final assault or holding them back as a reserve. His eyes darted nervously between the front line and his knights, waiting tensely for a breakthrough.



Finally, Antonio saw his men slowly being pushed down the hills by the smaller but more effective Roman force. Unable to bear the thought of defeat, as a last-ditch effort, he ordered his knights to charge. With a resounding cheer, they spurred their horses forward, lances lowered and eyes fixed on their enemy.



The Latin knights proved their worth and their frightening reputation in the charge. Despite the uphill climb slowing their momentum, they regained it with each thrust of their lances, pushing the Roman line back step by step. The weight of the Latin cavalry began to tell, their numbers twice those of the Romans, and with each powerful charge, the Roman line began to crumble.



But just then, the gates of Acrocorinth swung open, and out poured a contingent of Roman horsemen, fully armored and led by Andronikos. They sprinted down the hill with terrifying speed, breaking into the ranks of the enemy like a hot knife through butter.



Antonio watched helplessly as his forces began to falter under the renewed Roman assault. The Latins' ranks slowly dissolved like snowflakes in the hot summer sun. The battle was lost, and Antonio could only gather the few remaining men with horses and flee before the victorious Romans. They abandoned all their loot and baggage, fleeing to the coast where they found a fishing boat to carry them back to Athens.



The rest of the Latin infantry on the battlefield were left to their fates. Most surrendered, while a few managed to escape. The battle of Acrocorinth lasted for half a day, resulting in over a thousand Latin casualties and more than a thousand captured, against a few hundred Roman losses. Of the four thousand Latins who had departed from Athens, only a few hundred returned safely.



With the destruction of Athens' main force, the remaining defenders of Corinth knew they could not withstand a Roman siege without reinforcements. They had no choice but to abandon the city and withdraw into their own territory.



Upon hearing the news, the rampaging Ottoman Turks immediately abandoned their pillaging campaign. Fearful of being surrounded in hostile territory by a newly victorious army, and with the Morean army on the move, they fled north, abandoning most of their loot before returning to Ottoman Thessaly.



Thus, the Athenian campaign in Morea lasted only a month before collapsing into a crushing defeat. With most of its army gone and its garrison stripped bare, Athens' defense was helplessly exposed to a strong Roman retaliation.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 15 – A FORCEFUL MEDIATION

- Venetian ducat (a ducat from around 1410 depicted above) is the main currency in circulation in Mediterranean. It became the standard denominations in many countries, used interchangeably in the Mediterranean states such as Ottomans and Roman Empire alongside the official coinages. The exchange rates between the coins differed from time to time, but mainly was as following:

The exchange rate between a ducat and an ‘akces’ (a akces from Murad II era depicted above) which were a silver coin minted by the Ottomans is roughly 1 ducat: 80-90 akces.

The exchange rate between a ducat and a ‘stavraton’ (a coin from Manuel II era depicted above) which were a heavy silver coin minted by the Roman Empire mimicking a ducat is roughly 1 ducat: 1.2-2 stavratons.


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As the sun rose over the horizon, casting its golden rays over the Aegean Sea, Andronikos and Theodoros stood on the walls of Corinth. It had been a month since the battle of Acrocorinth where Antonio lost his army and his dream of conquering Morea. Now, Theodoros had finally mobilized his army and joined his brother at the frontline with fresh troops, ready to lead them onto Athenian soil.



While awaiting Theodoros’ reinforcements, Andronikos had already captured several Athenian border castles. Now, if only Ioannes’ large reinforcement were to join them, they would vastly outnumber the now few and demoralized Athenian defenders, and possibly take Athens in one decisive strike.



For months, Antonio, the Duke of Athens, had been sending urgent letters to Sultan Mehmed, begging his master for rescue. He knew well how understrength his domain had become, barely able to mobilize more than a thousand new men, he could only defend Athens while leaving the rest of the Duchy to the control of Romans. While awaiting Mehmed’s reply, Antonio also wrote to Andronikos, using humbling words and vague promises in effort to stall the Romans and buy himself more time.



Suddenly, a horn blared in the distance, signaling the arrival of a ship into port. It was an envoy from the Ottoman Court, it seemed like the Sultan had finally made his mind to intervene into the matter.



The Ottoman diplomat, a Greek speaking Muslim, handed the Sultan’s handwritten letter to Andronikos. The young Despot’s brow furrowed as he read the contents, his brows frowning. Theodoros, sensing the change in atmosphere, demanded to know what the message said.



Andronikos looked up, his eyes dark with concern. "The Sultan has declared their intention to mediate on behalf of the Athenians," he said, his voice heavy with the weight of the news. "Our ‘dear brother’, Sultan Mehmed demands that we withdraw our forces immediately and cede all claims to Athenian territory."



“What?” Theodoros's eyes widened in disbelief, he looked angrily at the Ottoman diplomat, loudly protesting: "This cannot be," he exclaimed. "We have sacrificed so much, and lost so much, and now the Sultan will swoop in and deny us what is rightfully ours? The Athenians ought to be punished, must be punished for their uncalled and unjust aggression!"



“I understand your position, esteemed Despot” the diplomat smiled but not smiling. “But you must understand, that Duke Antonio has sworn fealty to our Great Sultan, and the Sultan cannot stand by to see his subject invaded.”



“What about our loses? Your Sultan was supposed to be our friend, our brothers, and yet he enabled his subject to attack us, kill my people, burn my village, where is justice in these barbaric acts?”



“It seems you do not like my Sultan’s wish, very well, that is a reply I will bring to him, but be warned, Greek! Any rash actions, will call upon you the wrath of Sultan and his army, and they will not be as polite as I am. Good day to you both.” With defiant and supercilious attitude, the diplomat left the wall.



“This was outrageous! But, Andronikos, you don’t believe Mehmed would intervene militarily, do you? We won’t face the Ottomans, right?”



Andronikos saw the fear in his brother’s eyes. "It won’t come to that, I believe," he said. "But we cannot afford to let this great chance of us go to waste, we are in the right, and Mehmed’s position is not as strong as it seems, otherwise he wouldn’t have sent a diplomat but and army, and an army is always more persuasive than a single mouth."



“What do you suggest we do?”



“We should send the demand of Mehmed to our father in Constantinople coupled with detailed description of the current situation, I trust our father’s wisdom, he would know how to handle Mehmed. In the meantime, we shouldn’t sit idly by, but continuously put pressure on Antonio, by send our forces to raid Athenian lands, as retaliation for Athenian intrusion. This way, we can continuously strengthen our position and help our father secure a better deal.



The two brothers agreed on their approach, and proceed to discuss strategies in hushed tones.



Almost another month passed. Roman cavalry raided far and beyond within Athenian lands, at the bequest of Andronikos they mainly targeted Latins while largely left the local Greek populace unmolested. As treasures and wealth from plunder fill the rooms in Corinth, and men grew unwary, finally a news came from Constantinople bringing the final result of the negotiation between Manuel and Mehmed.



As punishment and reparation for his unjustified invasion into Morean land, Antonio were to cede over all lands from Corinth all the way to and include the city of Megara to Theodoros, most of which the Romans already occupies. Furthermore, Antonio was to pay 20.000 ducats as compensation for his pillage in Morean lands.



Along with this letter came a follow up request from Antonio himself. He pleaded with Andronikos to treat well his men who were captured before during and after the battle of Acrocorinth by Thessaloniki men, and he offered a sum of 100 ducats for each of his knights and 20 ducats for each of his foot soldiers returned to him safely.



Although both Andronikos and Theodoros were unwilling to accept, they knew it was the best their father could negotiate for them, and therefore have no other way than bite their tongue and accept.



As for the ransom offer, knowing full well how his almost 2000 large group of Athenian captives were of utmost importance to Antonio, Andronikos intended to squeeze every remaining coin out of the Duke’s pockets. Andronikos therefore drafted a reply to Antonio, demanding an outlandish sum of 1000 ducats per knight, and 200 ducats per non-knight personnel. He added furthermore, that were Antonio to reject the offer, he would send the captives to the mines of Athos, where they will repay their own ransom through twenty years of hard labor.



In fact, Antonio urgently needed his fighting men returned so he can properly defend against Venetian attacks, yet his coffers were totally emptied as he spended them all to finalize his campaign and the ensuring heavy reparation to Theodoros. Desperate, Antonio begged Andronikos again for a rebate, while pawning his familial domains in Italy and all his golden jewelry to a Florentine merchant for some extra funds.



Ultimately, Antonio compromised greatly for a deal with Andronikos – in return for all of his knights and around 2/3 of his men, which were valued at 300 ducats per knight and 70 ducats per footman, totaling almost 40.000 ducats an astronomical sum, he was to pay 15.000 ducats in cash, and cede a strip of land running from Neopatras to the coastal port of Antikyra to Andronikos to compensate the lack of fund.



As such, the Athenian-Morean war of 1418 ended, for now.

 

[elerosse]

As promised, here's a map of the situation in Balkans and Anatolia in 1418 - what's notable is the Bedreddin Rebellion still staying strong in Northern Bulgaria while his disciples in Izmir Area still holding strong; compared to 1418 OTL The Romans gained additional control over Patras and Neopatras, and a strip of land in Attica and Boetia at the expense of Duchy of Athens.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 16 – A CITY REBORN

- A luxurious gold and silk shroud made in Thessaloniki

- A silk weaver in Thessaloniki, 15th century,

- Eastern Roman workshops usually operated their own retail establishments. Men and women worked together in them. Most shops would hold around 10 people.


Thessaloniki, located in northern Greece, has a rich and storied history of economic development. Once a vibrant center of trade and culture in the Roman Empire, Thessaloniki has seen its economy rise and fall over the centuries, but it has always maintained a significant role in the region's economic landscape.



In its past economic glory, Thessaloniki was a major hub of activity, attracting merchants, craftsmen, and scholars from all over the Mediterranean. Its strategic location a major conjunction on the Aegean Sea made it a natural gateway for trade routes connecting the Black Sea, Aegean See and the rest of the Mediterranean Sea. The city flourished as a center for the production and exchange of goods such as silk, spices, and jewelry. Thessaloniki's prosperity was also reflected in its architecture, with the construction of numerous temples, palaces, and public buildings that still stand as testament to its former grandeur.



During its heyday in 13th Century where Thessaloniki became the largest port in the Empire surpassing even Constantinople, the population of the city numbered 300.000 souls.



Over time, however, Thessaloniki's economy and its standing has undergone gradual decline in sync with the decline of the Empire. As of 1418, after almost a hundred years of revolt, warfare, siege, sacking, stagnation and change of trade route, Thessaloniki now only possess less than 40.000 inhabitants, its dominance over trade in Argean Sea overtaken by newly formed colonies of Genoa and Venice, its manufacturing and economy a shadow of its former self.



However, the past ten years of relative peace had brought a slow economic recovery. The fields, wineries and olive gardens in the hinterlands now free from Turkish incursions began to increase its yields, new farms were occupied and fields plowed by men from Epilektoi, and the silver and gold mines of Chalkidiki operating since the times of Alexander the Great, had reopened many of its abandoned mining shafts.



Increased production and demand in the hinterlands gave rise to a reestablished industry in the city of Thessaloniki itself. The sound of mills grinding flour fill the air, barrels after barrels of olive oil roll out of newly formed pressing plant, wines of fine quality were sold to the merchants, a constant dark plume of smoke rises from countless blacksmith workshop that produce tools and armaments day and night, and minting facilities smelt the newly mined ores into silver and gold ingots, the silver ingots were then minted into Imperial stavraton coins.



As economic activity began to grow, so too did trade and population, the ships docking in Thessaloniki tripled in the last 5 years, harbor facilities, warehouses and market places all expanded – not only were the local populace more willing to give birth and their offsprings more likely to survive in peace time, people from across Argean Sea and Ottoman lands flowing into Thessaloniki, wanting to have their share in the city’s growth.



Finally, all of these increased economic activities meant an increase in tax revenue to the Roman authority, their otherwise empty coffers began to fill, combined with a hefty annual subsidy from Ottomans for keeping Mustafa and Junayd, as the result the tax revenue of the Despotate of Thessaloniki rose from a meagre 9.000 ducats a year to almost 16.000 ducats a year, giving vital support to the expensive cost of military campaigns and expenditures of Andronikos.



August 1418 brought a new fresh breath help to the economic prosperity to Thessaloniki. Andronikos, brought with him a considerable wealth of almost 20.000 ducats, the fruits of the plunder from Athens and the ransom paid handsomely by Antonio. Furthermore, the recent successful campaigns in Achaea and Athens all saw considerable riches brought back to the economy by soldiers and their share of the loot during campaign, giving an even bigger boost to the local consumption.



With more than a year’s tax revenue at hand to spend, Andronikos embarked on a series of ambitious projects, determined to fast track the economic revival and restore Thessaloniki to its former grandeur. He oversaw the expansion of the silver mine, bought new tools and recruited men from Ottoman Rumerlia, its rich deposits now exploited even further to yield a steady stream of precious metal. The clang of hammers from the mine's filled the air, a symphony of progress and prosperity.



The textile industry also flourished under Andronikos's guidance. Already well-known for its silk-production and weaving during the Antiquity, Thessaloniki saw the reopening of its silk-weaving factories under state fundings, silkworms again populated silk-farms, and beautiful silk began to be exported to Italy for crucial ducats.



In addition to the luxurious silks, Andronikos encouraged the development of textile for the commoners and his soldiers. Fields of lush green cotton plants stretched across the countryside, their blooms promising a bountiful harvest. Mills hummed with activity as workers spun and wove the cotton into fabrics that would be traded across the Empire and beyond.



But it was the mint facilities that truly left the mark of Thessaloniki's economic revival in the minds of people. Silver coins known as stavraton were minted by the Romans imitating Venetian silver ducats, the quality and silver content had declined over the years, but as new stavraton with a finer quality and holding proper contents of silver stamped with the city's seal began to circulate around the Empire, it became popular and increased its circulation. Soon, as the clang of the mint's dies striking coins echoed through the city, market places across the Argean Sea began to be filled with Thessaloniki stavratons, a direct symbol of Thessaloniki's renewed power and wealth.



As the city prospered, so did its people. Merchants and traders from all over the Mediterranean flocked to Thessaloniki, eager to take part in the city's economic renaissance. The bustling marketplaces were filled with the sounds of haggling and laughter, the scents of spices and cooked meats wafting through the air.



Andronikos, now finally having a rest from relentless and stressful military campaigns, walked the streets of his city, and saw his prospering sceneries with a newfound pride. He greeted merchants and craftsmen alike, listening to their stories and dreams for their future. He revised total tax and commercial code to better adapt to the newfound economic activities, he ruled on major business dispute fairly and justly, and he appointed capable and talented men to oversee his funding into the local industries.



"Look at what we have built here," Andronikos said to a group of Florentine merchants and representative from great houses in Italy, gesturing to the bustling streets and bustling workshops. "This is Thessaloniki's new dawn, a city rising from the ashes of its past, a true symbol of the rejuvenation of the Empire."



Standing atop a grand large balcony in the Palace of Galerius, Andronikos hosted a large dinner banquet for a large ensemble of men from Italy.



These men had travelled from Italy to Thessaloniki at the invitation of Andronikos. In order to compete with Venetian and Genovese merchants that dominated the trade in Argean Sea, Andronikos wished to involve the other merchant houses and republics into the picture – instead a duopoly of Genoa and Venice which undermined the Empire’s authority, why not let in the merchants of Pisa, Florence, Padua, Ferrara, Ragusa, Mantova and Lucca, why not let in the Sienese, the Aragonese and Neapolitans, and let all these Mediterranean merchants compete for the market share, and have the Empire regain its position as the ultimate arbitrator of Eastern Trade.



“My dear friends from Italy, tonight you have in your hands fine glassware made in Thessaloniki, drinking fine wine fermented in great wooden barrels in Thessaloniki, adorned by beautiful silk woven in Thessaloniki, the gold on your medallions mined and smelted in Thessaloniki, all that you desire you can find it here, we have the port ”facilities and ships to ferry the goods you need to your land, and I, as the Despot of Thessaloniki, have every intention to fulfill all your needs, you only need to open your mouths and ask me.”



To the cheers of Italian commercial notables, Andronikos raised his cup with a beaming smile: “To our friendship and to our common prosperity!”



Looking at a prosperous and vibrant city, which shined even brighter during the nightly scenes, and impressed by the charismatic young Despot whose vision and accomplishment itself speaks volume, many merchants and representatives of Italy agreed to set up trading posts in Thessaloniki to explore the possibility of great wealth and prosperity in the East.



Under the nightly sky, where laughter and sound of glasses clinging filled the air, a Roman naval fleet arrived at port.



It was Leontares who first jumped from the ship. He was sent by Andronikos to the coast of Ottoman Izmir to salvage survivors of Bedreddin’s rebellion which had failed and now on the run from the Ottoman pursuers, and now after two months of operation had returned to Thessaloniki with his men intact, his mission accomplished.



When Leontares arrived at the Ottoman coast first, he first bribed the local fishermen and Greek populace to spread the words of their coming. As Ottoman navy were utterly destroyed by the Venetians, he operated safely at sea. It didn’t take long before the news of safe haven spread among the followers of Bedreddin now running and hiding from Ottoman soldiers, who had a direct order from Prince Murad to find and kill every last of the heretic rebels.



Soon a stream of men flocked to the Izmir coastline, they were brought by Roman boats abroad the large galleys, where they were interviewed and swore an oath of loyalty to Despot Andronikos and Empire of the Romans before being allowed on ship. Getting wind of this, and lacking a proper navy to stop the Romans, the Ottoman employed a significant force along the Izmir coast to intercept the fleeing rebels. The Ottomans enjoyed success initially, but the rebels began to spread out and flee to the coast, some even finding willing fishermen to sail them on to Islands controlled by the Romans.



In the end, more than 10.000 Bedreddin survivors were rescued by the Romans, around half of them were temporarily settled on the isle of Skyres, while the rest were ferried to Thessaloniki.



One of the lucky survivors were a Greek young man named Thomas Mavrokordatos. Coming from a well-off merchant family on the isle of Chios, Thomas heard of the of the teachings of Bedreddin from his principal disciple Börklüce Mustafa on a market place in Izmir some five years ago.



Back then, the young and inexperienced man had only finished his theological study, but was immediately gripped by the preaching of a free and equal society, where every man was born and treated equally, regardless their faith or ethnicity. Despite his family wealth, as a Greek youth who had experienced firsthand the ruthlessness treatment of Ottoman beys and garrisons on the local Greek populate, and with the great sacking of Izmir by Timur’s Turkish allies still fresh in Greek memories, Thomas dreamt of a world where he wouldn’t be forced to bow and kneel before the Turks, that he would be treated as a decent human being.



Thomas soon joined the ranks of Börklüce Mustafa, becoming indoctrinated as an ardent supporter of Börklüce Mustafa and the prophet-like Bedreddin, despite never meeting him, Thomas was soon convinced by the idea, that he persuaded his counsin Nikolaos Macrocordatos into the group. When Börklüce Mustafa began to plot rebellion, Thomas and Nikolaos stole from their family treasuries to fund the cause, and when Börklüce Mustafa finally raised the banner of revolt, Thomas and Nikolaos was there beside him, sword drawn and singing the song of a new age.



In 1416, Thomas and Nikolaos participated and fought with great valor to ambush and defeat the bey of Saruhan, Alexander Bey.



In early 1417, Thomas and Nikolaos again participated as a minor officer to defeat a numerically superior enemy led jointly be Ottoman Prince Murad and Prince Mustafa, by brilliantly utilizing the tactics of guerilla warfare and divide and conquer.



In late 1417, when the battle turned for the worse as Börklüce Mustafa became bogged down by an unexpected prolonged siege of Izmir and Ottoman reinforcement led by Vizier Bayezid were arriving, and the rebel cause seemed doomed, Thomas and Nikolaos stood firmly by the side of Börklüce Mustafa. And when Börklüce Mustafa fell on the battlefield, Thomas escaped the battle and instead of fleeing went to join the ranks of Torlak Kemal, another disciple of Bedreddin to keep the rebellion going.



In early 1418, when even the brave Torlak Kemal fell to the dominant power of the Ottomans, and with the final bastion of the rebellion in Anatolia decisively crushed, Thomas’ fighting will finally broke. He fled the now lost cause, and along the way gathered a small group of survivors to escape westward to the coast, where he hoped to find a boat and escape the clutches of Ottomans through sea.



It was almost a miracle that Thomas survived the treacherous journey and was picked by the Romans waiting for survivors like him. On the boat, he was interviewed by a Roman officer. Because of his Greek heritage, his Orthodox belief prior to his conversion to Bedreddin’s faith, and due to his rich battlefield experience, he was luckily selected as a candidate for epilektoi. Many others were not as lucky – some because of weak body-strength, others because of lack of fighting experience, were instead of joining epilektoi forced to sign up for 5 years of compulsory labor in the fields and mines of Thessaloniki.



At that time Thomas didn’t understand what epilektoi was or what it meant to be a part, he was given a detailed explanation by the surprisingly approachable officer, which to his utter amazement was a fellow follower of Bedreddin, albeit a former one.



Thomas soon learned that if he passed the test to become an epilektoi, he would be granted an initial 6 acres of farmland called a ‘paroikoi’ which yields could sustain a small family of four, and he would own the land until he died or be stripped due to punishment, he would be provided with everything from ploughs, tools and seeds, the land was permissible to enlargement if he raised his ranks or was rewarded, and all the yields from the land would be his to keep. In return, Thomas was obligated to fight as an epilektoi for 30 years – when the time comes, the state would purchase his paroikoi based on its market value, and he could use the money as pension.



The size of epilektoi stands at around 2000 men, but expected to be expanded to 4000 men soon. Despot Andronikos serves as the ultimate commander of epilektoi, under him serves two taxiarchia, each commanding a thousand men. Under a taxiarchia was six combat Tagmatarchis, each commanding 200 men of specific unit type. A standard Taxiarchia consists of three Tagmata of spearmen, one Tagmata of swords and shield, one Tagmata of archers, and one Tagmata of cavalry which only has 100 horsemen. Auxiliary units such as cooks, retainers, standard bearer, music corps and many others are organized into 200 men auxiliary Tagmata. A Tagmatarchis could then delegate commission to a number of lochagos, each usually commanding 10 to 20 men, and a Tagmata consists of 10 to 20 lochagos.



As epilektoi, Thomas would live in a large community, usually a community consisting of 100-200 fellow epilektois from the same tagmata, they would farm together, work together, perform communal duties together, train together, march together, fight together, and help each other out as a one big family. As a matter of fact, it became a natural response of the epilektois to call each other brothers. An epilektoi community doesn’t have churches or mosques. An epilektoi is free to choose his religion, and may come from a variety of ethnic origin, but religion or ethnicity is relevant neither in the community nor the army, for they are all to be regarded equally as epilektoi.



“So, most of the epilektois were just like us, disciples of the Prophet?”



“Pretty much, but just like you had to swear an oath, me and our brothers too had to swear fealty to our liege, Despot Andronikos and to the Empire, and nominally put our liege above all else.”



“I have heard of this Despot; he is very young right? How is he like?”



The officer which Thomas spoke with, a lochagos of spear, is called Selim, formerly a Turkish farmer in Macedonia which converted to the teachings of Bedreddin. As one of the original epilektoi, and participant in the Morea campaign, he proceeded to describe his experience in epilektoi from the beginning to Thomas: “…the young Despot, brave as always, despite grave injury to his thigh, fought valiantly against the dreaded Latin knights among our fellow ranks in Glarentza. I was next to him, and I saw with my own eyes he pieced the chest of a knight.”



“Despot Andronikos was always friendly with us, he treated us as his equals, shared his food and drinks with us, talked to us, remembered every name of our brothers, he gave us, dogs on the run, a new life, and made us human being again. Some of our brothers even believe that Despot Andronikos is secretly a follower of the Prophet.”



“Do you believe that?” Thomas inquires with great interest in his eyes.



“I don’t know, but I know he cares for us, and he believes in an equal and fair world. That is enough for me.”



“If I get the chance, I would like to meet this fascinating Despot.”



“You will have your chance; we have arrived at Thessaloniki.” Selim points towards light in the distant night, as Thomas looked along, he saw a port of many ships, countless buildings standing next to each other like woods in a forest, a palace in the distant shined bright and clear by light, a city of wonder and magic.



While Thomas immersed himself in the depictions of life as epilektoi by Selim, became fascinated by the grandiose of Thessaloniki, and dreaming and wondering about his future, he had no idea that his arrival to Thessaloniki will cause a hurricane of political turmoil within the Empire.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 17 – A HERETIC PRINCE




Just as Andronikos held a lavish banquet in his palace to welcome members of Italian merchant houses to invest and trade in Thessaloniki, and just as Thomas Mavrokordatos disembarked from the Roman galley and set his foot on Thessaloniki, a plot against Andronikos and his epilektoi was forming without their knowing.



Deep within the chambers of the Church of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki, Head of the Thessaloniki Diocese, Archbishop Symeon sat in front of a parchment, his brow furrowed in contemplation. The candle lights of the room made his face look yellow. His heart was heavy, his mind wandered between thoughts of heresy and the desecration of his holy rituals, and the potential ramifications for the action he is soon to take. Yet, one name, one person continues to be at the center of his attention, Andronikos Palaiologos.



The rapid economic development and reforms by Andronikos had unintentionally damaged the interest of the Church, who were the largest landowner of Thessaloniki and had many privileges and monopolies granted by successive Roman emperors, some dating even back to the age of Constantine the Great. Andronikos chose to disregard or circumvent many of such privileges in the name of development, and in the process enraged the local clergymen.



Archbishop Symeon was a man in his fifties, he had undergone extensive and rigorous theological study, a well-respected theologian among many believers and bishops, he was well-versed in Christian orthodox canon and had an incredibly expanded knowledge on all religious rituals ranging from sermons to daily prayers. However, he never had experience or training in any trade relevant to the secular world, and as such he couldn’t fathom the reasons behind and the effect of Andronikos’ reforms, he simply saw them as foremost an infringement on the sacred privilege of the Church, and secondly, a deviation from the righteous customs of the past.



The past radical reforms of Despot Andronikos had always been a source of contempt for Symeon, but he was especially offended by Andronikos’ decision to grant land to a heretic sect, give them protection and levy them into a new army to be fought side by side with good Christians. Now, with the expansion of this heretic epilektoi and their inevitable expanded influence on Thessaloniki and its people, his outrage knew no bounds.



"How dare he?" Symeon muttered, his voice filled with anger and disbelief. "To bring these heretics into our midst, to allow them to worship as they please amongst pious Christians and pollute righteous mind with heretic and wicked belief, to completely disregard and desecrate the sacred and holy rituals... It is outrageous! It is blasphemy!"



Symeon knew fully well the gravity of his accusation and what kind of upheaval it may bring about, but if the current situation were left unchecked, he could in his head imagine the epilektoi growing in power, their influence spreading like wildfire throughout the city with the heretic Despot’s blessing, and it was a nightmare scenario that he could not bear to contemplate. He convinced himself that, if he did not act swiftly and put a halt to all these madness, he feared that they would succeed in seducing the weak-minded Christians into the heretic way, and crumble the foundation of the Christian Empire, dooming all to eternal damnation.



With a heavy heart, Symeon moved his pen across the parchment to write an official letter of accusation. In it, he warned against the damage of Andronikos’ policy had caused on the integrity and foundation of Christian faith, and accused Andronikos of falling victim to heresy and thus need to be saved by a compulsory purification process to be determined by the most esteemed bishops of the Empire.



Symeon had all of his bishops in the Diocese of Thessaloniki co-sign the letter, then sent it to Patriarch Joseph II, the Ecumenical Patriarch in Constantinople with great urgency. Joseph II was a long-time friend of Symeon, both men underwent same training, studied together and held many of the same belief, and so Symeon trusted him to see the gravity of the situation, and the truth in his accusations against Andronikos. The letter detailed the heresies committed by the despot, the damage done to the church's interests, and the threat posed by the epilektoi to the Orthodox faith.



As surmised by Symeon, once the letter was sent, a political firestorm ensued. The news of accusation of the whole Thessaloniki Diocese against the Despot of Thessaloniki for heresy spread as soon as the letter landed in the hands of Patriarch Joseph II, and it spread like a whirlwind. The gossip of Andronikos's alleged heresy rippled through the ranks of bishops, nobles, and commoners alike, igniting speculation about the potential consequences of a guilty or innocent verdict. Would Andronikos face exile if convicted? Would the epilektoi be disbanded? The fate of Thessaloniki, and indeed the Empire to a significant extent, hung precariously in the balance.



In Constantinople, Emperor Manuel and Co-Emperor Ioannes granted an audience to Patriarch Joseph II, who presented them with the official document of accusation sent by Archbishop Symeon.



Manuel unfolded the parchment, his brow furrowing as he read. He spoke gravely, "This letter was dispatched from Thessaloniki merely three days ago, yet I have already heard of the accusations against Despot Andronikos on at least three separate occasions, from three different individuals! How did this confidential information leak so swiftly? What is Archbishop Symeon's ultimate goal?"



Joseph II responded, "I am aware that Despot Andronikos has been instrumental in the Empire's military campaigns, yet I assure you, my emperor, that Archbishop Symeon's intentions are solely for the Empire's best. The information must have leaked somewhere along the way, perhaps by a careless messenger. Given the gravity of the matter, the news would undoubtedly spread rapidly and widely. Regarding the accusations against the young Despot, I have convened clergymen who are authorities in heresy matters, and we shall collectively decide whether or not to request a trial from your royal highness."



"There will be no trial." Manuel interrupted Joseph II mid-speech, his tone firm.



Joseph II looked surprised at the emperor's assertion. "Certainly, there will be no trial at this juncture. We must first convene and deliberate before..."



Manuel cut him off again, approaching Joseph and locking eyes with him. His voice was cold as a winter blizzard. "Listen to me, Joseph. You may convene as many meetings and deliberate for as long as you need, but you will never arrive at the conclusion of a trial. I will not allow it."



"But, your highness, this is contrary to the Empire's custom! Only the church can determine, based on our profound understanding of the works of God and the Saints, whether a person, whether commoner or prince, is heretic or not," protested Joseph II, taking a step back and casting a glance at Ioannes, who stood nearby.



"No trial," Manuel repeated. "This is my command as Emperor of the Romans and the Chosen Ruler by God. I will shred any document containing the words 'heresy trial' into pieces, and whoever proposes such a motion in the church will face my unyielding wrath."



As the tension mounted between the Emperor and the Patriarch, Co-Emperor Ioannes intervened, offering his perspective: "Patriarch Joseph, you are aware that Despot Andronikos has made significant and unparalleled contributions to the Empire. He has been, and continues to be, indispensable to us all. Therefore, it would be extremely unwise, in our current perilous and treacherous times, to create internal rifts by pursuing this dangerous course of action. Archbishop Symeon may be naive and unaware of the precarious situation and delicate workings of the Empire, but a wise and intelligent man like you must surely recognize the dangers inherent in this action."



Joseph had expected Ioannes, based on past encounters and conversations, to support the Church's position or at least remain neutral. Therefore, he was surprised by Ioannes's reaction, even more so than by Manuel's. Facing the unwavering stance of the two most powerful men in the Empire, Joseph realized he had no other choice.



"As for the policies accused of heresy, I’ll admit some of them had gone too far. I will immediately summon Despot Andronikos to Constantinople for a proper explanation, and he shall correct any wrongs he has committed." Seeing Joseph's attitude soften, Manuel's tone became more conciliatory.



"As the Ecumenical Patriarch, I must protest. However, if the emperor and co-emperor both stand firmly on their decision, as a humble servant to God and the Empire, I must obey," Joseph said, his face ashen. With a bow, he exited the palace.

"Now, we must speak with Andronikos. Your little brother has caused us both a great headache," Manuel said to Ioannes, visibly tired after his confrontation with Joseph. Ioannes helped the aging emperor return to his seat and replied, "I will summon Andronikos immediately."



Five days later, on 10 September 1418, Andronikos hurriedly entered the palace, his face flushed and dripping with sweat. He approached Manuel with his head bowed low and bowed deeply before his father sitting on the throne.



"Andronikos, what have you done!?" Manuel demanded, his voice stern. "The accusations by the Church are of most severe nature! How can you justify bringing heretics into our midst and allowing them to worship freely?"



Andronikos rose from his bow. Although still sweating from his hastily travel, his gaze remained unwavering. "I have done what is necessary for the empire's revival," he declared. "These men, these epilektoi, have skills and strength that we need. We cannot turn away those who are willing to fight for our cause, and these men have proven their loyalty, valor and value by braving the most dangerous battles in Achaea, Morea and Attica!"



"But at what cost?" Ioannes interjected. "At the risk of dividing our people, of weakening our cohesion, of fracturing our relations with the Church? This is not the way to bring about revival."



"Revival requires reform and innovation," Andronikos countered. "We cannot cling to the past and expect to thrive in the present. The Church has become inept, incapable of supporting us in our struggle to revive our Empire! My dear father and elder brother, you know well how many valuable lands the Church hold, how much wealth the Church hoard, all these valuable resources that could be utilized to great assistance, simply been wasted in hollow and empty discussions! Unlike these wasteful men, the epilektoi are a vital part of our future, they provide us with an unwavering source of fighting men, vital to our struggle against the Ottomans, and I will not sacrifice them for the sake of appeasing the Church."



As Ioannes argued with Andronikos, Manuel felt a sense of deep exhaustion. Of course, he knew that the point Andronikos made had merit; of course, he knew the vast land and treasure the Church held for itself was a significant limitation to the resources the Empire could muster; and of course, he knew the Church mainly used the heresy accusation to push back against their privileges and interests being damaged. Nevertheless, as emperor, and an experienced statesman, Manuel knew he must balance all interests at all times, which meant in this time, he must balance between the demands of the Church and Andronikos.



“Andronikos, don’t you understand, if we are to concede to a trial, you would most likely be found heretic, and be stripped of all your titles and positions?” Ioannes questioned loudly, and Andronikos became silent.



Seeing this, Manuel weighed in: "Andronikos, my son, we support you and your vision for the empire's revival. But we cannot ignore the concerns of the Church, for they were, and continue to be the guiding hand to all good Christians across the land, a path to our Lord. Whatever the reasons you have, which I recognize the merits of, you must honor the Church and make concessions that could satisfy their demand to retract their accusation. If your concessions are sufficient, I will appease the Church.”



Andronikos's face was stony as he nodded in acquiescence. He knew that he had pushed the limits of their patience, and he was not willing to risk further conflict with his father, nor the Church. “I appreciate what both of you have done for me, I will forbid any epilektoi, or any non-believer of Christian faith to enter Thessaloniki, their movement will be limited to their communities or the barracks. As for economic policies…”



“That would suffice.” Manuel interrupted the words of Andronikos. “Economic policies you can continue, I will see to that. Epilektois, reign them in and leave them out of the sights of Bishops. We already have too much on our plates, we don’t need additional headaches with the Church.”



“As you will it, father.” Andronikos knew Manuel had protected him, and he felt both guilt-ridden and grateful.



Manuel came and held the hands of Andronikos and Ioannes together: “As family, we must stay united, only united can we survive!”



Andronikos returned to Thessaloniki to implement his compromise, while Archbishop Symeon received the result of his accusation with disappointment and relief. The favoritism of the emperor shown towards his son was palpable, which meant Andronikos remained in power and would continue to threaten the Church’s position. But for now, they had won a small victory. The epilektoi system would remain, but with their movements now restricted, their influence would be curtailed.



A month later, a letter from ambassador Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes in Konstanz had reached Andronikos, the letter brought him both relief and a new sense of urgency: As the council of Konstanz drew to a close in 1418, the newly elected pope Martin V and Sigismund worked together to finally and definitively settle the Western Schism with the recognition of Martin V as the sole and legitimate pope. Both Martin V and Sigismund had promised Nicholas to immediately begin the preparations for the Crusade eagerly anticipated by Andronikos. By the end of his letter to Andronikos, Nicholas estimated that if all went according to plans, then in two years’ time, by late 1420, a force of at least 30.000 crusaders would be ready to strike the Ottomans, and the empire better be ready for that fateful event.

 

[elerosse]

CHAPTER 18 – WRATH OF THE SULTAN

Scorched Earth tactics were somewhat commonly deployed both by attacking and defending forces, the aim being to deny the opponent the resources and replenishment from the local lands, and weaken their fighting capabilities.



As the autumn of 1418 drew to a close, the air was filled with the crisp scent of falling leaves and the promise of a coming winter. But the calm before the storm was merely a facade, a deceptive lull in the tense relations between the Ottoman Empire and its neighbors. Ottoman Sultan Mehmed had been plotting his next move for months, and the time had come to strike.



Mehmed's eyes were ablaze with determination as he stood on the deck of his flagship, surveying the Danube River that lay ahead. His eyes narrowed as he gazed across the Danube, seeing not just a river but a barrier to his ambitions. This assault, this surprise attack across the Danube would be a bold stroke, and serve as the long overdue punishment to the always insubordinate, always plotting vassal-state of Wallachia that had been supporting the rebellious Bedreddin in Bulgaria with arms and provisions. Mehmed knew he could not let this stand. This campaign will be a show of Ottoman might, a demonstration of the sultan's will to crush any rebellion that threatened his domain.



While his flagship sailed to the middle of the river, a gust of wind blew suddenly, and Mehmed began to cough violently. He pushed aside servants rushing over to help, and used a handkerchief to cover his mouth. After a moment he stopped the coughing, his face turned pale, and he signaled for water. While his servant hurried to find him water, he hid his blood-covered handkerchief away, so none of his subordinates would know his chronic illness.



“My Sultan, you should rest in Tirnovo, the Wallachians can be dealt with by your loyal beys, we are all honored to serve you.” The fleet commander, Hamza Bey came beside Mehmed, looking concerned. He was the younger brother of the Grand Vizier Bayezid Pasha, and because of his brother’s friendship with Mehmed he had gained the trust and favor of Mehmed. That is why at a very young age of 20 he gained the significant commission as fleet commander in this important campaign.



“No, some works can only be done by me, this is my duty as Sultan. The Wallachians are cunning, Mircea is an old fox, only I can trap him unprepared.”



"Have the cannons all been boarded?" Mehmed asked Hamza Bey, and received a confirmation. “Good, these cannons are vital to our success.”



The cannons were a new addition to the Ottoman campaign, and Mehmed knew their destructive power would be a crucial factor in quickly subduing Wallachian resistance. As winter is coming and an army stuck in hostile lands without prepared winter shelters would spell disaster to any army. Disease, cold and hunger would decimate even the most disciplined force, so for Mehmed, speed is of utmost importance.



As the Ottoman fleet sailed silently across the Danube with 25.000 men strong invading force, the Wallachians were blissfully unaware of the impending danger. They had been caught up in the rebellion led by Bedreddin in Northern Bulgaria, providing arms and provisions to the rebels. They expected the Ottomans, who had repeatedly suffered defeat at the hands of the rebel to have their focus remained on Bulgaria, and therefore thought the recent large Ottoman troop buildup to be directed towards the rebels. Under no circumstances would the Wallachians to have anticipated the Ottoman to invade them right at the onset of winter.



With winter looming, it is high time for any army to start preparing winter camps. Launching a large-scale invasion with less than a month before the snow covers the ground is a risky gamble, one that only the most daring generals would be willing to undertake. However, Mehmed has always been renowned for his bold and innovative strategies, seizing opportunities at the most opportune moments.



The Ottomans had crossed the Danube unopposed. The Wallachian border garrisons, caught off guard, scrambled to form a defense. But their thin lines were utterly crushed by a furious Ottoman cavalry charge, their castle bombarded to pieces by the Ottoman cannons, and soon the Ottoman forces were sweeping through the Wallachian countryside unopposed.



As the heartland of Wallachia now laid open, Mehmed ordered his mobile horsemen to wreak havoc across Wallachia, pillage and burn their way and distract the spread-out Wallachian defenders. As for him and his main army, Targoviste, the Wallachian capital, was the next target.



Mehmed marched with lightning speed towards Targoviste, their rapid advance offsetting any chance the unprepared Wallachian could scorch the earth and slow the Ottoman advance, and before any meaningful reinforcement could be sent to the capital by the frustrated and confused Wallachians, Mehmed had reached Targoviste with his vanguard in just 8 days of forced march and promptly surrounded the city, cutting it off from the rest of Wallachia, and trapping the majority of Wallachian ruling class including Voivode Mircea the Great inside.



A messenger was sent into the Targoviste, demanding a surrender from the Wallachians, which include a cessation of all hostile actions against Ottoman rule including assisting any rebels, and a resumption of tribute paying. The Wallachian aristocracy split into two factions, one arguing for an acceptance of the terms, which were seen as relatively lenient and would preserve their wealth and avoid bloodshed; while another more hawkish faction argued for a prolonged defense, and that the Ottomans would have no options but to retreat once winter arrive in less than a month.



While the Wallachians engaged in heated debates over whether to accept the Ottoman terms, Mehmed capitalized on the situation by meticulously preparing his siege. He patiently awaited the arrival of his cannons, which finally came four days later along with the bulk of his infantry. Now firmly confident in his superior position, Mehmed promptly issued orders for his cannons to commence firing on Targoviste without delay.



The Ottoman cannons aimed at the city walls, and with a wave of hand from Mehmed himself, the cannons roared, flying balls of iron smashing into tall walls of Targoviste, wreaking havoc on the seemingly impenetrable barrier.



The Wallachian defenders looked in shock as they saw their tall and mighty towers collapse by a single hit, and their high walls trembling and shaking before the roars of lightning bolts. After two days of relentless firing, the city walls were riddled with holes and cracks, some sections even collapsed.



Mehmed then gathered his main force, and marched them out in front of the half-ruined Targoviste to let the defenders witness his huge, disciplined and well-equipped army in full view. Then, as the Ottoman battle formations was drawn, ready to storm the city, and as the morale of the defenders began to break, Mehmed sent a final envoy into the city, giving a final ultimatum.



Not only were the Wallachians to break all support to any rebels in Ottoman territory, as punishment for their break of oath as Ottoman vassal, Wallachia must now pay a very heavy indemnity, from now on increase its yearly tribute from 8.000 ducats to 20.000 ducats, and every great house of Wallachia must now deliver at least one son into Ottoman court as hostage. Were the Wallachians to reject, Mehmed will raze Tirgoviste and all cities of Wallachia to the ground with no mercy.



Mircea the Great, the Wallachian Voivode, was a man of courage and honor, he had constantly fought against the Ottomans, been seen as one of their greatest adversaries, but was now terminally ill. As his generals and great lords fiercely argued on Ottoman terms while an all-out attack was imminent, he saw the end coming. He knew that if the unprepared Tirgoviste couldn’t withstand an Ottoman attack now their walls broken through, and that if he did not surrender, his people would suffer even greater losses.



"We must surrender," Mircea said to his men, his voice rough and weak, breaking their arguments. "The Ottomans are too strong for us to resist, our walls were not prepared against their fast assault, we have lost. Now, as protectors of our people, we must save our people from further bloodshed."



The Wallachians' acceptance of the peace terms was communicated to the Ottoman army prior to the deadline. In a mere span of 20 days, Mehmed accomplished the remarkable feat of completely subjugating the Wallachians, compelling them to sever their ties with the rebels, and securing a significant monetary boost through renewed tributes. Additionally, he now held Wallachian hostages as a deterrent against any future rebellious endeavors. Moreover, the speed and impact of his campaign across the Danube was a true testament to Ottoman might, resonating throughout the region. This victory boosted Ottoman morale and sent a unequivocal warning to all other potential challengers who might dare to test his resolve.



Back in the Ottoman camp, the soldiers celebrated their victory with feasts and song. Next morning Mehmed left a significant garrison force in Targoviste to oversee Wallachian abide to the terms, while he led his main army and the new Wallachian hostages back into Ottoman territory. As Wallachian campaign had concluded, Mehmed noticed his body weakening by the day. The arduous campaign had put additional stress on his already weakened body, and he began coughing blood regularly on his way return. Yet, he had no time to be distracted, and his mind was already turned to his next move against Bedreddin. This time he intended to crush it once and for all.



The Wallachians were left to pick up the pieces of their shattered country and crushed ambitions. Mircea the Great, their strong Voivode, couldn’t stand the devastating blow and died soon after the surrender, leaving a large political void that would be difficult to fill, and left the Wallachians unable to focus their attention outside their borders in the foreseeable future.



**************************************************



The Ottomans' swift and decisive victory over the Wallachians sent shockwaves through the Balkans. The rebels in Bulgaria, led by the prestigious Sheikh Bedreddin and his highly trusted lieutenant Ivan, now found themselves facing a new and ominous reality.



For the last two years, Bedreddin and his rebels had dealt a series of blows to Ottoman forces, enlarging their territory, growing their ranks and increasing their supplies. With an expanded influence, and wishing to grow the rebellion further, the rebels had left their stronghold in Dobrudja and sending their main forces into the fertile and rich central Bulgaria to contest with Ottoman rule for local grains and people. For a time, they succeeded in securing most of central Bulgaria under rebel control, and it seemed the Ottomans were on the retreat and the rebellion was gaining momentum, until now.



The winter of 1418 was a bleak time for Bulgaria and for Bedreddin’s rebels. The central Bulgarian land, once fertile and prosperous, now lay barren and desolate under the shadow of renewed Ottoman aggression. The air was heavy with the smoke of burned villages and the cries of the oppressed.



Mehmed was not a man devoid of compassion, but his past setbacks had taught him a hard lesson: the only effective way to counter the guerrilla tactics of the rebels was to wage a ruthless war of extermination. He resolved to deny the rebels any resources they could use and to mercilessly eliminate any populace that showed sympathy towards the rebellion. Therefore, upon his return to his main camp at Tirnovo, Mehmed promptly ordered his vast cavalry forces to embark on a mission of destruction across Bulgaria.



As Mehmed’s order was carried out, the Ottoman cavalry thundered across the Bulgarian landscape, burning and pillaging with merciless efficiency. Villages were torched, crops destroyed, and livestock slaughtered. The screams of the helpless civilians echoed across the countryside, their pleas for mercy falling on deaf ears.



The Ottomans showed no mercy, even to women and children. They raped and murdered without remorse, leaving a trail of horror and devastation in their wake. The Bulgarian economy, barely recovered from past struggles and warfare, was now in utter tatters, its people reduced to starvations in the cold and desolate winter, many killed by the Ottomans, even more succumbed to cold and hunger. Within three months many tens of thousands of Bulgarians were dead, with order and the fabrics that held the society together completely collapsed.



The rebels were unable to withstand the fury of the Ottoman onslaught. Their Wallachian allies deserted them, following the orders of their lords who were now subjugated by the Ottomans. As their stores were set aflame by the Ottomans, the rebels' supplies dwindled, leaving them stretched to the limit.



Ivan, the well experienced rebel leader in charge of military campaigns in Bulgaria, watched the carnage unfold. He knew that with each passing day, the situation became more dire. His men were cold, demoralized and hungry; their supplies were dwindling, their numbers shrinking, and their position in central Bulgaria ever more perilous.



The past years of military actions had made Ivan a strong and resolute leader, he knew that against the overwhelming force of the Ottomans, to send his men into pitched battles was futile. He saw the suffering of his people, and he knew that he had to make a choice – a choice that would save the lives of his men, even if it meant surrendering the land they loved to the enemy.



"We cannot hold on much longer," Ivan confessed in a letter to his prophet, Sheikh Bedreddin who resided in the rebel base camp in Dobrudja. "The Ottomans are too strong, and our allies have deserted us, we cannot contest the Ottoman army on the open field of central Bulgaria, we must regroup into the mountains, save the lives of our brothers, gather our strength, and defeat the Ottomans through ambushes and skirmishes."



However, the situation deteriorated much faster than what Ivan had anticipated. A traitor had surrendered to the Ottomans and betrayed the critical information on the concentration of rebel forces to the Ottomans. The overall Ottoman commander of the campaign, a capable general Turahan Bey, immediately seized on the information and led his army into a decisive attack. The rebels, although warned, were forced to face the Ottoman army at the open, and was largely crushed, with many of their leading men and core veterans dead or captured.



The remaining rebels which escaped the battle, exhausted and demoralized, led by Ivan began the long and arduous journey back to Dobrudja. They left behind a land that was now a smoking ruin, its people reduced to slaves and beggars.





As the rebels retreated back into Dobrudja, their numbers significantly reduced, and morale in shatters, Ottoman forces began to withdrew from the now devastated central Bulgaria to rest and regroup, they left a landscape of ruin and despair.



By the time the snow melted and spring buds sprout out, the villages of central Bulgaria were empty of souls, the fields barren, bones and remains lie open in the air, and the air itself was heavy with the scent of death and destruction.



And so, at great cost to his own land and people, Mehmed finally turned the tide against the rebels. Although his body weakened to a stage where he had to spend most of the day resting in a chair, he envisaged that once his army has rested from their relentless campaigns, he would strike the rebels at their weakest, and ride them once and for all. After that, he would finally be able to concentrate all his attention on a punitive action against that irritating and trouble-seeking Roman Despot Andronikos. These young Roman princes had forgotten to fear the Ottomans, it is high time to give them a heads up.