Who do you see assuming the leadership under these circumstances?
That's probably the hardest question to answer. Napoléon being dead, the Second Consul Cambacérès should constitutionally replace him until the Senate has chosen a successor, but Cambacérès had no following that could place him in the most important position, and the constitution would probably become a worthless fiction within hours of Bonaparte's death.
It says a lot about Napoléon's position in 1800 that large parts of his cabinet and many of his allies of Brumaire were already planning to replace him. So while the French government had the country under control, Napoléon's control of the elites was limited. This opposition within the ruling group had two main branches: The military opposition with jacobin sympathies, represented by men like Augerau, Bernadotte and Jourdan, and allegedly supported by Fouché, minister of the police; and, on the other hand, the brumairiens opposition, unhappy with the growing power of Napoléon, which tempered their general satisfaction about the course French politics had taken after the 18th Brumaire. They met in a restaurant in Auteil every month and would often discuss possible successor to Bonaparte if he happened to die, which many thought to be a possibility during his second campaign in Italy. The news of the victory at Marengo silenced this portion of the opposition for the most part, and Napoléon would get rid of them progressively by firing
idéologues like Carnot or Chaptal from his cabinet.
In many ways, the year 1800 was a period of crisis – neither because France was at risk to fall into the hands of royalists, nor due to the remote possibility of renewed jacobin unrest (although both factions fantasized extensively about assassinating Bonaparte and taking over), but because, as I would argue, Napoléon was not predestined to neutralize the entire internal opposition and establish a solid popularity for himself. There were alternatives to the Napoleonic dictatorship, but the weakness of his opponents, his luck and his personal talent made sure that those would never come into play, at least not until 1814 under very different circumstances.
These alternatives were, of course, not very concrete. There were no parties allowed to formulate competing programs, and no newspapers with the latitude to organize the opposition. There were names, and there were obscure concepts. There was the hope for a French Washington (already embodied by Bonaparte for quite some time), hope which was projected upon the generals Augereau, Jourdan, Bernadette, Masséna and Moreau (who also passed for a potential French
Monck – just to emphasize how vague and confused the opinions of the opposition were); there was the civilian option, incarnated by La Fayette and Carnot, both of whom had military experience but didn't have a military clientele; and then there was the orléanist option, which may have had the support of the old leader of the brumairiens, Sieyès, who had already proposed a thinly veiled republican monarchy in 1799.
Behind these great names, mutually exchangeable according to circumstances and personal opinions, there was the more concrete hope of the brumairiens, moderate revolutionaries who had benefited from the Revolution in many ways and whose main concern was stability, to find the perfect form of government which would allow them to perpetuate their rule indefinitely. After having made bad experiences with the rule of a single assembly (the convention), after having tried out a system of Checks and Balances (the directorate), they now realized that the concentration of power in one hand can have dangerous results – so, maybe, a parliamentary monarchy would have been their next move.
For further information, I would redirect you to Thierry Lentz,
Le Grand Consulat. 1799–1804, Paris 1999, and Jean Tulard,
Napoléon ou le mythe du sauveur, Paris 1987; I don't know if these books have been translated into English, but you might find similar information in any extensive biography of the grand homme.
Beyond the scope of your post but I'm a fan of "Napoleon dies in Egypt" of something, probably disease. Figuring out who runs France and what he does once he takes over is an interesting thought exercise.
This option (what would have happened if Napoléon didn't take power on 1799?) has already been pretty thoroughly discussed in previous threads – just like Napoléon's death in 1809, for that matter.
What if one of Emperor Napoleon I’s adjutants or bodyguards had managed to stop Friedrich Staps from shooting him [in October 1809]? We could start with short term effects - like, would the terms to defeated Austria be different? Would Britain still agree to peace negotiations in 1810? Would...
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Assume citizen Buonaparte takes a bullet early on & is no more than a name on some unread muster in a archive. What direction does France take in the next decade and beyond? How long does it take for the. Revolutionary wars to settle down. Lacking the turmoil of the Napoleonic Wars, how do the...
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Suppose, with a PoD in later 1799, Napoleon is not part of the November Coup of that year or does not use it to become dictator of France (maybe Jourbet doesn't die in August, maybe Napoleon dies sometime after leaving Egypt, or what have you) -- first question, is the Directory still overthrown...
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How successful can the French Revolution be without becoming ASB? Success being defined as spreading democracy, civil rights, equality (including women), and raising the standard of living for humanity by 1900.
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I've been thinking of writing a timeline where France becomes the dominant global power in the 19th century as opposed to Britain. Britain will - for the most part - instead take France's position in world history. A few other timelines with a similar theme have intrigued me, namely No...
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OTL the French Revolution and the political chaos thereafter was hijacked by Napoleon, where he ultimately declared an Empire. The AHC is that, similar to the American Revolution, France becomes a stable republic where the government doesnt see a coup or a similar attempt for the next 100 years.
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