Storm on the Tigris

Sassanid Persia, August 283 ad.

Marcus Aurelius Carus Germanicus Maximus Augustus, Emperor of Rome, sat his horse atop a hillock overlooking the river Tigris, watching as his army was ferried across the river, supervised by his son, the Caesar Numerian. It was, all things considered, a miserable day for a crossing. Dark clouds gathered in the sky and thunder rolled in the air, it was unusual weather for Mesopotamia, for certain, but not unprecedented.

Still, morale in the legions was soaring. Not a fortnight past Carus had unleashed them on the virtually undefended Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon, the subsequent sack of which had been the highpoint in a virtually uncontested romp across western Persia, exorcising the demons that still lingered from the disastrous defeat of the Emperor Valerian at Edessa some twenty years before.

It was a punitive campaign long in the planning, postponed first by the breakup of the Empire following Valerian's capture, then again by the untimely deaths of Carus' formidable predecessors Probus and Aurelian, but those delays had served the Romans well. The great Sassanid King Shapur was dead, replaced by an unpopular successor no means his equal, and the Sassanid army was far away, engaged in a gruelling campaign against the tribesmen of distant Bactria. Meeting no significant resistance, Rome's veteran soldiers had plundered the helpless Persian frontier with impunity.

Still though, there were some among the upper ranks that believed crossing the Tigris was reaching too far. The only man to ever lead the legions so far East and not meet with ruin had been the mighty Trajan, more than a century ago. What went unsaid was that Carus, though undoubtedly competent, was no Trajan. Sooner or later the Sassanid army was going to extricate itself from Bactria and march west. It would be better, surely, for the Romans to take the vast amounts of plunder they had captured and retreat to the traditional borders established by Hadrian?

One of the more prominent sceptics rode beside the emperor even now. Diocles, the commander of the sacer comitatus, the Emperor's cavalry bodyguard, was an ambitious and well connected member of the cadre of Illyrian generals that had given rise to Probus and Aurelian before him. He was, however, well known and trusted by Carus, and the Emperor had given serious thought to his cautious council, fully aware that his bodyguard voiced the concerns of his fellow Illyrians, and had swayed several of the upper echelons outside his clique, including young Numerian.

The emperor was dwelling on this when Diocles spoke up. The storm, he said, was growing closer and increasing in intensity, and it would be best if Carus take shelter from the storm, sending word to Numerian to halt the crossing till morning. Carus, though eager to push on and suspecting Diocles would be quite happy for the storm to drag on, recognised the wisdom in such advice and ordered his entourage to head down from the hill.

No sooner had he done so than a brilliant flash erupted from the heavens, a bolt of coruscating lightning arcing from the sky straight towards the imperial party. Carus' breath caught in his throat as it seemed his end had come, but by some trick of the Gods the lightning sought out one of his more heavily armoured companions; striking Diocles atop his high-crested helm. The general, and his horse, dropped to the sand, struck dead as if by Jupiter himself.

A visibly shaken Carus was escorted to his tent, where he spent the remainder of the night closeted with his generals and discussing the nature of such an undeniable omen. Eventually, it was decided that Diocles' unlikely death had been a clear divine condemnation of the withdrawal proposed by the Illyrians.

The legions, it was agreed, would press on, in the footsteps of Trajan and beyond...
 
Diocles was Diocletian, I take it? I have several questions then...

1. How sooner or later would the Roman Empire collapse without the creation of the Tetarchy and his other administrative reforms?
2. Will Carinus still be a terribly bad emperor?
 
Sounds great. Eagerly awaiting for more.

Looks great so far, can't wait for more!

Thanks guys!

Diocles was Diocletian, I take it? I have several questions then...

1. How sooner or later would the Roman Empire collapse without the creation of the Tetarchy and his other administrative reforms?
2. Will Carinus still be a terribly bad emperor?

Diocles was Diocletian's pre-regnal name. When he took the purple he decided to rebrand himself to sound a bit more Imperial.

As for the questions:

1) There are a lot of problems facing Rome at the moment. The Empire has been relatively stable under Aurelian and Probus, but Carus and his sons don't have the same degree of support in the army. A great deal is going to depend on what happens in Persia.

2) I'm going to be a bit kinder to Carinus than most of the sources we have for him. Diocletian had free reign to demonise the man he overthrew, so we don't know if he was anywhere near as bad as he's portrayed. It seems doubtful to me, given Diocletian's grasp of political spin. That said, he's not going to be the second coming of Augustus or anything. I plan to portray him as a reasonably competent, if overly extravagant, administrator.

Numerian I have more free reign with, as we know virtually nothing about him beyond the possibility that he died of a gammy eye.

Depending on how the other powerful men in the empire react, I think it could go either way.

Indeed. Carus and sons have the support of the people, and elements of the army, but the Illyrian clique still has the potential to cause trouble. At the moment Carus is benefiting from Aurelian's smackdown of anyone with imperial ambitions, but that may not last.

And if Carus dies, things could get messy...
 
3. Will it be that Christianity will continue to be persecuted like Judaism and find it much harder to find patronage? I hope this ATL goes on with Christianity remaining a minority in history. Have some gnostic sect like Manichaeism take it's place instead if so.
4. Could Carus' dynasty live on after Numerian and Carinus?
5. Isn't it going to be very difficult to hang onto Mesopotamia if the Sassanids left a favoritist propaganda streak on the populace? Could Babylon be rebuilt? Could Ctesiphon be renamed back to Seleucia? Will the Roman army make good use of regional horse-archers?
 
Thanks again guys, I shall be updating once I've had a bit of sleep.

3. Will it be that Christianity will continue to be persecuted like Judaism and find it much harder to find patronage? I hope this ATL goes on with Christianity remaining a minority in history. Have some gnostic sect like Manichaeism take it's place instead if so.
4. Could Carus' dynasty live on after Numerian and Carinus?
5. Isn't it going to be very difficult to hang onto Mesopotamia if the Sassanids left a favoritist propaganda streak on the populace? Could Babylon be rebuilt? Could Ctesiphon be renamed back to Seleucia? Will the Roman army make good use of regional horse-archers?

3. Well the rise of Constantine is probably going to be butterflied, though I dare say he'll pop up at some point if I get that far. His father, Constantius Chlorus, is currently the governor of Dalmatia. Obviously without Constantine becoming Emperor Christianity is going to struggle. Carus himself is following the Aurelian line of promoting the cult of Sol Invictus.

4. If they play their cards right, it could.

5. It's going to be very difficult, yes, and will certainly require a large garrison. Carus is at the moment dreaming Alexandrian dreams, but he may get a dose of reality eventually. The current Sassanid king is pretty useless though, and his claim is disputed, so Persia is going to struggle as well.

AFAIK Seleucia and Ctesiphon are currently existing on either side of the river. Sources talk about Carus' army sacking both Seleucia and Ctesiphon, as if they were separate entities. There's probably a significant degree of overlap though.

As for Babylon, it seems unlikely. By this point it's been abandoned for a very long time.

Carus' army has a small number of auxiliary Sarmatian and Gothic horse archers already, as well as a reasonably strong domestic cavalry force bequeathed him by Aurelian.
 
So Diocletian is literally zapped and Carus lives? Interesting POD at the end of the Crisis of The 3rd Century!
 
Sassanid Persia, September 283 ad.

Charax, situated as it was at the confluence of the Tigris and the Persian Gulf, was a city grown fat with trade. The wealth of India flowed through the port, bringing pearls, gemstones, spices, exotic woods and more to be bartered for Persian, and not a little Roman, gold. At times the city was even said to host merchants from the fabled kingdoms of Seres and Sinae; those unwilling or unable to take the overland route that was the already ancient Silk Road.

The city was burning now, or a sizeable portion of it at least. Three days ago Carus' legions had appeared from the north and invested the city, issuing the common Roman terms for a besieged city: surrender and the Emperor will be merciful, resist and suffer the consequences.

Needless to say, the vast majority of the merchant elite would have preferred surrender, but the city governor, one Wahram of Fārs was staunchly loyal to the House of Sāsān and unwilling to gift the Romans so ripe a plum. His walls were strong, built by the Parthian kings to resist Arab raiders, and the city militia was well trained by the standards of such. All he need do was hold long enough for the Sassanid army to return from the east and put these barbarians to the sword.

The Persians did surprisingly well. Whether the Romans were tired from a long march, or surprised at meeting the first organised resistance since leaving their camps in Syria, their initial assaults were repulsed, and Wahram's ragged militia began to believe they might just have a chance.

But it was not to be. A group of wealthy townsfolk, perhaps more schooled in numeracy than the governor and better able to judge the odds stacked against the city, murdered Wahram as he slept, before sending their hirelings to open the gates to the Romans. Carus, surely, would reward them.

But Carus had other men to answer to. The soldiers had been promised a good sacking, and who was the Emperor to deny them their fun?
 
Charax, October 283 ad

The men of the Roman army, glutted on plunder, had established themselves in camps around the city, their officers unwilling to risk any breakdown in discipline that might emerge from mingling with the locals, who were in any case none too friendly towards the soldiers that had burned a good quarter of the town.

Carus intended to winter in the city, consolidating the territory he had gained and resting the bulk of his men whilst he waited to see how the Sassanid king would react. Mercifully, the city docks had escaped much damage, and Carus hoped to open up a second line of supply along the sea route from Egypt, the Persians having little in the way of a real navy to stop him. In the north, the Armenian prince Tiradates had raised his people in rebellion against their Persian puppet-king, and sought the friendship of Rome. The Emperor, unsurprisingly, granted the request.

This pause in the advance also granted the emperor time to catch up on news from the West. The borders appeared calm; the Germans, Goths and Sarmatians still reeling from the heavy defeats of the last decade, which was all to the good considering the greater part of the Rhine and Danube legions was with him in Persia. More troubling were the reports of heavy piracy along the coast of the Mares Britannicus and tales of a plebian uprising in certain parts of Gaul. That said, the Emperor's son and co-Augustus Carrinus did not seem over-concerned about the issues, and Carus was free to focus on the Persian question for now.

A question, it seemed, that Carus would have to answer sooner than he'd like. Even as the Emperor and his generals were making dispositions for the pacification of the new imperial province of Babylon, riders reached his camp with word from the east.

The Sassanid army was coming.
 
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