THEODORE ROOSEVELT WINS AS A REPUBLICAN IN 1912 (4 PARTS-FINAL VERSION)

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THEODORE ROOSEVELT WINS AS A REPUBLICAN IN 1912 (4 PARTS-FINAL VERSION)

Original posts are at: https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/dbwi-teddy-roosevelt-isn’t-elected-president-in-1912.530992/. The first two Lectures on TR and Churchill are already contained in a single thread in this forum, while the third is a separate post in this forum. I’m now adding a fourth and final lecture and consolidating them here.

The final entry in this post is a cheat sheet, outlining some relevant facts differentiating this timeline from ours, along with a mini glossary.

Following is the four-part series by your chosen lecturer on the 20th century given in August 2022, 2023, 2024, and 2025. For other topics or lecturers return to the index.

Part 1: RAMIFICATIONS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT’S THIRD TERM 1913 – 1917

Part 2: CHURCHILL FROM EMPIRE TO IMPERIAL FEDERATION & COMMONWEALTH

Part 3: THE JPK & JPK, JR. ADMINISTRATIONS 1941 – 1949, 1965 – 1973

Part 4: THE PRESIDENT, THE PRIME MINISTER & THE POPE (REAGAN THATCHER & PAUL VII)

 

[colonel]

Part 1: RAMIFICATIONS OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT’S THIRD TERM 1913 - 1917

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY, JR. HALL: 8:03 AM EST AUGUST 1, 2022

The 1912 ELECTION

Welcome to all of you here today for our lecture on The Ramifications of Theodore Roosevelt’s Third Term 1913-1917 at Harvard University’s Theodore Roosevelt School of Government, as well as those of you viewing remotely, and if I’m doing my job to you future scholars viewing this archived record for my brilliant insights into our 26th and 28th President. Why do people always laugh when I say that?

This is the third of three of lectures on President Theodore Roosevelt, celebrating the centennial of this School’s establishment. I have reviewed the excellent presentations by my two colleagues and will endeavor not to go over the areas they have already covered so well. The focus today will be on TR’s 3rd term and 2nd post-Presidency.

Even before his final term in office Roosevelt was guaranteed to be included in any list of great Presidents. By the end of his Presidency, TR, or the Colonel as he preferred to be called, was among the Great Presidents. After his final term he was only the second man elected to non-consecutive terms and remains the only person to serve more than two terms as President. Not to mention he is the only individual to be awarded twice with the Nobel Peace Prize.

Imagine if the Colonel had not run in 1912, or if the assassin’s attack that year had succeeded, or if Taft had not stepped aside, or even if Wilson had won — it was very close. Before we imagine what would change let us outline the Colonel’s accomplishments in the last years of his life.

Well getting the nomination in 1912 was by no means a forgone conclusion for TR. Most now agree that Taft only stepped aside because of a bargain in which the Colonel agreed to nominate him for the next opening on the Supreme Court. Not what you would call a corrupt bargain, especially given that Taft was later elevated to Chief Justice, but nonetheless a bargain the parties chose not to publicize. Even with Taft gone many believe the Republican leadership would have turned elsewhere had Roosevelt not quietly agreed to pursue anti-trust legislation less vigorously. It is less certain this bargain was made, and it was more likely in the nature of an understanding then an agreement. Even so the Colonel's campaign against monopolies and trusts was certainly more subdued then in his first two terms.

DOMESTIC POLICY

As to domestic policy overall TR still managed to find ways to frustrate some of the big industries. The road building spree that was to later turn into our interstate highway system was justified as creating “postal roads” authorized under the Constitution. This created real competition for the railroads, especially when the Colonel took mail carrier contracts away from the railroads and began using government trucks and planes.

Roosevelt also changed his emphasis on Civil Rights. In his first turn in the White House, and we all know he was the first President to call it the White House, TR had the right rhetoric, and even had Booker T. Washington as a guest. However, as covered in the last lecture his rhetoric wasn’t nearly matched by his actions. In fact, as time went on executive appointments to people of color decreased dramatically. We must remember like Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and other giant figures throughout history, Roosevelt was a product of his times. He believed whites were superior to all other races. Even so, in his final term TR issued orders forbidding segregation of the federal civil service, and the Civil Service Reform Act he signed in 1915 clearly outlawed considering “race, color or creed” in making appointments. During the campaign Wilson had indicated an intention to segregate the civil service and military, TR later wrote he supported the legislation so another President couldn’t “Willy Nilly” reverse his orders. The 1915 Act also served as the template for the Colonel’s order to open the Armed Forces to all races “on an equal basis.”

To his credit, TR publicly back tracked on much of his earlier harsh rhetoric toward Native Americans and Asians. Alas Roosevelt’s treatment of these groups again failed to match the new rhetoric. Roosevelt did nothing to modify restrictions on Chinese immigration, and in expanding National Parks and Monuments took even more land from Native tribes just ignoring treaties.

The 18th Amendment granting woman the right to vote likely would have passed even without TR using the bully pulpit to get Congress to pass it, and the states to ratify, but it likely would not have passed until the mid-1920s. It was thanks to Roosevelt that woman across the country were able to vote in the 1916 elections. These new voters gave Republicans a lock on government that lasted until the financial panic of 1931 - 1934 finally brought Democrats back to power.

FOREIGN POLICY AND EXPANSION

The Colonel’s first term immediately followed America’s entry on the world stage as a great power. His final term marked America becoming the leading power rivaled only by the British Empire, and these two entities began a partnership or “Special Relationship” that continues to this day. It also set the stage for today’s multi-polar world. Thanks to what TR did in his third term, and as we’ll discuss later in his post-Presidency allies and enemies have been largely replaced by partners or competitors.

Let us begin with the President’s actions and policies in our own hemisphere. The Colonel continued to take a paternalistic role over Latin America and the Caribbean. Cuba was treated more as a territory than an independent nation. TR was not shy about deploying soldiers and marines to Haiti in 1913, Nicaragua in 1914, Mexico in 1915, and the Dominican Republic in 1916. In each case the administration had a tacit invitation from the government in power asking for intervention or assistance, but the message was clear - - tow the American line if you don’t want to see US troops.

Interestingly the Mexican Expedition of 1915 - 1916, led by the Colonel's military mentor Leonard Wood, actually resulted from a sincere invitation from the Mexican government. Of course, the papers of the then United States Ambassador to Mexico later revealed he had let the Mexicans know that given the planned increase in US defense expenditures, if the Mexicans extended an invitation, much of the equipment used by American forces would be left for the Mexicans when the expedition concluded. President Roosevelt also agreed to pay an exorbitant rent for a naval base the Americans would build in Cabo San Lucas. The US continued to use the base after the expedition ended, and the cash strapped Mexican government offered to sell the entire sparsely populated Baja Peninsula. So, on January 1, 1917, Baja became a US territory for $60,000,000. Of course, the territory rapidly grew under US control, becoming known as the west coast version of Florida, and it became the 51st state in 1969.
Of course, Baja was simply one of the territories acquired in the “Era of Acquisitions” under Roosevelt. TR also purchased the Danish Virgin Islands and Greenland from Denmark in 1916. The Danes reportedly were willing to sell the islands, but repeatedly rejected offers for Greenland. The Colonel prevailed by “sheer force of personality, and we barely convinced the late President not to pursue Iceland,” per the recollection of the Danish Foreign Minister. The Virgin Islands were eventually granted independence, but still have status as a Nation in Free Association with the United States; while despite all expectations Greenland finally attained the minimum population of 300,000 for statehood and was admitted with Puerto Rico in 1982.

Puerto Rico is an example of Roosevelt’s contradictory nature. Although this is technically not a foreign issue, as Puerto Rico had been acquired after the Spanish American War, it fits in nicely with our discussion here. The island along with, Alaska and Hawaii, two other 19th century acquisitions of the United States, were viewed by TR as “parts of the United States in perpetuity.” Roosevelt made this statement at least three times in diverse settings, but he never explained why they were different from the Philippines, or other acquisitions of former German colonies in the Pacific. One student had a theory that TR had OCD, and if you look at a map you have pretty good symmetry with Alaska and Greenland bracketing Canada in the north, the Baja and Florida peninsulas on either coast in the south, with the islands of Hawaii and Puerto Rico off the west and east. More likely the Philippine Insurrection in TR’s first term soured him on statehood for those islands, and the large population made him think they would have too much influence.

Puerto Rico would likely have had an easier time had TR adopted the Philippine model for the island - that is gradual guidance toward independence, with continued strong ties to the United States. These areas, like the previously mentioned Virgin Islands, became Nations in Free Association with the United States, but we’re getting beyond TR now. In any event the Colonel decided Puerto Rico was always going to be American, so they should speak English. TR doubled down on mandates from his first term to teach only English in the schools and went on to provide all government services in English. This did result in a dramatic increase in English, so that by 1950 more than 75% of the populace were fluent, but it also fostered deep resentments. There was a strong independence and resistance movement on the Island that lasted until the 1960s. Indeed, Puerto Rico’s statehood was likely delayed by decades because of those concerns.

MEDIATING PEACE IN THE GREAT WAR

Let me take a moment here to tell a story about TR and his most famous biographer, Sir Winston Churchill. Churchill’s work, Theodore Roosevelt: Warrior and Peace Maker, rivals even my biography of TR. In the volume Churchill makes numerous references to the friendship developed between TR and himself at the Great War Peace Conference, and how that friendship continued until the Colonel’s death in 1923. Churchill also references in the foreword that he first met then Governor Roosevelt when TR hosted a dinner in Albany in 1900. What the esteemed biographer (and future Imperial Prime Minister) leaves out is that TR loathed Churchill because of the dinner. It seems they were too much alike - both interrupting and needing to be the center of attention. When TR was in London in 1911, he even refused to meet Churchill who remained ignorant of the reason for the estrangement. Of course, they later developed a true friendship. That will be my only mention of Sir Winston’s work, as I need you to buy my two-volume biography.

The Great War began in 1914 when the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire triggered a general conflict involving the major European powers due to their various alliances. You had the Central Powers consisting of the German, Austrian-Hungarian, and the Ottoman Empires versus the Triple Entente consisting of the British Empire, Russia, and France. At first it seemed the War would be of relatively short duration, especially since none of the powers really wanted the war to start with, but the parties were generally evenly matched, and static lines utilizing trench warfare became the norm, especially on the western front where German forces had penetrated well into France. The engagements were truly horrific given the advancements in warfare since the Congress of Vienna had brought peace to the continent in the prior century. The use of poison gas, machine guns, heavy artillery, submarines, dreadnoughts, and the fast-developing airplane made the war a gruesome affair. Even so the troops themselves at various points along the western front forged an ad hoc Christmas truce in 1914, wherein they even left the trenches, exchanged sundries with the enemy, and joined in Christmas Caroling and soccer games.

Alas the war soon returned worse than ever. By 1915 the British were using the Royal Navy to blockade Germany and starve them out. The Germans employed unrestricted submarine warfare to prevent arms and other supplies from reaching her enemies. This is when the Colonel came forward. The possibility of unrestricted submarine warfare injuring Americans, or even sinking American ships was intolerable. It should be noted here that the US general public was firmly against involvement in the conflict, and excepting some direct attack no Declaration of War would follow. Also, Woodrow Wilson was toying with making another run for President, and to raise his profile published his Plan for Peace, with 12 points that he said would lead to a just and honorable end to the Great War and all future wars. The proposal went nowhere, but the Colonel was livid, he felt Wilson was trying to usurp authority that rested solely with the President. It took six months, but on October 16, 1915, TR put forward A Proposal for the Cessation of Hostilities. What the public didn’t know was that US emissaries had been circulating drafts of the proposal in the belligerent capitols for more than two months and had received feedback on each party's bottom line. As a result, the final product was something each government found to be worth consideration.

Roosevelt’s plan had numerous aspirational passages, but importantly it did not require the parties to commit to anything except “to cease all offensive actions no later 11:00 AM GMT November 11, 1915, and shall not resume any offensive posture so long all parties to this action are in good faith engaged in negotiations to be hosted by the President of the United States at a time and place of his choosing.” The Colonel also provided that he would be the sole determinate of what constituted good faith. There was no indication of any penalty for not agreeing or for not meeting the good faith requirement, but American envoys again acting behind the scenes made clear to the Central Powers that the US would likely enter the war on the side of the Entente, while telling the Entente that if they didn’t agree the US would stay out of the war and embargo all belligerents. The parties had until 12:00 PM GMT on November 1st to agree. The Russians agreed immediately followed by Austria-Hungary, and the Ottomans, the Germans and British made almost simultaneous acceptances, and finally more than eight days after their British allies the French formally accepted on October 30th. Evidently inviting lesser powers such as the Dutch or Belgians wasn’t even considered. After commitments to negotiate were made there was extremely fierce fighting right up to the armistice. Germany made significant gains in both France and Russia, as did the British against the Ottomans.

The President announced the conference would be held beginning December 1, 1915, at Norfolk Naval Station in Virginia, which was still being built at the time. Although it was not in the proposal, TR requested all parties include the military and naval commanders of their armed forces as well as their ministers of war and navy, this was to make breaking the ceasefire more difficult. The parties all acceded to the request. Thus, Churchill got a second chance to make a first impression on TR. Earlier in the year Churchill had resigned as First Lord of the Admiralty when his plan for an offensive against the Ottomans at the Dardanelles turned into a disaster, but the Colonel was quite impressed when he learned that after the resignation Churchill had gone back to the Army to serve on the front in France. The recriminations against Churchill eased substantially when those same Australian and New Zealand units so battered at Gallipoli made extraordinary gains against the Ottomans between mid-October 1915 and the November 11th Armistice, at least sufficiently enough to get Churchill a place in the British delegation.

The conference began with a speech by President Roosevelt, which was not publicly published at the time as the participants had agreed all proceedings would remain secret for at least 25 years. The text was supposedly sent to the National Archives but has never been located. The later recollections of those present varied widely. Here Churchill was probably correct to attribute the different versions to the perspectives of the participants. Since Roosevelt evidently promised nothing, everyone present heard what they wanted to; excepting the Ottoman delegation which after their losses preceding the ceasefire had come to doubt, they would be treated fairly. The original plan was for US envoys to have two days of discussions meeting separately with the Central Powers and the Entente, and to then bring the parties together starting Monday December 6th, but it soon became apparent that there were sufficient splits within each of the two alliances that they met with each power separately on the 3rd and 4th. They brought each of the two alliances back together on the 6th, and then went to a plenary session on December 7th. That became the pattern with each delegation meeting alone one day, with allies the next, and then a group negotiation on the 3rd day. TR generally showed up twice each week to preside over the end of group sessions, but only if the parties were ready to commit in principle to a resolution of one or more issues. The conference recessed on December15th to allow the delegations to confer with their respective governments. It was agreed the ceasefire would remain in place, and the conference would resume early in the New Year.
Churchill did not return home, but instead went to Washington DC, where he invited the President’s son Kermit to an embassy party, and so charmed him that on Boxing Day Winston was one of many guests in the President’s Oyster Bay home. As opposed to the 1900 dinner, TR, the former Assistant Secretary of the Navy, who resigned to fight the Spanish was quite impressed with the First Lord of the Admiralty, who left the cabinet to go to the trenches and fight the Germans. This would never be done so openly today, but the relationship being formed served the British well in the ongoing negotiations and reverberate to this day. It was the beginning of our “Special Relationship.”

When the conference resumed in mid-January the same pattern continued, but it was becoming clear that while no winners or losers would be identified, the Ottomans Russians and Austrian-Hungarians were not faring well, while the British were doing very well. Unfortunately for the three aforementioned powers, they had little leverage given their losses on the ground, and the fervent wish of their stronger allies to end the conflict. By late April the outlines of a final agreement were in place, the parties again adjourned to consult with their governments. This time Churchill returned home as well, but by then he was a frequent guest at the White House during shorter breaks in the conference. The Ottomans almost didn’t return in June but saw no alternative when the Germans made clear they would not aid if the Entente resumed hostilities.

On July 4, 1916, President Theodore Roosevelt announced a permanent cease fire to the Great War. He further announced that there would be a new permanent international body called the Inter-Continental Congress (ICC). This body would consist of Representatives from the US, and other attendees to the Norfolk Conference, as well as other powers who would be invited to join. The ICC would implement the other terms of the Norfolk Agreement, serve as a forum to come to terms on a formal treaty, as well as being available, to prevent or mediate future conflicts.
The relevant terms of the permanent ceasefire were as follows:

1. All parties to return to pre-war borders in Europe. Before evacuating belligerents are to take all steps necessary to remove mines, munitions and other equipment or instrumentality that has a potential to harm the civilian populace. - - This is self-explanatory.
2. The Austrian-Hungarian Empire shall be divided into constitute parts identified in the first Appendix to this agreement. This will not prohibit Austria, or the Sudetenland from joining the German Empire. - - This was what got Germany to give up her colonies and abandon her allies.
3. The Ottoman Empire shall give up all territory outside Europe and Turkey. Mandates for possessions of other portions of the Ottoman Empire shall go to France and the British Empire as delineated in the second Appendix to this agreement. - - The Arabs saw this as their payoff for supporting the Entente, but the Mandates lasted years.
4. Russia shall negotiate through the ICC with the Baltic States and Finland for autonomy within the Empire. -- Entered at German insistence and as we know autonomy turned into independence for those states as well as a Poland in Commonwealth with Lithuania.
5. Germany shall give up all colonies. Those colonies in Africa shall be divided between France and the British Empire as outlined in the third Appendix to this agreement. Those areas outside Africa shall go to the British Empire and the United States, as outlined in the fourth Appendix to this agreement. No reparations shall be paid by any party to this agreement, but for those territories going to the United States, it shall pay the sum of $95,000,000.00 over five years commencing January 1, 1917, to France and other nations occupied by the Central Powers as outlined in the fifth Appendix to this agreement. -- This was done as Germany absolutely refused to pay reparations and France absolutely demanded them.

POST PRESIDENCY AND THE INTER-CONTINENTAL CONGRESS

President Roosevelt was at a pinnacle of success with the announcement of an agreement to end The Great War. There was near unanimous agreement with the decision to award the Colonel a second Nobel Peace Prize. He remained generally popular and was genuinely admired by most Americans. Confidants later related that he was sorely tempted to seek another term, but whereas he was able justify a third term as not breaking Washington’s precedent in that Roosevelt’s first term was merely completing McKinley’s term after his assassination, there was no such justification for a fourth term. So, TR went about again hand picking a successor. The President quickly settled on Charles Evans Hughes, who like TR himself was a progressive and former Governor of New York. One interesting note was that TR had sent Taft to the Court after he stepped aside, and then Hughes had to leave the Court to run at the Colonel’s urging.

Roosevelt had been one of the first men to openly campaign for the American Presidency. In 1916 TR campaigned even harder for Hughes to succeed him. The Democrats again nominated Wilson. I guess William Jennings Bryan wasn’t available. Wilson campaigned on a platform urging fiscal conservatism and attacked Republicans for committing the US to pay enormous sums for lands unlikely to bring significant returns. Ironically the Democrats fiercely opposed the United States entry into the new Inter-Continental Congress or ICC, as being contrary to George Washington’s warning against foreign entanglements. I say ironic because the Wilson 12-point plan referred to in our last session called for formation of a League of Nations quite similar to the ICC. Hughes won easily and announced even before taking office that he planned to ask Roosevelt to serve as the American envoy to ICC.

Roosevelt quickly indicated he would accept the appointment to the ICC. Little wonder as TR had already arranged for the initial meetings to begin in April 1917, after the end of his term and for them to be in the United States. The Norfolk Agreement provided that each nation would send an envoy to sessions of the ICC Assemby and said envoys would choose from their number a “First Secretary” to preside. In the final months of his administration TR had the government acquire land to serve as a permanent site for the ICC. Roosevelt claimed he took the appointment despite the fact that he was planning a trip to the Amazon with his sons to rival his earlier Africa expedition, but by what I’m sure was pure happenstance the land acquired was in Fresh Meadows in Queens, New York. Once the site was ready TR chartered a boat to make the relatively short trip to and from Fresh Meadows and Roosevelt’s home in Oyster Bay on Long Island. Before the sessions began several of the lesser European powers, as well as Mexico and the Japanese Empire had agreed to send envoys.

When the ICC convened there was little doubt TR would be chosen as First Secretary. Most nations multitasked their ambassadors to the US to act as envoys. Sir Winston Churchill was the British envoy, but was only attending the first session to support TR. Despite the title being First Secretary, the presiding officer was then addressed, and continues to this day to be addressed as Mr. (or Madame) President. The position was meant to be merely a presiding officer or first among equals, but Roosevelt controlled the agenda, within the year almost every independent nation on the planet were sending representatives to the ICC, which at that time were holding three-week sessions every six months. Even though there was an expectation that a new First Secretary would be chosen at each session, no other vote was taken until after Roosevelt’s death in 1923.

The immediate agenda for the ICC was largely consumed by implementation of the Norfolk Agreement and finalizing a treaty to formally end the Great War. The first real test came in 1919, after the Russian Revolution resulted in the Czar ceding all real power to an elected Duma, the Communists under Vladimir Lenin attempted to seize power, and actually took control of several cities. The new government requested assistance from the ICC. TR turned aside objections from several envoys that even considering the request was beyond the authority of the ICC.

A resolution calling on member states to assist the “legitimate Russian government” resulted in the British and Germans sending troops into western Russia, and the US and Japan sending forces from into the east. The operation concluded with the final defeat of all Communist forces in late 1921. The action served as a precedent for future operations to put down Communist attempts to overthrow governments in Spain, France, Italy and Greece in the middle and late 1930s. Unfortunately for the precedent was not followed when the Japanese began aggressive action toward China and her other Asian neighbors, and the Germans overstayed their welcomes to say the least, in many parts of Europe. However, that is getting off topic.

One side note, had Roosevelt actually taken the trip with his sons to the Amazon he might have died much sooner. For while his sons survived two developed yellow fever and six other members of the expedition - all far younger than TR died of was most likely dysentery. TR remained active and engaged until his unexpected death on October 16, 1923, which by the way was seven years to the day from the announcement of his peace proposal. He took numerous trips overseas to get a bird’s eye view of ICC interventions. He did leave a legacy and survived to see the founding of this school a little more than a year before his death.
Comments or Questions?

QUESTIONS

Q: How much did TR’s Presidency impact the more radical elements in America at the time, and if I could, I also wanted to ask about TR's impact on the First Red Scare and how radical organizations during this time were treated in comparison to, say, a Wilson administration, if he had prevailed?

A: Well, it is worth noting that Eugene Debs ran on the Socialist Party ticket three times in the early 20th century. In 1912 against Roosevelt and Wilson, Debs had his best showing and garnered over one million votes which was approximately 7% of the popular vote. After four years of TR saying, “we’ll fight the Red Devils wherever they threaten freedom,” and backing it up with his Justice Department relentlessly pursuing them, the Socialist didn’t even field a candidate again until 1932 after the Panic was in full force. More on the Communist threat in the foreign relations and post-Presidential portions of our talk.
As far as right-wing organizations Roosevelt was head and shoulders better then Wilson. Unlike Wilson, who openly embraced the KKK, TR supported anti-lynching legislation.

Q: How much would you say would the modern development of the Democratic and Republican parties was caused by Theodore Roosevelt's election in 1912?

A: There was some talk that had Taft not bowed out TR would have gone third party and run as a Progressive. In my opinion this would have guaranteed a Democratic win. Also, just as the Republicans supplanted the Whigs before the Civil War, they themselves would almost certainly have been supplanted by the Progressives.
Overt racism was likely to come out of a Wilson Administration, as opposed to the Colonel's better, but still flawed, policies. The Republicans quite possibly would have long ago lost their lock on the African American vote. The Democrats evolved into the party of big business largely to gain support from sectors TR antagonized. I hope that answers you.

Q: I heard you often dress like Theodore Roosevelt when you lecture about him – why not today?

A: Yes, I’m a goof. Well last year I was especially proud of my costume, but before class began a very attractive doctoral candidate asked why I had dressed up as Taft. So, no more costumes until I take off some weight.

Q: In terms of the "Era of Acquisitions," why did Roosevelt never consider pushing for more Caribbean islands to become either territories or states, like Cuba, the Dominican Republic, or Haiti? Was it that they had nothing of value to offer, or was it that the Philippine insurrection deflated the notion?

A: Well, you must remember when TR talked about keeping various possessions “in perpetuity “he was, in my opinion, looking for lands that could be made to look like the America of his time, or rather America as he perceived it. That is white, and of course that is racist, but it can’t be denied. That is why he took an interest in acquired territory that was generally sparsely populated that could be turned white. Puerto Rico was somewhat of an exception, but he likely hoped his policies would alter the demographics. Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean were either independent or under the control of friendly powers, so annexation was not seen as being worth the effort. Also, most of the Pacific acquisitions were looked at for their utility as coaling stations for the Navy more than anything else.

Q: Would you say the Democratic Party being the conservative party in American politics was made inevitable by Theodore Roosevelt's Presidency or were there later chances to avoid the Democratic Party's shift towards conservatism? Aside from his views on race, I've read Woodrow Wilson was fairly progressive on many matters for his time.
A: You are of course correct to point out that both Wilson and TR were progressives, but just as the Democrats became more progressive during the Taft administration because they saw an opening, after losing again they appealed to Roosevelt’s perceived adversaries - big business- because that was the best alternative if they wanted to still have a chance at power. Heck TR agreed that Taft wasn’t a progressive - which was why he ran again in 1912.

Q: Do you think that USA would had entered to Great War on side of Entente if TR wasn't elected in 1912? And if so, would some another POTUS been able pressure France to abandon its insistence on harsh terms on Germany?
A: Given how the war had progressed to the point it had when TR floated his proposal, it’s fair to say that without some kind of third party intervention there was no end in sight for the war. It was a bloody stalemate on multiple fronts which was unlikely to end absent one side or the other having a breakthrough at a time they could fully exploit their gains.
Absent a prospect for peace any President would have had to ask for a declaration of war against Germany if it continued unrestricted submarine warfare. As opposed to offering mediation many, if not most, other Presidents would have simply embargoed the belligerents. Give Wilson some credit in that he did float his own peace plan. I doubt anyone else would have been so bold — and even though Wilson wasn’t taken seriously, it likely would have been different had he been in office. Still the parties were never going to agree at that time to things like dismantling their colonial empires.
France made a mistake in trying to impose harsh terms on Germany. The Germans would have smoldering resentment had they been forced to pay significant reparations, perhaps enough resentment to insure another continent wide war. The compromise of having the US pay money for German colonies to the French was elegant, but in the end it reduced French prestige and influence, as they received none of Germany's Pacific holdings.

Q: How much would you say would Roosevelt's support for the ICC impacted US-Russia relations to this day, especially with how Roosevelt is viewed in Russia?
A: Well certainly much better than it would be had the Communists prevailed. Despite the Russian War in the 1960s, TR is viewed generally favorably. I recently found out there is a bridge named for TR, outside Vladivostok where he met with US, Japanese and friendly Russian forces in 1920. I would say TR is most popular in the western world. They’re ambivalent in Latin America and most of Asia. He is not liked at all in the Arab world, viewing the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire, but not granting immediate independence to the constituent parts as a sellout.

Q: How could the Germans trust TR's neutrality when his son was a Frog?
A: I can only say this would have been funnier if I had said it.

Next year’s international symposium is almost a sequel to this lecture. The Roosevelt School of Government here at Harvard, will join with Churchill University at Cambridge with the topic being Winston Churchill: From Empire to Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth. It will mark the 75th Anniversary of the Imperial Federation and will originate from the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst where Sir Winston took his initial military training.

 

[colonel]

Part 2: CHURCHILL FROM EMPIRE TO IMPERIAL FEDERATION & COMMONWEALTH

ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY AT SANDHURST 1322 HRS 2 AUGUST 2023

RETURN FROM THE WILDERNESS

Welcome to this symposium, Churchill from Empire to Federation and Commonwealth. This series of lectures marking the 75th anniversary of the creation of the Imperial Federation are being jointly sponsored by the Theodore Roosevelt School of Government at Harvard, and Churchill University at Cambridge. These lectures are also being streamed live to various institutions of higher learning around the globe. We were a little late starting because the remote site at McGill University in Montreal was having a problem with their feed. Institutions in western North America, the Pacific, and Asia are getting this on a delay because of the time difference, so they’ll be no questions today, but I’ll be happy to take questions and comments by e-mail.

Well McGill is with us now and let me welcome you by saying what I say whenever I visit your fair city -- I am sorry, but I don't speak French. As most of you can tell from that last statement, I'm an American, and to further prove it I'm going to begin this lecture on Churchill, the father of the Imperial Federation, by talking about Teddy Roosevelt.

Why Teddy Roosevelt? Well, when on October 16, 1915, TR made A Proposal for the Cessation of Hostilities for the Great War Churchill had left the cabinet in disgrace after the disaster at Gallipoli brought on by his plan for offensive action against the Ottoman Empire. He went to the front as a Lieutenant Colonel, and had hostilities continued Churchill likely would have died at the front, or in his view worse yet died in obscurity. The performance of ANZAC troops between the proposal being made in mid-October and the Armistice on November 11th redeemed Churchill's reputation sufficiently, or so he convinced everyone it did, that he was made a member of The Empire's Peace Delegation. Further, Winston so ingratiated himself to the Americans in general, and Roosevelt in particular, that the British saw his remaining in government to be if not essential, at least very helpful.

The British should be doubly grateful for the conference called by Roosevelt, as it seems the IRA was planning a series of attacks across Ireland in April 1916, but stopped at the last minute when the leaders realized they would almost certainly lose sorely needed American goodwill and support if they staged their offensive during a peace conference hosted by the US President. So it was that when Winston returned to government in July 1916, he was given the position of Secretary of State for Ireland, with a mandate to end the issues with Ireland once and for all and to do so, if at all possible, without violence. Truth be told no one believed it was at all possible to do it without violence. The government firmly believed violence was the only alternative, and fully expected to get it done with and then sack Churchill to deflect blowback after it happened. However, Churchill surprised everyone by taking his mandate to heart. He met with Unionists, representatives of Sinn Fein, and numerous others. Churchill did in fact utilize military force but limited it to locating and destroying Irish Republican Army weapons stores. There were no mass arrests, or punishments of the population. Churchill worked closely with a young Irish Patriot named Michael Collins and got them to forgo violence as he later wrote "for so long as they remained convinced the Crown was negotiating in good faith." Churchill wrote that without Collins, they would not have even gotten through 1917, and 1918 without a massive assault by the IRA, followed by what would have to be a merciless response by the Crown.

In January 1918 Churchill, who was previously against partition, proposed that Ulster, or Northern Ireland be politically separated from the rest of Ireland or Eire. He was able to convince the Commons to finally approve a Bill for Irish Home Rule. This created separate Parliament’s for the North and the South. The proposal included a provision that while the south would have Dominion status within the Empire there would be no border controls with the North, and most importantly there was a guarantee that the agreement was contingent upon Westminster and the Parliament in Ulster passing legislation to ensure equal treatment and opportunity under the law for all religions in Northern Ireland, this was to include education and government employment. Two interesting side notes in the text of the agreement was the passage that "should the British Isles ever become a federation, Ireland shall be invited to join as an equal member of said union;" and Dominion status was also recognized for Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa (there was originally a plan to also give Dominion status to Newfoundland, but their war time debt was such that an arrangement was made with the consent of both Newfoundland and Canada that Newfoundland would join Canada and the Crown would absorb 90% of the new Province's debt). This was the first reference Churchill had made to a Federation, although an Imperial Federation was an idea dating back to the prior century. Prime Minister Lloyd George had been kept abreast of the negotiations, and personally thought the matter was worth a vote, but he let his members vote as a matter of conscience meaning the whips would not enforce party discipline. Even so the vast majority of Liberals voted yea along with enough Tories and Labour MPs to ensure passage. The House of Lords assented with a bare majority, and the Ulster Parliament assented only after veiled threats to cut the entire island loose. The agreement went into effect on Easter Sunday April 20, 1919.

Churchill was rewarded with a second appointment as Home Secretary. The agreement held, but the young Michael Collins was assassinated in July 1920, it was never determined if the killer was a Unionist or a member of the IRA. Ireland, of course, did join the Imperial Federation, as did Northern Ireland, but as a separate entity, even so there are still no border restrictions and terms of the 1919 agreement were never broken. Movement across the Irish borders today is no different than moving from England to Wales or Scotland, or for that matter from my home in Massachusetts to New York. The precedent led to the 1926 restoration of the Scottish Parliament, and 1930 creation of the Wales Assembly - the start of a federal system if not an actual Federation. Interestedly, the English did not take a Parliament separate from Westminster until the formal start of the Imperial Federation in 1948. Of course, they would argue that as they sit in the old House of Lords and the Sovereign still opens the English Parliament little has changed.

TORY AGAIN

Well, where did we leave Sir Winston? Ah yes - he was Home Secretary when the liberals lost a vote of No Confidence in 1921. He spent a little over a year in the minority and his writings indicate he was becoming disillusioned with the Liberal Party, feeling they were adopting positions simply to keep from losing seats to Labour. Churchill had started his career in Parliament as a Tory, but in 1904 crossed the Chamber to become a Liberal, in 1922 he crossed back to the Tories. Baldwin, the Tory PM, must have encouraged the move, as in just two years, Churchill, who many in Parliament viewed as a two-time turncoat, was Chancellor of the Exchequer.

In his new role Churchill was able to see that although the Empire was at its height, in many ways America had already supplanted it. Churchill liked Americans, his mother was an American, but like his father who was a son of the Duke of Marlborough, Winston was an Imperialist through and through. The Great War had left The British Empire as the only real winner, in that they not only didn’t lose territory they gained colonies; further unlike their allies they had almost no war-torn landscapes or refugees to deal with. Truth be told the Americans were the real winners in that they gained almost as much as the British without any sacrifice of men or material. Even though the US had incurred some debt for its acquisitions, it was nothing compared to the hole the Empire was still trying to fill in the mid-1920s.

Churchill himself wrote in 1955 that his term as Chancellor of the Exchequer was when his vision of how an Imperial Federation might work began to form. He saw the rise of labor unions were greatly increasing the costs of British goods, and tariffs were at best an imperfect solution in that the other powers would just retaliate. Churchill believed the key was to consolidate those portions of the Empire that were fully developed with a manufacturing base, mature markets, and most importantly a middle class. At the same time Churchill wanted to spur development among what he termed the “primitive territories.” These colonies and possessions could serve as markets for goods from within the empire, while at the same time they could be a source of many lower cost products.

The original Dominions referred to in our last session were seen by Winston as being part of what he originally thought of as the “Core of the Empire.” By this he meant the British Isles, Canada, Australia and New Zealand; Winston excluded South Africa, the other Dominion recognized as self-governing by the Crown, in that it had “large portions of the populace still living in a primitive state.” It may have been an unconscious bias on Churchill’s part, but it is clear that his exclusion of South Africa from the core was based mostly on the fact that it was the only Dominion that was not majority white. In an interview near the end of his life Sir Winston vehemently denied this, and he pointed out that when the first legislation passed in 1938, outlining the ten-year path to formation of the Federation, it specifically provided for adding South Africa and other territories to the Core both before and after the Federation was formed. That is very nice, but while South Africa may have had a slight chance of entering the core, it was never going to happen for India or most of the remaining Empire.

FIRST THOUGHTS ON FORMING A FEDERATION

The ideas being formed by Sir Winston in the late 1920s were nowhere near ready to be shared with the Tory Party as a whole, never mind the rest of the Empire. Winston was trying to come up with a means to keep the Empire whole, while splitting into two tiers wherein those not at what he was calling the core would feel like an afterthought, or worse yet a disposable portion of the Empire. Further complicating the matter was the fact that those areas granted Dominion status (again less South Africa), essentially independence within the Empire, were the very areas he saw as essential to bring closer to form the core.

By mid-1931 there was as yet only a broad outline in Winston's mind. The world-wide panic that began in 1931 forced abandonment for the time being of any long-term planning. In the snap election of 1932, the Tories were thrown out of power. They had thought they could win a contest to form a coalition government with the Liberals, but Labour won an outright majority. The new government virtually ignored everything outside Britain itself. The Empire suffered, but so did the British Isles. As one of its first acts the government tried to avert a national strike by nationalizing the coal industry and raising the coal miners’ salary by 50%. This started an inflationary spiral, and worse yet even though a coal strike was averted, by the end of 1932 coal production was down by more than one third. Many in the British Isles were unable to heat their homes that winter, and those that were able were paying substantially more for substantially less coal. The almost exact same scenario would play out decades later would contribute to a change in government at the Imperial Parliament. When it appeared, nothing had changed in over a year, Labour MPs defecting to the Liberals forced a vote of no confidence in January 1934. The Tories prevailed and Winston was made Foreign Secretary.
While the Tories were out of power Churchill visited the United States and began research on his biography of Theodore Roosevelt. On his trip he made the acquaintance of that “other Roosevelt,” Franklin Delano, better known as FDR. FDR was a distant cousin of Teddy and had married TR’s niece, Eleanor Roosevelt. Indeed, Teddy gave away the bride. FDR was a Democrat, as was his whole branch of the family. Even so TR in his final term made Franklin Assistant Secretary of the Navy, a position TR himself had held prior to the Spanish American War. TR was grooming his distant cousin, trying to get him to switch to the Republican Party, but shortly after Theodore left the White House FDR was elected to the NY legislature as a Democrat. TR died in 1923, and Democrats tried to cash in on FDR's last name by making him the VP candidate on the 1924 ticket -- to no avail. Why is this important? Because FDR did follow TR's pattern in that he got himself elected Governor of New York, and when in 1932, the Financial Panic led to the Democrats winning their first Presidential election in the 20th century Franklin Delano Roosevelt was heading their ticket.

In their White House meeting FDR asked Churchill if he remembered that they had actually met at the 1916 Peace conference. In typical Churchill fashion he confessed that he did not recall, but he could hardly be blamed as Franklin wasn’t someone of great importance at the time. Churchill later related that FDR laughed uproariously, and they spent the next two hours speaking of the late TR. As he had with Theodore Roosevelt, Churchill began a regular very friendly correspondence with FDR. If anything, the relationship between Winston and FDR was even closer than the one he had with TR. Churchill was likely more comfortable, as he was older than FDR, and even so FDR was much closer in age to Churchill than Churchill was to TR. Even though FDR was President, he and Churchill were more like equals given Winston’s experience and sheer force of personality. . . .

Once Churchill became Foreign Minister he traveled extensively to all parts of the Empire and often stopped in the US. He got US support through the Inter-Continental Congress (ICC) for British actions in defeating the Mediterranean Revolts in Spain, France, Italy and Greece in the thirties. When Japan effectively blocked any effective action by the ICC to stop its China incursions in 1935, Churchill convinced FDR “at enormous political risk,” to embargo much needed oil, and iron ore from going to the Japanese Empire. In their ever more frequent correspondence FDR and Churchill wrote about dealing equitably with their far-flung possessions. Churchill began to see the merit of the American plans which later became known as the “Philippine Model,” wherein possessions not deemed suitable for eventual statehood would be put on a track for eventual independence but would keep substantial contact and involvement with the US (i.e., the US retaining trade advantages and military bases). The key was to let the possessions know the plan and have input on implementing it. Most of those areas eventually became “Nations in Free Association with the United States.”

By the mid-1936 Churchill had decided the American model was the Empire’s best chance for long term health. The areas he had previously termed as the Empire’s core, the British Isles, Canada, Australia (including New Guiana over which they had a Mandate) and New Zealand would join in an Imperial Federation. Representation would go to England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland who would each have a separate Parliament or Assembly; Ireland itself would maintain its Dail, New Zealand its parliament, Australia and Canada could retain their own parliaments as an intermediate level of government, but their states and provinces would retain their legislatures. The new Imperial Parliament at Westminster world be solely responsible for Defense, Foreign, and Trade policies. There would be a common currency and armed forces. The remaining parts of the Empire would be guided toward eventual independence, or integration into the Imperial Federation and together with the Federated states would constitute the British Commonwealth of nations. As the constituent parts of the Empire gained independence they would remain in the Commonwealth, and would have the option of keeping the British Pound Sterling as their currency, as well as entering free trade and defense pacts with the rest of the Empire; all would retain the British Sovereign as Head of State, but would be permitted to elect their own Governor-Generals, should they wish to adopt the equivalent of a Presidential system. Although Churchill had his plan in draft, he was not sure how to broach the issue with Baldwin. Then His Majesty Edward VIII ‘s government became consumed with whether Edward could remain his Majesty.

CRISIS IN THE MONARCHY

We're going to speak now about how an American ruined everything for our British cousins. Edward VIII assumed the British throne in January 1936. The King was not married, and unknown to the British public he was carrying on fairly openly with a divorced American socialite named Wallis Simpson, who was still legally married to her second husband. When the King began speaking of actually marrying Mrs. Simpson the Prime Minister felt the government would be forced to weigh in. . . .

Most of the cabinet were firmly against the King’s plan for various reasons, but most importantly because he was head of the Church of England. Interestingly most of those same critics had no issue with the King keeping Mrs. Simpson as a mistress. Winston was a friend to the King, and argued for him to be allowed to marry whoever he chose, going on to suggest that he be allowed a “morganatic” marriage wherein Simpson would not become Queen, and issue would not be in the line of succession.
Baldwin saw there was likely no way to avoid a constitutional crisis if the King persisted in his plan to marry Mrs. Simpson. Indeed, it is likely the only reason he had not tried to do so already was because she was still “MRS.” Simpson. The Prime Minister was worried that, assuming the King could not be dissuaded from marriage, and refused to abdicate, then one or more of the self-governing dominions might not recognize an Act of Parliament out of Westminster that removed the King. Ironically had the Imperial Federation already existed this wouldn’t have been an issue. Since Churchill had already had extensive contacts with the Dominions, he was tasked by the PM to take their temperature on the issue. If he was surprised by the vehemence of the rest of the cabinet’s feelings, he was absolutely floored in speaking to representatives of the Dominions. No Dominion found the King’s plans to be acceptable. Churchill reported back to the PM that words he heard in his meetings describing the feelings in the Dominions on their Sovereign included callow, selfish and reprehensible. The Canadians were the most upset, for although Fleet Street had been cowed into giving almost no coverage to the King’s relationship, the American press was covering it in detail, and Canadians were therefore much more informed than the British people. The Irish indicated that they believed the King should abdicate, but if Edward VIII was involuntarily removed, they would likely declare themselves a republic.

The cabinet decided they would have to give the King an ultimatum. Winston surprised them all and volunteered to deliver the message to His Majesty. Churchill had likely calculated that the King was going to be out no matter the outcome. Further, by delivering a message that both the PM and Dominions knew he disagreed with, he would build credibility and goodwill among those most needed to pursue his plans for turning the Empire into a Federation. Baldwin indicated as Prime Minister he would deliver the ultimatum but asked Churchill to accompany him. After at least three delays they met with His Majesty on November 9, 1936. Baldwin came right to the point, and the King appeared surprised, raised anew the possibility of a morganatic marriage, and when that was ruled out, he expressed anger and defiance. Per Baldwin’s papers that was when “Winston pulled down the King’s facade,” telling him it was impossible to believe the feigned surprise, and explained in detail how the Empire would suffer and how the monarchy would likely be destroyed absent abdication. Churchill went on to say, that as a friend, had he realized what His Majesty was planning, he would have advised against assuming the throne to start with. The King finally accepted his fate and tried to negotiate an abdication effective on the anniversary of his father’s death in January. Both the PM and Churchill insisted it had to be immediate - it was agreed November 11th as Armistice Day was appropriate. The King wished to make a radio address, and here Winston surprised the PM by interjecting that only a short, pre-approved statement consisting of reading the Instrument of Abdication, and a sentence pledging fealty to his brother the new King. Per Baldwin Churchill added that “anything else and we can’t guarantee an appropriate title post monarchy.

PRIME MINISTER AND THE ROAD TO FEDERATION

Churchill was ready to get back to planning a transition to Federation and Commonwealth, but knew he had to first help prepare the Empire for a likely war with Japan. Then Baldwin announced on Boxing Day 1936 that he would resign as Prime Minister as soon as a replacement could be named. Baldwin retired because deposing his King, no matter how necessary, was draining; he also saw the likelihood of war with Japan and thought someone else would be better to lead His Majesty’s Government.

The obvious choice was Neville Chamberlain the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Chamberlain was well liked in the party, and the move was seen as a natural progression. Two things or rather two people changed that. The first was actually Neville Chamberlain’s older half- brother, Sir Austen Chamberlain. Austen had been the leader of the British delegation to negotiate an end to the Great War at Norfolk, Virginia. That conference was indeed a godsend for Winston as it not only returned him to government, but it allowed him to strike up a friendship with none other than President Theodore Roosevelt; and perhaps most importantly it gave him a mentor and political benefactor in Austen Chamberlain (who by the way was a lifelong friend of F.S. Oliver one of the earliest most ardent proponents of Imperial Federation).

Churchill was never a personally popular person, he had an abrasive personality, felt he was always right, and wasn’t shy about correcting others whether they were servants or other cabinet members. After his parents, Churchill’s wife Clementine was perhaps the only person who could tell him he was wrong. That’s why Austen was so important, he saw in Winston an innate instinct that made him a cut above his contemporaries. Austen saw Winston as someone who held many of his own beliefs on the Empire, and also as someone who would get things done. He supported Churchill despite differences on Irish home rule and India. After Austen Chamberlain lost a leadership contest with Stanley Baldwin in the Conservative Party following the Norfolk Conference, there was an estrangement with Baldwin, and Austen went to the back benches, despite having held virtually every post of importance other than PM. Even so the elder Chamberlain brother still wielded influence. It was on Austen’s recommendation that Winston was appointed Secretary of State for Ireland, and for the subsequent posts Winston would hold. Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin was the other person to come around to supporting Winston, even though he was constantly exasperated by Churchill, and felt he had to constantly get the man to slow down. Despite the previously referenced estrangement between Baldwin and Austen Chamberlain, Austen went to Baldwin to propose he endorse Churchill as PM. Baldwin later wrote he acquiesced for several reasons. First, Winston had impressed him in their dealings with the abdication crisis by taking on the King despite having urged compromise earlier, when the decision was made Churchill was resolute, and followed through on what was best for the Empire. Second, war was coming with Japan, and as Churchill had long opposed the cuts to the military and naval forces, he had much more credibility than Neville Chamberlain (or Baldwin himself for that matter) to lead in such a conflict. Third, Baldwin agreed with the outlines of Churchill’s plan for a Federation and didn’t think anyone else had the energy needed to have a chance at passage. Finally, Baldwin was impressed that Austen was pushing so hard against his own brother, and believed Austen when he said it was purely because Winston would be the better PM. Even with both endorsements, Neville Chamberlain was thought to have the advantage. What finally gave Churchill the last few votes needed was the death of Austen on March 3.1937 - the fence sitters went for Winston as tribute to Austen, after eulogies given in the Commons by both Winston and Neville. Winston Churchill became Prime Minister for the first time on March 17th, St. Patrick’s Day.

On assuming office Winston had two priorities - dealing with Japan and laying the foundation for the formation of the Imperial Federation. In that regard he thought it best to meet with the Prime Ministers of the Dominions to discuss both issues. Churchill wisely asked them for a meeting, rather than being perceived as summoning them to Westminster he suggested what amounted to a summit. Keeping the option open of including South Africa in the Core, Winston included South African PM Jan Smuts in the invitations. Smuts and Churchill were well acquainted, and they had first met at the turn of the century when Smuts debriefed Churchill after Winston had escaped from a Boer prison camp. Smuts went to London to travel with Churchill to the summit which was to be held in Vancouver, British Columbia, they were joined by W.T. Cosgrave the Irish leader on the voyage across the Atlantic. All three then traveled by rail to the meeting in the company of William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Prime Minister of Canada. They were met in Vancouver by Joseph Lyons, and George Forbes the Prime Ministers of Australia and New Zealand respectively, who had also traveled together.

The summit was generally cordial. The other participants each felt Churchill was being sincere and they appreciated being treated as equals. In the discussions regarding Japan there was general agreement that all would increase defense expenditures especially on naval forces. Ireland would support the Empire but given its distance from Asia her contributions would be minimal. There was a wider range of opinion on the topic of federating.

Smuts was enthusiastic, but in discussions with his old friend en route and at the conference Churchill became even more convinced that South Africa would not fit as a core Federation member. Smuts in many ways was quite progressive; he had done much to make former Dutch enemies from the Boer War feel equal, and he spearheaded the effort to get woman the vote in South Africa- that is white woman, Smuts was firmly against equality for native South Africans, Indian immigrants to South Africa, or mixed-race residents. Winston felt that taking in a core member where the majority of the populace was disenfranchised would send the wrong message to the rest of the Empire, especially those possessions he wished to take status as Commonwealth members.

King and Lyons had some concerns with exactly what the “intermediate status” of their now national governments in Canada and Australia would be; Churchill envisioned the individual states and provinces in Australia and Canada entering binding charters wherein they would cede powers currently exercised by the national governments, but not to be assumed by Westminster, to Canberra and Ottawa. King was also concerned that Quebec would oppose based on fears that their French heritage would be stamped out. Again, Churchill suggested a charter to guarantee the rights of French speakers. He went on to suggest these same charters could guarantee aboriginal rights in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and New Guiana which had become a territory of Australia (Churchill had already given up on making that pitch to Smuts, but Lyons proved more open). Meanwhile Forbes was concerned that just as Newfoundland was placed under Canada, New Zealand would be forced under Australia’s “intermediate government” despite opting out of a union decades earlier. Churchill pointed out that the transition of Newfoundland to becoming a province of Canada was wholly consensual on both sides.

Ireland’s Cosgrave had other concerns. It should be pointed out that Churchill was very lucky to be dealing with Cosgrave instead of Éamon de Valera the opposition leader in the Dail. Cosgrave had been friends with de Valera but became estranged when Cosgrave supported Michael Collins in pushing the agreement that allowed Ireland to be partitioned and made the south a Dominion albeit with open borders to the north. Cosgrave indicated that if the Federation legislation should pass “without making Ireland whole,” his government would likely fall, and de Valera would almost certainly declare Ireland a Republic apart from the Empire altogether. Cosgrave pointed to Canada and indicated it would likely be accepted if Ireland became a Dominion with two provinces each retaining a parliament in Dublin and Belfast but have the Dail as their “intermediate government.” Churchill countered that just as he had pledged New Zealand would not be forced into union with Australia, he couldn’t force reunion of north and south in Ireland where a majority in the north were opposed. He argued Cosgrave was the leader precisely because the agreement he backed with their mutual friend, Michael Collins, had worked. Churchill did offer to include in any legislation authorization for a future vote or votes on reunification, as well as specifically allowing Dublin to extend the voting franchise for elections to residents north of the border. The Unionists would howl, but it would create an environment where Cosgrave’s government had a reasonable chance at survival.

WAR WITH JAPAN

The war with Japan finally came on May 17, 1937. The US embargo on oil and other raw materials had severely hobbled Japanese military operations in China. The act that finally brought war was an attack on Indonesia to get Dutch oil. The Japanese miscalculated in part because when they attacked China in 1933 there was no reaction in the West other than mild protest (it had gotten Chinese Nationalists and the Communists to work together), likewise the attacks in Indochina occurred when the French were preoccupied with the first of their Red revolts. The Japanese blocked action in the ICC, and simply didn’t believe the joint British-American Declaration that “any further military actions directed toward independent lands or colonies of another power would be considered an Act of War.” The British government immediately declared war followed by each of the Dominions. The United States initially delayed because FDR knew he lacked the votes, but after intercepts indicated Japan was planning a surprise aircraft carrier attack on the Philippines, combined with simultaneous submarine attacks on Hawaii, Cabo San Luca, and the Panama Canal, the US declared War on August 12, 1937.
In 1932 Japan renounced the ICC Naval Treaty of 1923. They then devoted much of their shipbuilding capability to aircraft carriers. They used them to great advantage and despite generally poor coordination between their army and navy, the Japanese absolutely shocked the British by capturing “impregnable” Singapore. Despite their losses the British managed to bloody the Japanese like none of its earlier opponents. Churchill worried New Guiana would be lost, but the Japanese couldn’t establish a beachhead.
American entry into the war made an immediate difference. Even though the Financial Panic that started in 1931 was technically over the recovery was still precarious, but the US under FDR made almost unbelievable strides to transform almost overnight to a war economy. The men, and material coming out of the US overwhelmed the Japanese. The supplies given to China, as well as forces from the Dutch and French helped turn the Japanese out of their former possessions. The Anglo-American alliance (which by 1938 was in a formalized treaty), did not demand unconditional surrender, and the Russians agreed to allow the parties to meet in Vladivostok under the auspices of the ICC. Evidently the Japanese military leadership was against negotiation, but when it was pointed out the home islands would be subject to starvation from a blockade, the Japanese Emperor Hirohito intervened to force talks. The terms were not imposed on the Japanese, but they had almost no leverage in the negotiations. They would keep their Emperor, and there would be no occupation of the home islands, but Japan would be limited to just those islands, and a total of 42 high ranking officers, along with over 100 lower ranking Japanese would be turned over for war crimes trials. The. Japanese army, navy and air forces would be reduced to levels consistent with defense, but no more. China and the other areas previously occupied by the Japanese would be in turmoil for some years, especially given French and Dutch objections to ICC administration of their former colonies, but that is beyond the purview of this lecture. The war with Japan formally ended on September 1, 1939.

A TRUE IMPERIAL FEDERATION

After the war Churchill remarked he thought the Federation would be stillborn or greatly delayed if the Japanese invaded Australia, but the war proved to be so unifying that the legislation for an Imperial Federation was actually introduced while hostilities were still raging on Thursday November 24, 1938, (coincidently Thanksgiving Day in the United States).

Essentially identical bills were introduced in November 1938 in Westminster as well as the Parliaments of Ireland, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. South Africa was left out, and while the parliament there actually considered trying to force its way into the Core with some legislative maneuver, they were essentially foreclosed by a poison pill in the bills. Nowhere was South Africa specifically excluded, but the enabling legislation created what in essence was a compact outlining among other things, what prerequisites Dominions needed to achieve before they and/or their constituent parts could be designated as parts of the Imperial Federation. Among these prerequisites was a requirement that suffrage could not be denied on the basis of race, creed or gender. Jan Smuts was livid, but he had no recourse. Therefore, unless South Africa drastically changed its racial policies it would by default become part of the new Greater Commonwealth but be kept outside the Federation.
Unfortunately, the above policy only served to make Smuts and the rest of the wholly white South African ruling class dig their heels in. By 1944 they had formalized state discrimination creating what became known as apartheid. Rhodesia soon followed by declaring itself independent and implementing apartheid. Despite negotiations with the rest of the Commonwealth, as well as other nations through the ICC, the South Africans and Rhodesians stood firm, and after a quarter century of apartheid they were suspended from the Commonwealth and boycotted by most of the world. When in 1969, after collapse of their white governments from internal revolt combined with support from Commonwealth Forces, both Rhodesia and South Africa returned to the Commonwealth, after adopting universal suffrage, and electing black majority governments.

It was fortuitous for Churchill that he did not wait until after the Japanese war to pass the Federation bill. In April 1939 there was a change of government in Ireland. Ramon de Valera was the new leader in Eire, and he very much wanted to not only prevent Ireland from joining the Federation, but to declare it a republic. He was prevented because the original legislation out of Westminster provided that any such actions would trigger the creation of a hard border; further most of those residents of the North newly enfranchised to vote in the South under the legislation, would quite likely turn on de Valera and his allies. Were de Valera acceded to power less than six months earlier the legislation in Ireland would never have gotten a vote, but de Valera was unwilling to risk the political and economic consequences of pulling out.

In fact, King of Canada was the only PM from the 1937 meeting that remained PM from the Conference through to the formal start of the Imperial Federation in 1948. The change of governments in Australia and New Zealand did not materially affect the integration of the core members as the incoming governments did not take materially different positions than their predecessor governments.
Although the Tories were unable to form a government after their own February 1940 elections, Labour was only able to form a minority government in coalition with the Liberals, so changing or scuttling the Federation was not made a priority. Clement Attlee, the Labour PM finally secured agreement with the Liberals to have a vote on reversing the legislation in November 1943, based on it being halfway through the transition period. It was made a vote of conscience, but the whips were confident they had a majority of at least four votes. Everyone, including Federation supporters, were shocked when the bill to end the Federation process failed. All had expected the Sinn Fein members to vote to kill the Federation process, but 3 abstained and five voted with the Tories.

FATHER OF THE IMPERIAL FEDERATION

Everyone today remembers Winston Churchill as the Father of the Federation, what most don’t remember it wasn’t until 1945 that his Party won election with Winston as leader. Given the robust majority the Tories gained in 1945, Churchill was able to implement the integration of the Core members with no real distractions. Churchill was also able to finally get agreement to abolish the House of Lords effective with the formal creation of the Federation. The Lords tried to hold up their demise, but to no avail. The new English Parliament (although the English call it the restored Parliament) would continue in Westminster at the chamber formally occupied by the Lords.

On the international front the Core members were in agreement on dealing with the conflicts resulting from the breakup of the colonial holdings of France, Portugal, Belgium and The Netherlands. Likewise in conjunction with the Americans, support was given in the Chinese Civil War to the Nationalists in rebuilding China and defeating the Communists.
By 1946 the economic integration of the Core was essentially complete. All the future Federation Members had a common currency in what was by then called the Imperial Pound Sterling, under the auspices of the Bank of England which had already been renamed the Imperial Bank. The other parts of the Empire were now part of the Greater Commonwealth, and likewise used the Pound as its currency, except South Africa which as an independent state was using the Rand as its currency (but even then, the Rand’s value was pegged to the Pound). There was free trade throughout the Core and the Commonwealth, with no tariffs allowed internally.

By 1947 most of the political impediments to the Federation/Commonwealth’s creation had been solved. India was pacified by the 1938 promise dating back to the original implementing legislation to make it an independent nation within the Greater Commonwealth effective on the creation of Imperial Federation scheduled for November 1948. India would maintain free trade with the rest of the Commonwealth and would make a decision for itself on whether and how to partition between Hindus and Muslims, with arbitration from the newly created Commonwealth Office if requested. The British Sovereign was to remain the Head of State throughout the Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth. In 1945 the Viceroy in India had been replaced by an elected Governors-General who were then appointed to be the Crown’s Representative in the absence of the Monarch. India did of course partition into four different states, but acrimony between Muslims and Hindus has been greatly reduced in large part out of fear from being excluded from participation in the Greater Commonwealth. That peaceful partition has served as the model for the 1949 division of the British Middle East mandate into the separate states of Palestine and Israel.

The elected Governor-General arrangement proved popular enough that more than one half of the independent nations within Commonwealth today have elected Governors-General. This allows Commonwealth members an option of using a Presidential system. All Federation members employ a parliamentary system, and as such have appointed Governors-General, or Lieutenant-Governors-General for their constituent states, provinces or territories. The example of following through with the promise to peacefully give independence to India, while retaining ties to the Crown made the British transition from colonialism much smoother, and certainly less painful then that experienced by the other European powers.

Well before the actual Federation Day there was a common defense, trade and foreign policy. Likewise, the armed forces were completely integrated, and immigration policies were uniform within the areas to be federated. There was still a surprise to come. Shortly after the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth in November 1947, at the same time he made Philip a Prince of the realm, George VI addressed the Empire. Only Churchill and a handful of advisors to the King and Prime Minister knew what their Monarch wished to announce. The King announced that effective November 25, 1948, the date for seating the new Imperial Parliament in Westminster, he was abdicating in favor of Elizabeth. He explained he believed the new Empire needed a young monarch. On Federation Day George VI resumed the title of Duke of York and lived to see three grandchildren before his death in 1957. Of course, Elizabeth II remains the first and only Monarch the Imperial Federation has ever known.

Prior to the opening of the Imperial Parliament’s first session, it was agreed Churchill would be the Imperial Prime Minister, and he guided them into the 1950s. Churchill retired from the Federation in 1953, but like many other English IMPs he remained an MP in the English Parliament and was a back bencher until his death in 1966. It soon became apparent that the far-reaching nature of the Federation made it difficult to have a single party gain a clear majority. In point of fact until 1983 every government was a coalition, and that came in the aftermath of the Falklands crisis.

Is Churchill’s creation a success? Well, it’s been 75 years with no end in sight, so we’ll leave it at that.

For those of you interested in picking up where we have left off, I recommend downloading the last lecture of late great Historian John F. Kennedy given almost exactly 50 years ago, just a month before his death in 1973. The lecture concentrated on the Presidencies of his father and older brother Republicans Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. (1941 - 1949), and Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. (1965 -1973); but touches on a myriad of global issues including the integration of Europe. You'll also find it very helpful to read the posthumously published work of Dr. Kennedy, Father to Son, Democrat to Republican, Power to Super-Power, wherein he gives a surprisingly insightful and unbiased view of the Kennedy Presidencies.

 

[colonel]

Part 3: THE KENNEDY ADMINISTRATIONS 1941 – 1949, 1965 – 1973

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY, JR. HALL: 8:07 AM EST AUGUST 12, 2024

THE KENNEDY FAMILY PRE-MASSACHUSETTS GOVERNORSHIP

Welcome to all of you to Harvard University’s Theodore Roosevelt School of Government here today for our lecture on the father and son Presidencies of Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. and Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. who dominated United States and world politics from the 1940s through 1990s. Before we get started let me pass on my personal condolences to those streaming from our sister institutions in The Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth on the passing last week of Queen Elizabeth, who for almost 76 years was the only sovereign the Imperial Federation had known, and of course I’m sure we all wish her son and successor King George well.

Now back to our topic. This lecture will not be on just the Kennedy Administrations but will necessarily include what was going on in the United States and the world from the mid-1920s through the mid-1980s, and beyond. Still, it is fair to say the Kennedy influence is still felt today. Just look at the name of this venue dedicated 25 years ago this month, and our esteemed guest, my good friend, mentor and colleague Professor Emeritus Joseph P. Kennedy III, who prefers to be called Trip.

Trip took no credit, but I can tell you he edited the seminal book on this topic written by his uncle, the late historian, John F. Kennedy (Father to Son, Democrat to Republican, Power to Superpower) which was published posthumously in 1980. Let us not forget Trip’s daughter Senator Rose Kennedy-Nixon, who entered the family business, and sends her regrets for not being able to attend. I’m sure you are all aware she is somewhat busy having been nominated for Vice-President. Trip has his own book coming out this November, John E. Hoover and the National Bureau of Investigation 1927 -1967. He was kind enough to share a copy with me and has allowed me to share today some of the never before released revelations found through Sunshine Act requests and from his late Uncle John’s private papers.

Let us begin by going back to 1914 when Joseph P. Kennedy married Rose Fitzgerald. Both were from staunchly Democratic families. Rose’s father was mayor of Boston, while Joe’s father had been a Massachusetts legislator, and party boss. Joe at aged 25 was a Harvard graduate, a bank President and highly successful businessman.
The young couple likely planned on a big family. Joe junior was born in 1915 and was followed by John Kennedy in 1917. Tragedy struck in mid-1918, when Rose contracted Kansas flu. She survived but lost the child she was carrying. Rose was so weakened that she was not able to carry another child to term. It is believed she contracted the flu on a trip to New York, as she was one of the first recorded cases in Massachusetts. The pandemic was worldwide, and many attribute the spread to the fact that it traveled from Kansas to New York at about the same time as the second session of the Inter-Continental Congress (ICC).

Rose thereafter totally devoted herself to their two sons. Joe Junior and John were very competitive, but also very close. Joe Sr. had already developed business interests that had him away in New York, Florida, and California for weeks at a time, but he still made his first foray into politics in 1919 when he publicly opposed a prohibition amendment. His argument was based largely on what we would call Federalism. Kennedy took the position that alcohol use or abuse was a matter of morality which should be left to states and localities. He said that by outlawing such a widely used substance the Federal Government likely would not substantially reduce consumption, but would create a black market, and reduce respect for the rule of law due to many ignoring any prohibition. Of course Joe’s investments in several distilleries and a brewery had nothing to do with his position. The amendment had been proposed in 1916 and given the 18th Amendment having given women full voting rights nationwide it was thought Prohibition would pass quickly, but it stalled when it was still four states short, and there was a question when the Louisiana and Massachusetts legislatures each voted to rescind their ratification. Kennedy led a group (informally called "temperate temperance") that proposed a compromise amendment that would in essence waive the supremacy clause for state and local laws regarding alcohol. The wording was "[T]he transportation or importation into any State, territory, or possession of the United States of any intoxicant is hereby prohibited where transportation, importation, or possession is a violation of the law of said State, territory or possession."

The compromise was in fact proposed in the Congress in late 1919. It allowed the states to experiment with prohibition without foreclosing the eventual adoption of complete prohibition. The compromise language became the 19th amendment when New York became the 36th State to ratify on April 4, 1921. It is interesting to note that by 1950 there was no statewide prohibition on alcohol in the United States, but many counties and smaller localities have restrictions and prohibitions. Likewise, since the 19th Amendment did not limit itself to alcohol, many states and the Federal Government do maintain extensive restrictions on “other intoxicants.”

In 1921 Joe, Sr. was surprised to be offered the governorship of the First District of the United States Central Bank (USCB) based in Boston. The offer came from the Republican Hughes Administration, which was attempting to comply with the 1914 Charter of the USCB requiring appointments to the Board of Governors be nonpartisan. Joe accepted the appointment, but only moderately cut back his travel. It should be noted that while Joe did not divest himself of any interests, he was not required to under the rules of the day. Joe Sr. remained with the USCB until mid-1929, and again concentrated on his varied business interests. On leaving the Board of Governors Kennedy issued a public letter of resignation warning that he and other members of the Board had been asking for reforms to include the power to oversee commodity and stock markets, but those reforms were not even being considered by the Congress. Kennedy wrote that close to a majority of investors in the markets were overextended with massive amounts of unsecured debt. Joe Sr. warned there would likely be one or more a crashes and possibly wide scale bank failures, if not a depression. Few took notice of the resignation until the mini crash of 1930 that preceded the larger crash and worldwide Panic of 1931.

Joe Kennedy and his family were largely immune from the effects of the Panic as he had divested himself and his businesses of most stocks and gotten entirely out of the futures markets. Imagine Kennedy’s surprise when in June 1930, following the February 1930 mini crash he was approached by Republicans to run for Governor. The offer came from former Governor Calvin Coolidge who felt Frank G. Allen, the GOP incumbent, was unelectable due to the effects of the high unemployment, and losses already taking hold throughout New England. In the Northeast and Midwest, the mini crash (which was not considered mini until the following year) started a deep recession long before the bottom fell out completely in 1931. It was felt Kennedy was insulated from being blamed for the bad economy due to his public warning in 1929, and of course being Irish Catholic in Massachusetts didn’t hurt.

Joe, Sr. never wrote a memoir, but we know what he was thinking thanks to his son John’s recollection of a frank family talk (not a discussion as Joe Sr. wasn’t asking for input) recorded in John’s posthumously published book, Father to Son, Democrat to Republican, Power to Superpower. Joe, Sr. confessed he would not have considered the offer even though his ward boss father had already passed away, except he was actually encouraged, behind the scenes of course, by his father-in-law, Honey Fitz. Fitz was acting as a stalking horse for Democratic boss James Curley. It seems Curley and Fitz both felt that even though Joseph B. Ely had the Democratic nomination sewn up it was undeserved due to Ely’s perceived prejudice against Irish Catholics. In reality it appears Curley hoped the Democrats would dump Ely, or at the very worst if Kennedy won, Curly could defeat him in 1935. Ely still secured the nomination but could not overcome what was frankly an unfair perception of being anti-Catholic. While Joe did not get an outright endorsement from his father-in-law, it was obvious that Fitz was providing support by not robustly turning out the Democratic machine for Ely. Kennedy prevailed as one of the few winning Republicans in a heavily Democratic year. Curly came to regret his machinations when he himself was defeated by Joe Sr. in 1934.

In reality the anti-Catholic bigotry of Ely was largely manufactured by James Curly. So, why would a staunch Democrat like Honey Fitz turn on the party? Well, it was part of a deterioration of the allegiance of Catholics to the Democratic Party that began with Woodrow Wilson’s first nomination in 1912, when Teddy Roosevelt won his third term. Wilson embraced the KKK and shared many of their racist aims, and while he did not specifically endorse the KKK’s anti-Catholic views, Wilson did not take any of the many opportunities he was given to denounce those views. Wilson was nominated twice more, losing to Hughes in 1916 and 1920, without once trying to appeal to Catholics. It is interesting to note Wilson got his first nomination over William Jennings Bryan in part based on an argument that you shouldn’t get a nomination when you already had lost the general election.

1924 was even worse. Wilson had died, so the Democrats nominated his son-in-law, William Gibbs McAdoo, who was even more openly racist and anti-Catholic. McAdoo vowed to enforce state Jim Crow laws on the Federal level and refused to distance himself from the KKK. He lost to Herbert Hoover in a landslide. It was revealed years later that the party bosses wanted to make New York Governor Al Smith the Vice-Presidential nominee, but McAdoo reneged. This started the movement of Catholics from the Democratic Party. The Party overcompensated in 1928 and actually nominated Smith, who also lost to Herbert Hoover, but Smith did better than McAdoo. Even with the Smith nomination the damage was done, as many Catholics were not mollified by the high number of Democrats in 1928 who sat out the election rather than vote for a Catholic. It would take the Panic of 1931 for the Democrats to get their first President since Grover Cleveland, with the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt.

So, it wasn’t all that surprising that Joe Sr. would actually become a Republican. In a way though the Democrats still leant a hand to the Kennedys, as without them nominating a Catholic in 1928, it is doubtful the Republicans would have done so in 1940. More on that later.

JOE, SR. AS GOVERNOR

Governor Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. came into office with Democrats controlling the lower House of the Legislature, and a slim Republican majority in the Senate. Massachusetts at that time had a large textile industry which was suffering mightily from the economic downturn. Kennedy ordered new uniforms for the Commonwealth Police and the Militia and placed a uniform requirement on more than a dozen other civil service jobs (mostly color-coded coveralls for janitors, parks workers, etc.). He then contracted for the uniforms with sources in four key Legislative Districts. All four Democratic legislators subsequently voted for Kennedy’s proposed bond issues.

The first bond issue was for a proposed Turnpike from Boston to the New York line near Albany. They were 30-year bonds with a 10% premium over the prevailing rate. The issue included a provision that at any point after five years the Commonwealth could redeem the bonds. During Kennedy’s first term there were three similar bond issues, except that instead of the bonds being secured by future tolls they were only guaranteed by the Commonwealth. The funds obtained allowed the Commonwealth to significantly alleviate unemployment and improve infrastructure. Projects included improving Boston Harbor, paving dirt roads throughout Massachusetts. The Turnpike was officially opened in 1937, but it was 1943 before the any early redemptions occurred because Federal and other states borrowing meant the rates of Massachusetts bonds were lower than the prevailing rates.

In 1932 the Republicans were routed around the country. 1933 saw a Democratic President, Congress, and Democrats in control of both Houses of the Massachusetts Legislature. Unlike other Republican governors around the country, Joe Sr. opted to work with Democrats. He had the assistance of his father-in-law, and goodwill built up in his first two years. In fact, the last previously mentioned bond issue was put forward so Massachusetts could provide matching funds for Federal initiatives.

The likelihood of war with Japan, and instability around the world, especially in Russia and Germany, led to increases in defense spending sufficient to get the country past the worst effects of the Panic of 1931. In his 1934 reelection bid Kennedy easily defeated Curly, helped in large part from a series of financial scandals that came to light in the Boston Globe showing Curly had taken kickbacks as both a Congressman and as Mayor of Boston. It has been speculated Honey Fitz was the source for the stories, but this has never been confirmed. Republicans even took back slight majorities in both legislative houses.

In his second term Kennedy still cooperated with the Federal Government on infrastructure. He also funded a traveling business exposition that visited other states and foreign countries to attract companies to Massachusetts. On many of the exposition’s stops young Joe, Jr. was there as his father’s representative. It worked well enough that by the time Kennedy left office there were twelve other states with their own traveling expositions.

It should be noted here that Joe, Sr. was quite frankly an anti-Semite. This may be one of the reasons he left no private papers, but recollections of many who knew him attest to this, in fact in many cases it is clear they shared his views. That said, when there was a new diaspora of Jews from Europe starting in the mid-1930s Kennedy welcomed them to Massachusetts. True it may have just been expedient, and he was mainly interested in getting displaced scientists and academics to Massachusetts institutions of higher learning, but he still did it. It should be noted that after 1935 there is no record of him making any new anti-Semitic statements. He evidently, still held those views as his son John wrote he would sometimes make remarks to him and Joe, Jr., but it appears the elder Kennedy never let these distasteful personal views effect policy either as Governor or President.

For most of the last two years of his administration the country was caught up in the Pacific War with the Japanese Empire. That conflict was still raging when Kennedy’s term ended, but when Joe Sr. left the governorship in 1939, he was succeeded by war veteran Republican Henry Cabot Lodge, with increased Republican majorities in both Houses.

THE PACIFIC WAR

Joe, Jr. saw there was going to be a war with Japan, so on entering Harvard in 1933 he enrolled in the new Navy Reserve Officers Training Program (ROTC). Two years later John Kennedy did the same in 1935. Their mother was opposed to it, but unbeknownst to her Joe, Sr. actually pulled strings to get John a waiver for a physical ailment, and to get Joe, Sr. a flight school slot, even though this meant him taking a leave of absence from Harvard to accept his commission and attend training in 1936. After War was actually declared in 1937, John also left Harvard and took a commission, going into Naval Intelligence.

In flight school Joe, Jr. made lifelong friends with his roommate Edward Henry O’Hare, better known as Butch. Joe, Jr. qualified as a torpedo bomber pilot, while Butch was a fighter pilot. They each became plank owners on the newly christened USS Enterprise CV-6 out of Cabo San Lucas. The carrier would participate in every major engagement of the Pacific War. In late 1937 Butch O’Hare’s squadron transferred to the USS Saratoga CV-3. Butch ended the war as a squadron leader and double ace with the rank of Lieutenant Commander. In 1941 Joe, Jr. was best man at the marriage of Commander Edward H. O’Hare and Rita Wooster.

Joe, Jr. was credited with successfully torpedoing four ships including a cruiser and light aircraft carrier. His flying career was cut short in mid-1938 when a bomb exploded on the forward deck of Enterprise. Joe, Jr. ran to the explosion and managed to pull a pilot out of his aircraft, but not before being hit by a small piece of hot metal blown from the wreck. Kennedy lost sight in his left eye. Joe, Jr. was awarded the Navy Cross. Joe, Jr. requested Lederman Armed Forces Hospital near San Francisco for his follow up treatment and rehabilitation. As Harvard indicated it would accept work done at Stanford University toward the completion his degree. Kennedy did indeed complete his degree (a B.A. in Government). Joe, Jr. received a medical discharge in September 1938. He had been accepted at Stanford’s Law School but turned it down to oversee his father’s business interests on the west coast.

By the time Joe, Jr. was discharged the United States and Commonwealth forces had achieved air supremacy, and the Navy’s main task was blockading the Japanese home islands. Fierce fighting continued in Indonesia, Formosa, Indochina, the Korean peninsula and Manchuria until land forces and marines virtually destroyed the Japanese Imperial Army. The Emperor overruled his military commanders and sought peace because of the effects of the blockade and the knowledge that an invasion would totally destroy Japan.

John Kennedy remained in the Navy for several months after the War, as he had been detailed from Naval Intelligence to declassify material needed for the war crimes trials that followed the end in hostilities. John did eventually return to Harvard where he finished his degree and went on to get his Doctorate in International Affairs. For the rest of his life Dr. Kennedy was both a professor of History, and unbeknownst to most he was also an analyst for the National Intelligence Service or NIS, formed after the war. John was named NIS director by his brother in 1965 but retired due to health issues in 1970. Before his death in 1973 he completed his last book, the aforementioned Father to Son, Democrat to Republican, Power to Superpower, published in December 1980 in accordance with the author’s wish that two Presidential election cycles pass before its release.

There was no immediate widespread demobilization after the Pacific War. While the United States and Commonwealth were attempting by diplomacy and military action to deal with Japanese aggression, communists took the opportunity to launch insurgencies in Spain, France, Italy and Greece in the mid to late 1930s. The ICC called on member states in continental Europe to assist the legitimate governments. Various governments answered the call, but the bulk of troops were provided by the German Empire. After the insurgencies were defeated, the German troops stayed. The French and Dutch were especially vulnerable as they had sent troops to help liberate their colonies in the Pacific War. After the Japanese defeat their relations with the United States and soured when it appeared the Japanese were out, but the plan was for independence and not a return to be colonies.

This was further exacerbated by the Russians, who offered Vladivostok as the site for ICC sponsored peace talks with Japan. The Russians followed the German model. Although they did not participate in the fighting with Japan, after the war Russian troops supplanted Japanese troops in much of Asia. Like the Germans they stayed in place long after they were needed.

THE PACIFIC WAR IMMEDIATE AFTERMATH

The Roosevelt Administration tried to use the ICC to mandate the Germans and Russians end what amounted to occupations. Both powers had each sufficiently entrenched themselves that getting local authorities on the ground to “request” continued presence of foreign troops was easily accomplished by the two powers.

In the 1929 the German National People’s Party took full control of the government. They had previously crushed and outlawed all socialist and communist organizations in the Reich. After the Panic hit Europe in 1931, the Nationalists were anxious to divert blame from themselves. When the Kaiser tried to call elections in 1933, the Reichstag passed a bill abolishing the monarchy, and vesting all power in the Nationalist Party. The Kaiser fled to Britain, where he died in 1941.

They also blamed the Jews and removed citizenship from all non-Christians. The Reich did not conduct pogroms, but largely turned a blind eye to violence against Jews. This of course led to large scale efforts by Jews to emigrate. Those Jews who were better off financially fled the country, and anyone who could went to Britain or the United States. This included many of Germany’s best minds. The most famous was most certainly Albert Einstein who accepted a visiting professorship, arranged with the help of Massachusetts Governor Kennedy in 1936. Needless to say, Einstein never returned to Germany. Einstein was but one of many, but many more Jews could not afford to leave and lived an ever more pitiful existence until the Nationalists were finally turned out after the New Democracy Movement spread throughout Europe in 1953-54.

The German experience was extended to France, Italy, Spain and Greece once the German forces putting down the insurgencies became for all intents and purposes occupiers. By 1937 Italy, Spain and Greece had removed their own monarchs, and while they did not pass their own anti-Semitic statutes, they also denied entry to German Jews. The Dutch, Danes and Belgians were never occupied, but after being pressured to give up their colonies by the Commonwealth and America, they fell into Germany’s orbit. They were closely followed by Luxembourg, Albania, Hungary, the Balkans and even traditionally neutral Switzerland by 1938. Iceland declared itself completely independent in 1939, and this was immediately recognized by the United States and Britain.

American pressure to divest colonies was consistent since the formation of the ICC that any territory that is not to be fully incorporated should be guided to independence. To many Europeans this was a straw argument, as they saw no difference between French Algeria and the United States held Hawaii. The Commonwealth, on the other hand, moved to support freeing the European Powers colonies in Africa, and Asia to keep the resources from Germany and Russia who they perceived as growing threats.

After the Pacific War Russia emulated the Germans. They had already abolished the monarchy when Tsar Alexander II abdicated in 1929 and moved to the UK, but the Duma never really became a Democratic institution. There was no universal suffrage as only male landowners were allowed to vote, and no real parties had formed. They in essence went from strongman to strongman ever since ICC forces had defeated the communists in 1920. They took the opportunity of Japanese withdrawals in 1939 to put their own troops in Korea, Manchuria, and French Indochina. They essentially neutered Norway, Sweden, Finland, the Baltics (including Poland), Romania, and Bulgaria. These nations were reduced to being mere satellites.

Imagine the surprise throughout the Anglo-American Alliance when it was announced on January 1, 1940, that all of continental Europe was had formed its own alliance under German-Russian leadership. The alliance merged German industry and technology with the vast resources of Russia. The ICC was not dead, but it now appeared impotent. 1940 was an election year in the United States, and even though the Pacific War was won under Democratic leadership, the German-Russian alliance made Republicans the party to bet on, and all believed Brigadier General Charles Lindbergh was the man to lead the nation.

THE 1940 ELECTION

Lindbergh of course was the first man to fly solo across the Atlantic in April 1927, was Ambassador Germany from 1933-37, and requested activation of his commission when the Pacific War started. He shot down three Japanese planes before being grounded by Roosevelt out of fear that the country’s morale would not recover from his loss to the enemy. Lindbergh returned to the United States and received his second ticker tape parade down the Great White Way in New York City.

You all of course remember President Lindbergh? No? Well, there were some surprises in 1940. Most of the other candidates at the 1940 Republican Convention were running as favorite sons and hoping for the second place on the ticket. This included Joe, Sr. who, in late 1939, after securing Boston as the site of the convention went on a three month round the world tour that included London, Berlin, Moscow, Saigon, and Sydney. This was followed immediately by a two-month cross country train tour. That tour began in San Francisco where he visited his sons (John was on the staff of the team prosecuting Japanese war criminals at Alcatraz). Joe, Sr. then went to in all the major cities the Boston Business Exposition had visited - Denver, Milwaukee, Chicago, Pittsburg, Washington D.C., Philadelphia and New York, as well as many smaller venues. Wherever he went Joe, Sr. glad handed the local party leaders, and listened to their concerns. When he arrived back in Boston Kennedy believed himself well positioned for the VP nomination.

What no one expected was Lindbergh having to drop out when it was revealed that when he was America’s man in Berlin, “Good Time Charlie,” as he came to be called, had in essence taken a German family. Lindbergh’s wife had not accompanied him to Berlin and stayed behind to raise their two children. The New York Times revealed that Lindbergh routinely spent days away from the Embassy, and at some point, early in his tenure he started living regularly with a young woman in Potsdam, a Berlin suburb. They acted as man and wife, he purchased a home, and fathered two children with her. After his ambassadorship ended Lindbergh returned to Germany at least twice and was paying regular support. He only avoided bigamy charges because there was no proof, he actually went through a marriage ceremony. Needless to say, there is no way he would be trusted to stand up to Germany if needed.

There was almost immediate speculation that Joe, Sr. had arranged the leak. He had visited Berlin just a few months before the Times broke the story on the literal eve of the convention. Kennedy had indeed met with the Times bureau chief when he was in Berlin. The speculation only increased years later when it was revealed that John Kennedy was an intelligence analyst, but in 1976 the Times named the actual source as a relative of the German family who had a falling out with Lindbergh on one of his visits. The Times held the identity of the source until he had passed, but it appears the story was easily confirmed due to the openness of the relationship. It was later confirmed that the story was offered first to Berliner Tageblatt in 1939, but the German government suppressed the story – evidently hoping to have leverage on Lindbergh.

While he may not have been the source of Lindbergh’s dilemma, Kennedy was quick to capitalize on it. He never referred to Lindbergh as “Good Time Charlie,” but neither did he continue to refer to him by his military rank. Joe, Sr. merely said he encouraged “Mr. Lindbergh to be with his family,” left unsaid was whether this included the German family. The Republicans delayed the balloting, but in the end Lindbergh’s name was not even placed in nomination.

A total of seven candidates received votes on the first ballot, including the un-nominated Lindbergh who finished sixth. Kennedy was first throughout the balloting. Frank Merriam, Governor of California finished behind New York Governor Thomas Dewey on the third ballot. After everyone behind him had dropped out, Merriam threw his support to Kennedy who was nominated on the fourth ballot. Surprise - Kennedy chose Frank Merriam for the VP slot. The Democratic ticket was led by House Minority Leader John Nance Garner of Texas, with Senator James Farley of New York, as his running mate. Farley wasn’t merely Catholic – he was a Knight of Malta and had been the first US representative to the Holy See. He was picked to try again to stem the loss of Catholics from the Democrats, but if anything, it made Kennedy more palatable to non-Catholic voters as either way there would be a Catholic elected to National Office.

The contest was much closer than it would have been without the Lindbergh scandal. Republicans ran on Kennedy’s executive experience as a Governor and businessman, and the Democratic Administration ignoring domestic needs to win a war that the Russians were reaping the benefits from. Republicans were short on what they would do differently but were helped by the fact that Garner was a really horrible campaigner. The GOP prevailed in the Electoral College by 295 to 256. They won the popular vote by just under a million votes out of more than 53 million cast. Republicans also took both Houses of Congress, and with the gains they had made in state legislatures in the previous cycle they were well positioned for reapportionment in 1942, as well as 1944 when the Electoral College went from 551 to 555.

JOE, JR. AFTER THE PACIFIC WAR

Before going into the first Kennedy Administration let’s see what Joe, Jr. was doing. When young Kennedy was recuperating at Letterman Armed Forces Hospital there were a large number of Commonwealth personnel who were also patients. Just before his discharge an Entertainment Live Event Troupe (ELET), the Commonwealth version of the USO, put on a show for the patients before doing a tour of bases in the Pacific. It was a variety show under the direction of actor Charles Laughton and included a sister act with Peggy and Maureen FitzSimons. Maureen was just 18, but had impressed Laughton, who wanted to get her into pictures. Joe was immediately smitten, and Laughton arranged an introduction, but Maureen turned him down flat saying she had a beau in the war. Joe was discharged, and Maureen went on her tour, and that was that.

Now to be clear Joe, Jr. was a young, wealthy war hero who was purportedly engaged twice while at Harvard, but still “dated” several women, including a young lady his brother was getting serious with. He was known as a lothario both before and after meeting Miss FitzSimons. In fact, in managing his father’s west coast interests Joe took a special interest in RKO, the movie studio. Like his father Joe was involved with several starlets, but unlike his father some of his assignations became public knowledge at the time.

By early 1939 Charles Laughton was under contract to RKO, and he approached Joe, Jr. who immediately brought up “that Irish girl –Maureen Fitzgerald.” Kennedy had confused her last name with his mother’s maiden name. Laughton corrected him and said she could be in California in short order if Kennedy could arrange a screen test. Joe, Jr. asked about her boyfriend, who Laughton stated had been killed. Laughton later recounted that he had no idea what Maureen’s status was, but to get the test he opted to make her single. Fortunately for the boyfriend he was not dead, but neither was he still her boyfriend. Kennedy agreed to the screen test, but it was done in London, as he wasn’t going to authorize paying for passage from Ireland without knowing a contract would be offered.

Following her screen test Maureen was offered a contract and passage. She arrived in Hollywood in May 1939. In their first meeting Maureen thanked Kennedy, and explained her beau was not dead, but was no longer her beau. Joe, Jr. immediately asked her out, but she demurred, indicating she didn’t want people thinking she was only getting work due to her connection to him. She suggested he ask her again after the release of her first picture. She was cast as Esmerelda in The Hunch back of Notre Dame, with Charles Laughton in the title role. In a television interview in 1980, Maureen confessed her initial rejection was made in part to assure she would actually get cast, and she was shocked to get a call from Kennedy the day after the film’s release. The film was a hit, and Maureen and Joe, Jr. stared dating just before Christmas 1939.

Joe, Jr. and Maureen quickly became what we today call a power couple. While they initially both saw other people, after a few months Maureen told Joe that she would not see anyone else and wanted him to reciprocate. She indicates that Kennedy then responded that they might as well get married if that was the case. Maureen wanted to meet his parents, and likewise wanted him to meet her family. Joe, Jr. introduced Maureen to his father when he visited San Francisco on his round the world tour. John Kennedy was also present. Joe, Sr. was courteous and jovial, but John later wrote that when Maureen had left the room, he said in no uncertain terms that he hoped they weren’t considering marriage as an “uneducated actress” was not an appropriate wife for him. Joe, Jr. thanked his father for his opinion and then called his mother to see if he could bring Maureen to their home for Easter.

After the visit that Easter Rose Kennedy said in front of the entire family that she very much hoped that Joe, Jr. would quickly propose to Maureen, and asked if she might have any sisters who might like to meet her son Jack. Joe, Sr. forced a smile and said he totally agreed. Joe, Sr. never said another negative word about Maureen, and forever after publicly celebrated the happy couple. Shortly thereafter, Joe, Jr. formally proposed. Maureen accepted but still wanted to wait until Joe could meet her family and preferred to first obtain US citizenship. Maureen also explained that she had almost married her former beau, and wanted to make sure the relationship would last. She quite likely was also worried that Joe, Jr. had a “wandering eye,” and marriage would possibly stunt her movie career. They were engaged, but there was no announcement, and Maureen was sometimes linked for publicity purposes to various male stars.

Young Kennedy did not get to Ireland until July 1941 when he accompanied Maureen on a visit. The family loved the young Kennedy; of course, it’s hard to imagine how they could object to a rich, glib Irishman who happened to be the eldest son of the President of the United States. Not known until many years later was that they were civilly married in June 1942, but kept it secret until Maureen was actually a United States citizen. They actually announced their “engagement” on July 4, 1944, when Maureen was sworn in as a United States citizen, and Joe, Jr. and his father were running respectively for their second terms for Congress and Presidency.

When Congressman Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. married Maureen FitzSimons in a Catholic Service on New Year’s Eve 1944 his best man was his brother John, and the groomsmen were Butch O’Hare, fellow California Congressman Dick Nixon, and Michigan Congressman Gerry Ford. They were all Navy veterans of the Pacific War, and respectively became the head of the National Intelligence Service, Chief of Naval Operations, Secretary of State, and Speaker of the House. At my own wedding 37 years ago, I had my brother and two brothers-in-law, who went on to become a landscaper, a police sergeant and a mortician, so you see my affinity for the Kennedy story. They had kept the civil ceremony so secret, that the speculation was Joe, Jr. did it only to get the tax benefit.

Between 1938 and 1944 more than 80 veterans of the Pacific War were elected to Congress, most were under thirty years old. Joe was going to run in 1940, but he decided to sit it out rather than run at the same time his father was seeking the Presidency. His father wanted him to run for a Massachusetts seat, but in 1942 Joe, Jr. chose to run in California, to again make clear he wasn’t just Daddy’s boy. He ran as J. Kennedy and had a safe Republican seat in Orange County. On arriving in Congress, he made fast friends with two other veterans – Californian Dick Nixon, and Michigan Representative Gerry Ford. Both had been elected to the House in 1940. Joe, Jr.’s first term was unremarkable, but he was easily re-elected in 1944.

 

[colonel]

THE JPK PRESIDENCY

On taking office in 1941, Joe, Sr. hit the ground running. He sent signals early on that he had no intention on refighting battles by trying to dismantle social security or other programs initiated under FDR, but as he had done in Massachusetts JPK, as he was now known, would concentrate on infrastructure. He started with highways. Whereas TR had built roads using the justification of post roads from the Constitution, JPK turned them into a true interstate highway system, to include going down both coasts of Canada from Alaska and Greenland using the justification of National Defense. He also cajoled the Senate to finally approve the Treaty for the St. Lawrence Seaway Canal which would take more than a dozen years to complete. The Boulder Dam was also finally completed.

While there was not a general demobilization following the Pacific War, JPK did do a drawdown of standing forces by enhancing the Reserves and giving the State Militias a dual role as National Reservists or Guardsman as they are known today. This also had the effect of having the Militias and other Reserve Forces training to a single standard. The public works projects largely prevented a downturn in the economy by absorbing the increased labor force.

The previous Roosevelt Administration had been caught flat footed by the German-Russian alliance announced in 1940. Shortly after the alliance was announced FDR received a letter signed by more than a two dozen physicists indicating that in the case of Germany especially there was fear that it had atomic research ongoing likely aimed at creating a chain reaction with fissionable material to split an uranium atom that could be turned into a weapon of immense power. The signatories included Einstein, Enrico Fermi, and Edward Teller. All three were refugees, who emigrated due to growing Anti-Semitism in Europe (Einstein, and Teller were both Jewish, as was Fermi’s wife). Einstein was recognized as the world’s greatest physicist, and both Fermi and Teller would have major roles in the Cambridge Cooperative.

The newly formed NIS was tasked with gathering intelligence on the extent of German-Russian military cooperation in general, and atomic research in particular. JPK named “Wild Bill” Donovan as the Director of the NIS. They soon partnered with the better resourced MI6. It was hoped that the two European powers would revert to their prior competitive (even antagonistic) stances, but they were indeed cooperating. By the time JPK took office intelligence showed there was an atomic program in place. The Germans provided the bulk of scientific personnel, while the Russians provided the resources and a site in Siberia. They were also closely cooperating on making advances in rockets, aircraft, armored vehicles, and submarines. The subs were developed out of pens on the Baltic Sea, while the Germans controlled most of the aircraft and rocket research, and the Russians concentrated on tanks.

By 1943 the alliance’s first U-Boats, and Russian T-42 tank (known in Germany as the Panther), were generations ahead of their Commonwealth and American counterparts. Even so fear of an atomic weapon dropped from a bomber, or mounted on a rocket is what prompted JPK to approach the Commonwealth about cooperating on their own program. Clement Atlee actually met with JPK in April 1941. Remember this was pre-Imperial Federation, and Atlee’s Labour led only the UK at the time, and as a minority government at that. It was therefore decided that the bulk of the work would be done in the United States with theoretical research based at MIT in Cambridge, Massachusetts and Cambridge University in England. The project was thus code named as the Cambridge Cooperative to mask it as a mere academic exchange. The funding was almost exclusively American, but MI6 and MI5 in conjunction with the NIS, NBI, and the United States military provided intelligence and operational security. When Churchill returned as Prime Minister in 1945, he did complain that the Americans had poached virtually every physicist the UK had. He would soon complain even more about rocketry assets, but more on that shortly.

JPK was not overly fond of the British, but just as he, at least publicly, set aside his Anti-Semitism for the good of the country, he did the same for cooperation with both Atlee and Churchill. Their intelligence agencies worked together to undermine the German-Russian alliance, encourage defectors, and do outright sabotage to their various weapons programs. They also used surrogates in Asia and Africa to confront the Russians and Germans respectively.

The most successful of the operations were those that revealed to the Germans how the Russians were not fully sharing data, and vice versa. The operation with the most immediate effect was when an MI6 Russian asset working on the atomic program gave the Germans papers showing their ally had changed important reports being sent to Germany to show less progress than actually occurred. The Germans recalled their scientists for almost eight months in 1943-44. The papers were essentially true but had been altered to make the subterfuge seem worse than it really was. It had a double benefit in that when the Germans returned, they started on another area of research that proved a dead end.

In 1943 MI6 recruited Werner Von Braun, who was second in command of German rocket/missile research. He provided invaluable intelligence to include drawings, and test reports. Von Braun wanted rockets to lead to space exploration and saw the German-Russian alliance only developing them as weapons. Were it just Germany Von Braun would have likely not been susceptible to recruitment, but he later wrote he feared the Russians would eventually turn German developed rockets against them. In early 1944 Von Braun asked the British to get him and his family out of Germany. That June many of the rocket scientists and their families were attending a combined conference and holiday on the Spanish Island of Mallorca. On June 6, 1944, Von Braun, his brother and their families took a Mediterranean cruise north along the Spanish coast to the French Riviera. The cruise was actually arranged by MI6 and took the party south to Gibraltar. Imagine the surprise of MI6 and the NIS when they found three other scientists and their families on the craft.

The British gave the American NIS full access to the defectors. JPK’s younger son John was an analyst with NIS. This really wasn’t his wheelhouse, but John Kennedy was ordered to participate in the debriefings. The debriefings were conducted in Northern Scotland. The accommodations were Spartan, and the defectors and their families were uncomfortable. Von Braun was also chagrined that they were not being put to work. The MI6 agent in charge was a Kim Philby, who was not liked by the defectors, as he had expressed doubt on their veracity saying he couldn’t see how they could so easily turn on their country. While just getting over a long winter in February 1945, Von Braun and his cohorts were very receptive to John Kennedy’s “off the cuff” offer to relocate them all to the United States to immediately get to work on America’s rocket program.

On returning to No. 10 in 1945 Churchill was informed of the desire of the scientists to relocate. He was livid, but as the main priority at that time was completing the integration needed to finalize the Imperial federation, he chose not to hold the scientists or pick a fight with the Americans. In exchange the British were guaranteed full access the United States Rocket and Atomic Programs, to include permanently stationed personnel at all facilities involved in the programs. Kim Philby never forgave John Kennedy. When in 1965 John took over the NIS, Philby retired as the number two man in MI6. John Kennedy who allegedly seldom had a bad word to say about anyone –always referred to Philby as “that alcoholic.”

Relations with Germany and Russia became sufficiently tense that the press began referring to the time as an “Era of Phony Peace.” Commonwealth and American operations continued throughout both of JPK’s terms. By 1945 a clear pattern had emerged:

• The United States would take action to ensure stability and prosperity in the Americas and use its influence to foreclose trade or cooperation of Latin American and Caribbean Nations with the German-Russian Alliance. This included recognizing independence for territory still under technical European control and preventing the extracting resources from such territories (this included French, Danish and Dutch holdings).
• The Commonwealth would undertake similar action in Africa, Indian Ocean and the Pacific (where the French, Dutch, Portuguese, and Belgians still had holdings).
• On mainland Asia the United States would take the lead on confronting the Russians. This would be done by using local surrogates on the Korean Peninsula, Indochina, and Manchuria combined with a military alliance that would come to include The Philippines, Formosa, Indonesia and Thailand. That alliance of course still exists today and includes Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, China, Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan. The United States was not formally part of the alliance but had an agreement whereby they provided extensive logistical support, equipment and training in exchange for basing rights. The training included on the ground “advisors,” observers, and a deployment of the American Volunteer Force (AVF) consisting of a reinforced Infantry Brigade, three fighter-interceptor squadrons, and a bomber squadron.
• In Europe the Anglo-American Alliance used diplomatic pressures to split the Germans and Russians. Goods within the German-Russian block were boycotted, and trade was otherwise severely restricted. The Americans used their influence at the ICC to get other nations outside Europe to cooperate. Tariffs on goods coming out of the block were raised, and the Americans and the Commonwealth routinely undercut Block prices for their goods to third party nations.

In his first term JPK sought to improve relations with Latin America by free trade and cooperation on infrastructure improvements. Congress was not inclined to provide funding for these partnerships, but JPK was able to get financing through the newly authorized ICC World Bank. In 1944 the ICC-WB was chartered to provide financing for international projects with funding provide by member states central banks and private entities. There was some dispute as to whether the USCB could participate in such transactions with the ICC-WB. While the matter was still in the courts, in 1945 Congress did approve a proposal, in a bill co-sponsored by Joe, Jr. to allow the USCB to provide $2 in financing for every $1 invested by private US investors, and an additional dollar for dollar match in financing put up by American entities actually doing the work being financed.

The largest projects were Pan-American Highway along the western coasts of the Americas from Prudhoe Bay, Alaska to Quelion, Chile was constructed between 1945 and 1963, the Nicaraguan Canal opened in 1967 (which is now used for all Pacific to Atlantic traffic, while the expanded Panama Canal handles Atlantic to Pacific transit), and the Eastern Highway of the Americas extending from St. John’s Newfoundland to Ushuaia, Argentina with a connection to Quelion was begun in 1966 and completed in 1979. The highways of course intersect in Panama. There were numerous smaller projects including dams, roads, bridges, and as time progressed radio, television, and computer infrastructure. In the Caribbean money was given to improve ports increasing trade and tourism. The largest project completed in Joe, Jr.’s second term is the International Spaceport in what was formerly French Guiana.

More on the ICC-WB later in discussions of JPK’s post-Presidency but suffice it to say the projects did much to wed the interests of Latin America to the United States. The cooperation fostered by the ICC-WB backed programs encouraged regional cooperation, and in point of fact was credited by politicians in both Bolivia and Paraguay as leading to a final settlement of the Chaco War where the belligerents had engaged in several battles over the region in 1934, only to settle into an armed ceasefire with occasional incursions by one side or the other over the following decade. When in 1945 the ICC-WB offered to loan money to develop the oil and other mineral resources the parties agreed within two months to share the resources and draw a border that still exists.

A similar tack was attempted in Africa with somewhat less success. There were several reasons for this. JPK took the lead with Latin America as he saw it as implementing the Monroe Doctrine, with a carrot added to TR’s big stick. The Commonwealth took on the major role in Africa but was working under some handicaps. First, unlike the Americas, much of Africa was still under (or only recently past) colonial rule, with some of the other European powers trying to hold or claw back their holdings. Second there were still numerous tribal, religious and ethnic differences throughout Africa, to include Commonwealth holdings. Finally, the Commonwealth had its own issues on the continent with apartheid in South Africa, and Rhodesia coupled with entering the final phases of creating the Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth.

In 1944 both Rhodesia and South Africa declared independence and dissociated themselves from the Commonwealth. They became rogue nations, they ignored all Commonwealth, Federation and ICC resolutions, and sanctions. Despite successes elsewhere in isolating Germany and Russia there was extensive trade forming an “Axis of Evil” between southern Africa and “Shackled Europe,” to quote Churchill. Even so, the aforementioned issues the rest of Africa slowly got past colonialism. Under ICC auspices borders were drawn with local input that took tribal, and ethnic divisions into consideration.

Following America’s “Philippine Model,” the Commonwealth and United States tried to show good faith by freeing those areas that would never be a part of the Imperial federation or as an American State, while maintaining significant ties. In 1945 the Indian sub-Continent was partitioned into the four nations we know today. The United States freed the Philippines in 1946, with the Virgin Islands in 1947, and its Pacific holdings in 1948, and all such areas became “Nations in Free Association with The United States.” In 1949, shortly before the Federation came into full force, the Commonwealth created the nations of Jordan, Palestine and the Jewish state of Israel. As with the Indian sub-continent they remained Commonwealth members, but had borders controlled by troops from other Commonwealth members until 1969. The Israel-Palestine division was especially difficult due to the large numbers of displaced European Jews entering Israel. Allowing other powers former colonial holdings to apply to the Commonwealth or to become Nations in Association with the United States (or both) also served to isolate Shackled Europe. Iceland being the most prominent example.

In Asia there was more direct confrontation of the Russians. Alexander Kerensky had been the Leader of the Duma since the ICC forces had put down the Red rebellion in 1919. Originally it appeared he would guide Russia to a Constitutional Monarchy, but by 1929 the Tsar had been deposed and elections were repeatedly suspended often without explanation. Quite frankly, Kerensky and those around him saw what Germany was doing in Europe and decided to try to get in on the act.

The native armed forces in Asia were not shy about confronting the Russian forces and had the advantage of Russia wanting to avoid direct conflict with the United States or Commonwealth. In 1944 JPK signed the Military Assistance Act (MAA) authorizing the United States to provide virtually anything short of combat troops (and even then advisors were permitted) to “nations or territories under attack or threat from European Powers certified to be enemies of peace.” The Act also allowed Americans to volunteer for service in the armed forces of said nations or territories under attack or threat.

Based on the MAA, in 1945, the American Volunteer Force (AVF) consisting of a reinforced Infantry Brigade, three fighter-interceptor squadrons, and a bomber squadron was formed in the United States, and by 1946 was fully engaged in the Chinese Civil War. Russia called the AVF mercenaries and bandits, but within the year the Russians had formed their own analog (although almost half the manpower came from convicts). So right wing Russia was providing support to the Communists under Mao Tse Tung to undermine Chinese independence. The Russians also provided the Chinese Communists with chemical weapons, which were deployed at least a dozen times in the late 1940s. Russian support for the communists was obvious, but even the fig leaf of neutrality was obliterated by the evidence adduced at Mao’s trial in 1951.

The Anglo-American alliance was finally able to permanently split the Germans and Russians on the day following formation of the Imperial Federation on November 25, 1949. The almost worldwide boycott of Shackled Europe was taking a toll. The Germans were led to believe that were they to abandon Russia more normal relations would at least be open to discussion. Russian aggression in Asia was much more open than German domination in Europe. Germany announced that effective January 1, 1949, there would be a European Community for all of continental Europe save Turkey, and Russia. The irony that no other European nation meant to be a part of this Community issued a statement was lost on the Germans. The Russian response was to abrogate their alliance. The Germans had already left the joint atomic development program but continued basic research (looking to South Africa for Uranium). In the short term the response of the Americans and Federation deeply disappointed the Germans.

Even though German assistance was gone the Russians redoubled their efforts to create an atomic weapon. By early 1948 they actually had a design that would work but had been unable to overcome problems in enriching uranium and were never able to produce Hesperium (also known as Plutonium). There was also at least one lab accident leading to a release of radiation that killed three of the top Russian scientists in mid-1948. What finally put an end to the program was the display JPK and Churchill jointly authorized on January 10, 1949. The United States exploded a hesperium bomb over Bikini Atoll in the Pacific with representatives from Germany, and Russia invited to observe from a safe distance. They also released a film of the test uranium device exploded the prior month. The films of both tests remain are breathtaking even today. In the statement issued following the demonstration the United States indicated the Anglo-American Alliance had stockpiled several weapons that could be delivered by land or sea-based aircraft or missiles, and that within the year they anticipated having an even more powerful weapon known as a fusion bomb. The communique went on to describe in detail the effects of the weapons, to include expected radiological effects on human beings and the general environment. The United States or the Imperial Federation pledged the weapons were only created as a deterrent to Aggressive Powers seeking to dominate weaker nations and territories. They stated that would not use the weapons, and it demanded other non-democratic nations, specifying Germany and Russia, immediately discontinue their research and dismantle any facilities dedicated to creating atomic weapons. More on the results when we get to the JFK post-Presidency.

Most of the discussion of dealing with the German-Russian alliance necessarily extended over both of JPK’s terms. So, was there much of a contest when he ran for reelection in 1944? Well not exactly. The country was concerned that JPK was too involved in foreign affairs and would bring the nation into a European War. Kennedy was able to argue that just as TR’s was proactive in foreign affairs and kept us out of the Great War, he would proactively prevent another European war. The President was once again blessed by poor opponents. The Democrats nominated Governor J. Melville Broughton of North Carolina and Senator Joseph O’Mahoney of Wyoming; O’Mahoney was actually the mirror image of JPK – a Republican turned Democrat. One of the major missed opportunities in JPK’s first term was his total neglect of civil rights. Had the Democrats nominated a more progressive candidate they might have made inroads on the black vote. As it was the Republicans prevailed by 285 to 270. They won the popular vote by under half a million votes out of more than 54 million cast. Republicans also barely held both Houses of Congress. A good result, but in all cases, it was closer than 1940. Joe, Jr. easily won reelection even though he had no particularly great accomplishments to cite.

In his second term JPK doubled down on foreign policy, letting Congress take the lead on domestic issues. This may have been the correct course, but there is no doubt it hurt the Republicans. JPK did try to enforce anti-lynching laws more forcefully, but he still failed to introduce comprehensive voting or civil rights legislation. Northern Democrats were actually willing to join with Republicans to overcome a filibuster by Southern Democrats on such legislation, but Kennedy failed to provide leadership.

One positive effect on civil rights came from JPK’s second term; in 1945 as his third Supreme Court appointment, he named Harold Burton as Chief Justice. Less than a decade later Burton wrote the opinion of a unanimous Court in Parks v. Alabama overruling the Plessy vs. Ferguson separate but equal doctrine. The case of course followed in 1956 by Meredith v. Conner et al wherein the 1954 Civil Rights Act was upheld as applying not only to State actions, but to “public accommodations” operated by private parties.

In the 1946 midterms the Republicans lost the Senate, and barely held the House. Joe, Jr. was reelected, but by a greatly reduced margin from 1942 and 1944. Even with those losses Joe, Sr. actually contemplated running for a third term. The Democrats had revolted when FDR eight years earlier had publicly mused about a third term, the Republicans had a similar reaction to JPK – saying he was no TR. Even though JPK subsequently renounced any intention to run again the result was the 20th Amendment which limited Presidents to two terms (although as with TR that would not limit someone who completed the term of another President from being elected twice in their own right). The Amendment also moved the convening dates of Congress and Inauguration of the President from March to January. The Amendment was not ratified until May 1950, so JPK’s term was not altered.

In foreign affairs at the end of JPK’s second term the United States was firmly allied with the Imperial Federation. Latin America and the Caribbean nations were prospering, generally democratic, and on the road to forming what would later be known as the Common Market of the Americas. In Africa the Federation was having less success, with tribal resentments still coming to the surface, but progress was being made with the notable exceptions of South Africa and Rhodesia as well as the nascent Islamic Confederation formed by Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait being formed from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. The Anglo-American Alliance had managed to cause a real split between the Germans and Russians, but they each represented an individual threat to peace. Asia was looking more and more like the place where the Alliance and the Russians would actually get into a shooting war.

CONGRESSMAN KENNEDY

On November 22, 1945, the President announced the birth of his first grandchild, Marguerite Rose Kennedy, named for her grandmothers, and on August 20, 1947, our guest today – Joseph P. Kennedy III was born. Joe, Jr. and Maureen were totally devoted to their children. Maureen gave up acting to raise the children. Joe, Jr. remained in Congress, but was not a particular standout while his father was President. After the birth of his daughter Congressman Kennedy dropped the junior and began referring to himself as simply J.P. to try to move out of his father's shadow; he would later write this was a conscious decision as he did not want to seem to be just an extension of his father. Not surprising is the fact that he kept any disagreements private, saying later there was no value in publicizing where they differed. In reality Joe, Jr. thought the failure to move on Civil Rights was the elder Kennedy’s biggest failure.

J.P. took on somewhat of a leadership role in military and veterans affairs where he and Wisconsin Democrat Joe McCarthy sponsored Military Education Act of 1946. It gave Federal allowances for college, or vocational school for any honorably discharged member of the armed forces. It also set up a system of low interest loans with minimal collateral for any sole proprietorship operated by an honorably discharged service member. The Act has of course been greatly expanded over the years, but it increased recruiting to the extent that there no need for a military draft, and in fact enlistees were usually placed on a waiting list to begin training. Joe, Jr. also co-sponsored legislation reorganizing the active and reserve forces. The partnership of the two Joe's across party lines continued even after J.P. went into the Senate. McCarthy lost his own attempt to enter the Senate after it was revealed he had lied about his war record in the Marines, and subsequently left the House in disgrace. In 1955, when McCarthy died in a one car accident evidently caused by a severe alcohol problem, J.P. was the only member of Congress to attend the funeral.

In 1951 five year old Marguerite Rose Kennedy died of complications from polio. The entire family was devastated by the sudden loss. Marguerite’s uncle John Kennedy later related Rose Kennedy was inconsolable. Unable to have more children after her 1918 bout of Kansas Flu, Rose Kennedy had considered Marguerite to be the daughter she never had. In 1968 John wrote “After Marguerite Rose died my mother essentially ceased to interact with anyone; she took some solace in the Church and the idea of being reunited with her granddaughter in the next life, but she herself died of a broken heart in just over a year.” Joe, Jr. threw himself into his work, and for the rest of his life pulled all stops in insuring funding for vaccines and anything relating to children’s health. The irony of course is that at the time Marguerite contracted polio a vaccine was already in testing, and was approved the following year. The Marguerite Rose Foundation still exists as one of the largest child health charities today.

THE 1948 ELECTION AND JPK AT THE ICC

All predictions were that the Republicans would be swept nationwide in 1948. Just as TR had campaigned tirelessly for Hughes in 1916, so did JPK barnstorm for Dewey-Taft ticket in 1948. Barnstorm is right, as he had in every election cycle since 1940- JPK would often land in a small plane saying he was flown by his naval aviator son "hero of the Pacific War." J.P. later admitted "being blind in one eye meant I would never trust myself to safely fly a kite, never mind my dad, but I would sometimes sit in the copilot seat to give some credence to the story." The Democrats had nominated Kentucky Governor Alben Barkley, and Missouri Senator Harry Truman. The Democrats finally added a strong Civil Rights plank to their platform, and it was thought they could perhaps break the Republican lock on the Black vote. Polls at the time showed Democrats so far ahead that their National Candidates essentially stopped campaigning after Labor Day to avoid making mistakes. On election night all were shocked when the Republicans prevailed with 287 electoral votes to the Democrats 251 votes (17 electors from three Southern States actually cast votes for South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond, who was not even on the ballot). The Republicans held the House, and the Senate was tied at 48 to 48. J.P. was easily reelected to his seat. Analysis showed a failure of Democrats to make significant inroads in the black vote, as despite the civil rights plank, they still nominated a ticket with candidates from states seen as hostile to blacks. On the other side that same plank likely cost the Democrats Virginia and West Virginia due to many being opposed to expanded civil rights and sitting out the election.

In March 1949 one of Tom Dewey’s first acts was to name JPK as the United States envoy to the ICC. He was the first President since TR to be named as envoy, and as with TR he was named Speaker by the ICC assembly. It should be noted that were it in doubt that JPK would be named First Secretary, he would not have accepted the appointment. Even though the title was First Secretary of the ICC, since TR, the presiding officer has always been referred to as Mr. or Madame President. JPK used his position to further isolate Russia, Germany and their vassal states. He actually named himself as the head of the board of Governors of the ICC-WB. This role proved more influential than the ICC Speakership. JPK got the board of Governors to start linking ICC-WB loans to the nations seeking funding making electoral reforms. Even more effective was the program reducing outstanding loans to nations that moved toward democracy. This was especially effective in sub-Saharan Africa. JPK was replaced as envoy to the ICC at the end of 1958, but stayed on as head of the ICC-WB until he retired in June 1960. By the time JPK left the bank his policies on lending had been codified.

This is a good point to break for questions. Please remember if you are getting this on a delayed feed from outside the eastern seaboard, I will answer questions by general email within a day or two.

QUESTIONS

I.T. Duke University: Hello Professor. It's nice to see you again since the Roosevelt and Churchill lectures. I'd like to have a review on the political positions both the Republican and the Democrats had around this time, as well as any other parties of note.

J.O., Harvard: Well since TR the Democrats have been supportive of big business, but they would say "American Business." They support high tariffs, and with their expansion of social welfare programs they have supported "expanding the tax base." In reality that has meant having much lower wage earners paying an income tax. The Republicans liked to say they are the party of "Small Business," and the American Farmer. They opposed FDR's social programs and the taxes to pay for them, but JPK did nothing to reverse the programs and only moderately reduced taxes. As a result of increased borrowing from the 1930s onward under both Republicans and Democrats the deficit had ballooned so much that many sought a balanced budget Amendment and the States finally called the Second Constitutional Convention in 1993, but that of course is beyond the parameters for this lecture. Up until the mid-1960s the Democrats were split for years between the Southern and Northern branches on Civil Rights (the Southern Branch said the Northerners were forgetting about State's Rights). The Republicans were openly for Civil Rights, but as we previously discussed JPK's inaction was a disappointment in this regard (more on this in the next segment). Both parties had isolationist wings, but as each of these wings are diametrically opposed to everything else their counterparts would stand for there was never a serious attempt at a third party on that basis. The Socialist had a mini revival during the Panic in the 1930s, but that was short lived, and they never elected anyone to statewide office or garnered any electoral votes. The only 3rd party candidate to receive Electoral voted was the States Rights Party under Alabama Governor George Wallace in 1964. More on that later.

T.H., Fordham; I'd like to inquire about the fate of the East Asian sphere after the Pacific War, especially the fates of Japan, China, and Indochina. J.O., Harvard: As to your question on the let me just play back my earlier remarks talking about:
using local surrogates on the Korean Peninsula, Indochina, and Manchuria combined with a military alliance that would come to include The Philippines, Formosa, Indonesia and Thailand. That alliance of course still exists today and includes Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, China, Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan. The United States was not formally part of the alliance but had an agreement whereby they provided extensive logistical support, equipment and training in exchange for basing rights.

Again, more on that later, back to our lecture:

JOE JR. TO THE SENATE

After the 1948 election JPK asked Dewey to head the United States delegation to the investiture of the first Imperial Parliament on November 25th, Thanksgiving Day in the United States. JPK didn’t go himself, as he had a sometimes strained relationship with Winston Churchill. He named Joe, Jr. to the delegation, and he and Maureen stopped in Ireland so her family could meet their children. Joe, Jr. had met Churchill twice before, and the PM sought him out on this occasion. The young Congressman got along well with the elder statesman, and Dewey was a little miffed at not being the center of attention in the US delegation. Joe, Jr. also met the German representative who was allowed to attend despite the frosty relations between the Federation and Germany. The German representative was Vice- Chancellor Albert Speer and little did anyone know that within two years he would succeed Chancellor Kuno VonWestarp.

In 1950 J.P. was eyeing running for the open California Senate seat. His good friend, Dick Nixon, was also thinking of running for the seat. Unexpectedly, Earl Warren the incumbent Republican Governor announced he was not running for reelection. Kennedy and Nixon between them decided that Nixon would run for Governor and J.P. would make the Senate run. As you would know if you have read Trip’s book it turns out that JPK had approached Dewey who was already displeased with Vice-President Taft, who was from the isolationist wing of the party. Dewey then promised Warren a cabinet position after he left the Governorship, and the number two spot on the 1952 ticket.

J.P. and Nixon both received substantial campaign support from JPK, and both easily won their respective races. Nixon had a somewhat larger margin of victory, but J.P. was facing James Roosevelt, eldest son of FDR, so you had two sons of Presidents running against each other. When asked about Nixon’s wider margin, J.P. famously remarked that “dad would pay for a win but wouldn’t pay for a landslide.” Maureen Kennedy remarked that she was happy that with his father out of the White House “Joe was finally able to show his sense of humor.” Of course, it was only a few months before they lost Marguerite Rose. In his memoir J.P. later said he didn’t regret running for higher office in 1950, but always wondered if Marguerite would have avoided polio if they had stayed in California instead of Washington, D.C.

In the Senate J.P. started to assume a more high profile role. He had ended his House career as Chairman of the sub-Committee on Military Reorganization, but the Republicans had lost Senate seats in 1950 so J.P. was a freshman in the minority party. J.P. led a group of first termers from both houses of both parties in drafting a Civil Rights bill that included outlawing literacy tests and poll taxes for voting in Federal elections. In the 1952 session Representative Humphrey from Minnesota actually got the Humphrey-Kennedy bill through the House with a big boost from then Minority leader Gerry Ford. Kennedy agreed to significantly water down the Senate version in hopes of getting the bill fixed in conference, but after the bill got out of committee it was denied a vote on the floor when a group of Southern Democrats led by Arkansas’ William J. Fulbright filibustered.

In 1952 Dewey kept his word and dumped Taft in favor of Warren, who he had made Attorney General in 1951. It did little good. Unemployment was at a ten year high, and the nation was getting tired of United States involvement in what seemed to be never ending conflicts in Asia. The Republicans suffered losses in both Houses and lost the Presidency by three million votes with a 303 to 256 result in the Electoral College. Adlai Stevenson and Lyndon Johnson took office in January 1953 with the closest thing the Democrats had to a mandate in 20 years.

J.P. decided to immediately reintroduce his Civil Rights bill. Even though the Republicans had lost seats they had been replaced by Democrats that also supported Civil Rights. The only new Democrat that opposed the bill was Tennessee’s Al Gore, Sr., but he merely replaced another opponent. More important was Texas as John Connolly was appointed to replace Vice-President Johnson and Ralph Yarborough won the open seat. Both were Democrats, but Lyndon Johnson committed to Civil Rights when Stevenson put him on the ticket, and he would look foolish and two faced if what everyone knew to be his handpicked successor filibustered the bill. Yarborough simply said he supported the bill and wouldn’t filibuster. The other Southern Democrats tried to filibuster both before and after conference but were broken each time with a Vice-President from the South presiding. J.P. later said Johnson told him that with the GOP loss Kennedy had been able “to turn chicken shit into chicken salad.” Humphrey-Kennedy not only passed with all of the voting provisions intact, but an attempt to amend the Bill to remove reasonable accommodations mandates on nongovernment entities failed when Johnson cast the tie breaking vote rejecting removal. Humphrey-Kennedy was signed into law as the Civil Rights Act of 1954.

J.P. spent the rest of his first term in the Senate concentrating of military readiness and reform and foreign affairs. In 1952 in memory of his daughter, the Kennedy family chartered the Marguerite Rose Foundation, with Maureen Kennedy as the first chair, shortly thereafter Rose Kennedy passed away. Before her death, Pope Pius XII had named Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy a Papal Countess. She was buried in Massachusetts, and in addition to her family and representatives from the dozen charities she supported her funeral was attended by President Dewey, two Cardinals, eight bishops, four foreign ambassadors, six sitting or former Governors, 127 sitting or former members of the House and Senate, and none other than Prime Minister Winston Churchill of the Imperial Federation.

THE ICC GERMAN NEGOTIATIONS AND AGREEMENT

Churchill was a regular visitor to the United States up until his retirement in 1953, and even later as an informal envoy. He did this to consult with President Dewey and JPK who was at the ICC. They were still concerned with containing Germany and Russia. In fact, John Kennedy later wrote his father remarked he saw Churchill more in the four years following his Presidency then he had during his entire eight year term. During many of the consultations with both Dewey and JPK, J.P. was often present. Churchill wrote in his own memoir he found “the young Senator gave sound advice on what could or could not get through the American Congress; as well as to how to best ‘package’ potentially controversial proposals.”

When in September 1951 German Chancellor Kuno von Westarp died, the world waited to see if there would be a peaceful succession. Von Westarp was 88 when he passed, and Germany had essentially been run in secret run by a committee of leaders of the National People’s Party for almost a decade. Technically they were all elected members of the Reichstag, but since deposing the Kaiser and outlawing other parties there had been no real democracy in Germany in almost 20 years. Shortly after the death of von Westarp several senior members of the party announced their retirements for various reasons. On October 31st, yes Halloween, it was announced that Albert Speer would become Chancellor. Even though he had been Vice-Chancellor for three years, Speer was a surprise choice as he was only 46, and more than 15 years younger than anyone else thought to be in contention. Still, he moved quickly to consolidate power. Both MI6 and the NIS initially thought he was likely seen as a caretaker, until the real power struggle was over. Imagine their surprise when on December 7, 1951, at 1500 GMT the German Ambassadors to the United States and Imperial Federation, simultaneously requested of the American Secretary of State and Imperial Federation Foreign Minister, “that talks be initiated under the auspices of the ICC, to allow Germany and her partners in Europe to rejoin the Community of Nations.” The communique went on to say Germany sought no preconditions except that such talks remain secret until they had come to a favorable conclusion. Well, JPK was going to remain a very busy man.

Dewey and Churchill were both caught off guard by Speer’s offer. They took over a month to respond. They accepted the proposal, and agreed to talks between the United States, Imperial Federation and Germany under the auspices of the ICC. The talks would be held at the Catoctin Mountain Presidential Retreat, today known as Camp Marguerite, in Maryland, as it was protected by US Marines, and would allow for the negotiations to be held in secret. The acceptance came with a single precondition – Germany had to announce that before the end of 1952 it was withdrawing all military forces from other European nations. On January 27th Speer made an address carried live on radio, and in the small number of television sets then operating throughout Europe. He indicated that with the formation of the European Community there was no longer a need for Reich forces to provide protection to their neighbors, and that Germany was therefore withdrawing all forces back to the Reich. Speer exempted normal military, naval and air attaches, but promised all German bases would be turned over to the host nations, and all personnel including advisors left to assist in the transition would return to Germany by Christmas 1952. Speer promised Germany would of course be available to render aid to any member of the Community requiring military assistance in the future.

The talks began on February 14th, which besides being Valentine’s Day was the first day of the Winter Olympics in Quebec City which served as a good cover for a large number of Germans traveling to North America. JPK sat for the first session but left the actual negotiations to personnel on loan from the United States and Imperial Federation governments. One junior member of the ICC team was an academic Harvard PhD named Henry Kissinger. Kissinger was put on the team in part because he was a Jewish refugee who had emigrated from Germany at age 13 in 1936. It was to remind Germany that they could not merely forget the last decades.

That is essentially what the Germans were hoping for. They wanted the ICC to lift sanctions, allow Germany and their vassal states to resume voting status, and resume full normal diplomatic relations with other ICC states, in exchange for providing full support for any actions contemplated against Russia. The ICC position was that Germany and the other states had to move toward real democratic reforms, grant full citizenship to and a right to unhindered return to any Jews, Gypsies and others who had been persecuted. These same groups would also be allowed to seek compensation for damages reasonably attributed to the action or inaction of the German government. These actions could be brought in courts in any nation where displaced persons had settled. Finally, the ICC representatives demanded the Germans, reduce their armed forces and fully share with the Anglo-American Alliance information on any military weapons and equipment already fielded or in development, to include a complete history and the current status of any atomic research.

Negotiations stalled almost immediately, as the Germans seemed surprised by the ICC demands, and requested a recess to seek instructions from Berlin. Immediately after the German request for negotiation MI6 and the NIS had gone back over old intelligence to try to find some clue as to why Speer had made the overture. They came to the conclusion that ICC sanctions combined with trying to maintain a first-class military had essentially gutted the German economy. Speer himself had been named Vice Chancellor and then Chancellor because he was considered the wunderkind who had at first been in charge of German infrastructure, and then expanded his portfolio to include munitions and military equipment and managed to succeed. The problem was the successes of Germany in general, and Speer in particular were illusory. His confiscation of property from emigrating Jews could only be done once, and what was taken from “partners” in Europe could barely cover the costs of billeting troops. When something went wrong and could not be covered up Speer had always been sure to have another bureaucrat available to take the blame – several of whom were imprisoned for corruption and at least one who was executed. So the US and Federation knew they had leverage sufficient to make the previously outlined demands.

When negotiations resumed the Germans did not reject any demand out of hand. The talks continued for a little over four months. In the end Germany conceded on almost all counts. On July 4, 1952, an announcement was made in London by JPK, in that an agreement had been made between the Inter-Continental Congress and the German Nation. Present on the dais for the announcement were Chancellor Speer, President Dewey, ICC First Secretary Kennedy, and Prime Minister Churchill. The terms announced were:

• Germany and the other members of the European Community will immediately have their full ICC voting privileges restored. All nations of the European Community hereby give up any claims to territory or colonial possessions outside of continental Europe.
• All nations in the European Community will move to reform their democratic institutions such that no later than 1960, they will be parliamentary democracies, republics, or constitutional monarchies wherein political power will rest with representatives and/or executives elected by universal suffrage with no person being disqualified by reason of race, gender, or creed.
• Sanctions currently in place shall be reduced on the schedule provided in the addendum to this agreement contingent on progress made to the provision regarding the other provisions in this agreement.
• Individuals previously denied or stripped of citizenship based on their creed, ethnicity or espoused political speech, shall have their citizenship promptly granted or restored on application. Further any individuals or groups having suffered due to the inhumane policies of the German Government since January 1, 1930, and ending July 1, 1952, may make a claim, and if the German shall not promptly pay such claim in full such individuals or groups may submit the matter to arbitration by the ICC under rules contained in the addendum to this agreement. No claim can be submitted after December 31, 1954. No costs shall accrue to claimants seeking arbitration under this provision.

The Germans got a single body to arbitrate claims with firm dates on filing, as opposed to being subject to various courts around the globe. The giving up claims on colonial possessions actually applied to Belgium, France, The Netherlands, Denmark, and Portugal, but it really just recognized facts on the ground. The ICC had wanted to make the democracy provision take force by 1955, but the Germans got 1960 – as we’ll see shortly that quickly became a moot point. Elections were also to be monitored by the ICC. Sanctions were reduced in stages to ensure German compliance. There were also secret provisions to the agreement wherein the Germans agreed to provide any military information sought by the United States or Imperial Federation, but there was no mandate to reduce their armed forces. The ICC also agreed that no German official could be held personally liable for any payments, and only Germany could try German officials for any crimes.

NEW EUROPE

The announcement of what amounted to German capitulation was welcomed around the globe, but most especially in continental Europe. Initially there were only cautious moves made by the Europeans. This appears to have been because they wanted to make sure the Germans would actually keep their word, and more importantly because the leaders in place were almost all German lackeys. The ICC named teams for each nation to oversee the democratic reforms called for in the agreement; and in Germany and many other cases the teams included at least one refugee who had fled Europe due to oppression. On September 1, 1952, the Swiss announced that each of its Cantons would schedule elections before the end of the year, with National elections to occur by February 1953. Following the German withdrawal of their last troops from France in early November, the other nations quickly announced dates for local and National elections. Germany actually announced its own dates on January 1, 1953, surprisingly before both Luxembourg, and Poland later that same month.

Elections occurred in every nation within the European Community during 1953. In some three cases (Italy, Spain, and Greece), the results were not certified as fair by the ICC due to fraud by the incumbents and were run a second time. Generally, the incumbents were thrown out of office. Some like Mussolini in Italy and Franco in Spain were tried for election fraud and barred from holding office in the future. By mid-1954 the New Democracy Movement, as it came to be known, had even seen free elections in Germany. Communists were allowed to run, and although they failed to win a majority or even a plurality of seats in any nation, they were parts of minority coalitions in Greece, Germany and Albania.

Albert Speer and his party were routed in the elections. Speer was shocked in 1956 when he was arrested for public corruption. He and the other fifteen party officials who had secured immunity from foreign prosecutions were found guilty by the German Courts after the new government had repealed various immunity statutes passed before the elections in 1954. Speer himself was sentenced to eight years but released after just three “given his service to the Fatherland in bringing Germany back into the Community of Nations.” This was done at the same time the Kaiser’s grandson returned as Wilhelm III. Europe choose to keep the European Community; Germany was just another member with no special privileges. Russia and Turkey were still excluded, but Iceland which by then was recognized as a member of the Greater Commonwealth and a Nation in Free Association with the United States actually joined the Community in 1958. The post 1980 expansion and transformation of the community are for another lecture.

Europe choose to keep the European Community, but Germany was just another member with no special privileges. Russia and Turkey were still excluded, but Iceland which by then was recognized as a member of the Greater Commonwealth and a Nation in Free Association with the United States actually joined the Community in 1958. The post 1980 expansion and transformation of the community are for another lecture.

In 1954 Pope Pius XII convened the 3rd Council of Lyons. It was thought His Holiness choose the venue in part as a message because the 1st Council of Lyons had largely excluded Germans. The reforms initiated by that Council are of course far beyond the parameters of this lecture. I would refer those with questions to my colleague Fr. Callahan at Fordham, who I know is streaming this lecture. Will someone at Fordham please nudge Pat and tell him I mentioned his name.

In 1955 the Nobel Prizes were awarded to scientists outside of continental Europe for the first time in a generation, and JPK accepted the Peace Prize awarded to the ICC. Germany and the other nations in Europe all substantially cut back on their military spending. The Anglo-American Alliance gleaned the information attained from Germany and determined that thanks to Von Braun and his team they were actually ahead in rocket research. They were able to make significant strides in armor and submarine technology thanks to the Germans. What concerned them was the information that the cooperation with South Africa was much greater than previously thought, and that nation was now exchanging information with Russia.

Thanks in large part to Von Braun by 1955 the Alliance had missiles were actually capable of delivering fusion or fission bombs across the globe that could be launched from land or submarines at sea. They demonstrated this capability by launching the world’s first satellite from Mitchell airbase at Cabo San Lucas on October 4, 1955. Unfortunately, this was not a deterrent to Russia.

SENATOR KENNEDY’S SECOND TERM

Even before his second term J.P. was trying to expand his portfolio. With his Civil Rights initiative J.P. certainly made a mark on a vital domestic issue. He was still deeply committed to a strong military, and after the German revelations about the state of their military came to his attention, he doubled down on the assumption that the Russians were either on par with the United States, or close behind. J.P. was almost alone in this assessment. He had gotten himself a seat on the Aeronautics and Space sub-Committee and was one of the dignitaries invited to view NACA’s launch of Vanguard the world’s first artificial satellite from the flight deck of his old ship U.S.S. Enterprise which was being retired later that month in 1955.

J.P. was no longer alone in thinking Russia was matching Anglo-American Technology when on January 5, 1956, they detonated a fusion bomb, and launched their own satellite called Sputnik. Russian archives tell us Sputnik was actually ready for launch before Vanguard, but the Russians, not knowing of the American launch until the day prior, held off. They wanted to send a message by making the detonation and launch on the same day. The Russians had a mole in the United States program. One of the scientists who defected with Von Braun was Helmut Grottrup. Grottrup had been turned by the Russians when they were allied with Germany, after he defected, he just continued to provide the Russians with intelligence on the Alliance Rocket program. His knowledge was so thorough that the Russians were never more than a year behind in Rocket development. John Kennedy’s papers reveal that after the launch of Sputnik MI6 and NIS both went on a mole hunt, analysis quickly showed the leak was likely from one of the German defectors, and with access to German intelligence records they determined Grottrup to be the most likely suspect. He confessed when confronted in August 1956. Rather than arrest Grottrup, they made him a double agent and he fed the Russians misinformation for more than three years when it became obvious the Russians had figured out Grottrup was a double agent. He escaped prison, but in 1960 returned to Germany. The Russians had a number of low level spies in the Alliance Atomic Program, but the bulk of the tech they used to develop their own bomb came from the program they had run with Germany and purchased from South Africa.

J.P. won a second term in 1956 by almost landslide proportions, even though Democrats took the Presidency and both Houses. Stevenson was reelected by a small margin despite a mild recession in 1956. Most say the victory was based in large part on the revelation just before Election Day in 1956 that before Dewey left office in January 1953 the USCB at his request had guaranteed ICC-WB loans to Germany, to pay the equivalent of billions of dollars in claims under the agreement. Had the arbitration not thrown out claims made by other European governments the price tag would have likely been many times that amount. Dewey was trying to avoid a total German collapse, and emphasized it was only guarantying loans. Harold Stassen the Republican candidate in 1956 pointed out there had been no German default, and in any event he had nothing to do with the loans, but that tune didn’t play with the electorate.

In his second term Kennedy continued to work across the aisle. He continued to argue against cuts to the Armed Forces due to the threat from Russia, especially after Russia allied with the Islamic Confederation led by Turkey. Despite the Germany pacification, J.P. fought against calls to cut the military, and he became a strong advocate for funding NACA to ensure the United States maintained supremacy over the Russians.

In 1955 J.P. had become the ranking member of the Aeronautics and Space sub-Committee. He would be the ranking member or chairman of that Committee until taking over the Armed Forces Committee Chair in 1961. Thanks in no small part due to J.P.’s actions NACA started a manned space program in 1957. The public began to think Sputnik was an aberration. After all the Anglo-American Alliance had been far ahead of everyone else in aeronautics since the Pacifica War. The first practical military jets were fielded in 1943. Commander Scott Crossfield a combat fighter veteran from the AVF in China returned to the Navy in 1949 and broke the speed of sound in the X-1, and his compatriot, Chuck Yeager, who started in the AVF as a mechanic and became a pilot with seven kills in China, received an Air Force Commission on his return in 1954, became the first man to touch the edge of space in the X-7 in 1957. The Alliance’s complacency was soon to be shattered.

On October 16, 1959, the same day Douglas Aircraft announced they had presold over 100 DC-9 jet aircraft for commercial use, the Russians announced that Air Force Major Yuri Gagarin had been safely returned after twice orbiting the earth. President Johnson announced the following evening that we had a “space race,” and he was forming a Space Committee consisting of members from Government, Science, and Industry to meet the challenge. J.P. was named as a Vice-Chair of the Committee; Werner Von Braun was the Chair. I should also mention that it turns out Gagarin was actually the third Russian attempt to put a man in orbit. One actually blew up on the launch pad, and the second was killed when he failed to eject from his capsule, yes you heard that right, until 1962 the Russian cosmonauts had to parachute out of their capsules to insure survival. None of this was revealed for decades. The joint Anglo-American Program would not send a man into orbit until Alan Shepard on December 4, 1960. By that time the Russians had sent four men into orbit.

No one was prepared when on August 21, 1959, President Stevenson was assassinated by two Puerto Rican Terrorists, from a group called the FALN, seeking Puerto Rican Independence. The President was walking up the Capitol steps to greet the newly sworn in Representative and Senators from Hawaii. The terrorists targeted the President because he had remarked when making a similar excursion earlier in the year to greet the Alaska delegation, that “we would soon see Hawaii, Baja and Puerto Rico in the Union.” J.P. witnessed the shooting along with about fifty other spectators. Forensics showed President Stevenson died three days later without regaining consciousness. The secret Service killed both terrorists on the spot. In reality, in 1959 there was no plan to immediately admit Baja or Puerto Rico. In Puerto Rico English fluency was approaching 80% at that time, but there was still lingering resentment against the English only policy TR had imposed more than 50 years earlier. Likely Puerto Rico would have been admitted in 1969 at the same time as Baja, but the assassination of the President and the bombings that continued into the early 1960’s, when the FALN was finally broken, delayed admission until 1982 when it was admitted with Greenland, which had barely met the then minimum 300,000 population.

The assassination resulted in the 22nd Amendment. It provided that when there was a vacancy in the office of Vice-President, the President could to appoint a replacement provided a majority of each House of Congress approved. It further provided that if the President was incapacitated, the Vice-President, at the direction of the President or with the written consent of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and President Pro Tempore of the Senate, could assume the duties of the President until the President communicates to the Congress that the incapacitation no longer exists. As the 21st Amendment, dealing with Congressional compensation had originally been proposed as part of the Bill of Rights passed in 1950, shortly after the 20th Amendment. Congress was worried that other old Amendments on Child Labor, the size of the House, Prohibition, etc. could suddenly become part of the Constitution, so the 22nd Amendment provided “That neither this Amendment, or past or future proposed Amendments to this Constitution not already ratified shall become part of this Constitution if they have not been ratified within seven years from submission for ratification.” The 22nd Amendment was ratified on September 1, 1961.

In December 1959 President Johnson asked J.P. to succeed his father at the ICC. J.P. rightly thought that LBJ was merely trying to take J.P. out of the 1960 Presidential race. Besides not wanting to run for President from the ICC, J.P. demurred because his father was still the President of the ICC-WB, and Indira Gandhi, one of the Greater Commonwealth Envoys had assumed the role of First Secretary. LBJ did manage to get one potential rival, when Dick Nixon, who had just finished his second term as California Governor accepted the appointment.

J.P. continued his emphasis on Civil Rights. He began working with the three King brothers, Martin, Alfred and James, who were advocating for “peaceful confrontation,” against discrimination. More on this later. In February 1960 J.P. introduced a bill to allow Washington D.C. to have its own elected City Government, and to retrocede the land back to Maryland, as had been done with Alexandria more than a century earlier. The bill did not pass in that session because Maryland and the District were concerned, they would have no tax base with so many Federal facilities in the City. In the next session the bill was passed with a formula for the United States to make equalizing payments to the State and City. It was signed into law in March 1962.

On April 4, 1960, Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. announced he was a candidate for President of the United States.

THE 1960 CAMPAIGN

Since the 1940s, primaries had become more important for both parties in picking a Presidential Nominee, but the party bosses still carried enormous weight. In this regard J.P. had a distinct advantage. JPK was still popular and was generous in providing campaign funding as well giving Republican candidates at all levels access to a network of volunteers and donors, so the younger Kennedy had a large measure of goodwill to draw on within the party. Plus, as John Kennedy later wrote “my father knew how to hold a grudge.” J.P. spent freely in the primaries on television, radio, print media, telephone calls and generally just getting his supporters to the polls. His primary opponents included Senators Dirksen of Illinois, Scott of Pennsylvania and Bush of Connecticut, as well as Governor Goldwater of Arizona. Three Governors ran as favorite sons, Romney of Michigan, Rockefeller of New York, and Lodge of Massachusetts. Kennedy went into the Omaha convention with a slight plurality of pledged delegates, but was still well short of a majority, and Goldwater was behind by only a handful of votes.

LBJ had no opposition for the nomination, so J.P. wanted to get the Republican nod on the first ballot to show GOP unity. He won the New Hampshire primary on March 8th, even though he hadn’t formally announced until April 4th, but from mid-April until the California primary in June J.P. was actually behind Goldwater. By the eve of the convention Bush, Lodge and Scott had dropped out and urged their delegates to vote for Kennedy. Also dropping were Scott who threw his support to Goldwater, and Romney who made no endorsement. Dirksen and J.P. entered the Senate together and were in lockstep on most every issue, but he still instructed his delegates to vote Goldwater. We know now from Dirksen’s private papers released in 1979, 10 years after his death, that he was irked at Kennedy because he found that he was not only trading appointments but offering the same appointment to multiple candidates. J.P. admitted this in his memoir saying, "I knew I was in danger of losing to Barry, because I had to promise the Vice-Presidency three times and he was getting away with only two Vice-Presidents.” Rockefeller had still made no sign of endorsing either Kennedy or Goldwater when the Convention was gaveled open.

Governor Barry Goldwater was born in Arizona while it was still a territory. His family owned a Department Store in Phoenix. Goldwater flew transports for the Army Air Corps in the Pacific War and later became a bomber pilot for the AVF, flying 54 missions before returning to the United States. He maintained a Reserve Commission as an Air Force Colonel, and had been elected Governor of Arizona in 1954, and reelected in 1958. He and J.P. agreed on most issues, but if anything, Goldwater was in favor of an even stronger military and more direct confrontation of Russia. The convention could go either way, but if Rockefeller didn’t drop there would likely be a second ballot.

Kennedy surmised that without Rockefeller’s delegates he would probably be just behind Goldwater on the first ballot. So, it was that Nelson Rockefeller after his name was placed in nomination thanked the delegates for the honor, but withdrew with a “wholehearted” endorsement of Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. It turns out that even without the Rockefeller delegates J.P. would have led the first ballot, but there would have been a second ballot. J.P. gratefully accepted the nomination and promptly asked the convention to nominate Governor Rockefeller to be his running mate. There was a movement to make Goldwater the VP nominee, but he demurred.

When the Democrats nominated President Johnson two weeks later, he named Illinois Governor Raymond McKeough as his running mate. McKeough was 72, but he had succeeded Stevenson as Governor so “it was just good politics,” as LBJ later admitted. LBJ delighted in comparing his choice with the Republican ticket saying Democrats can be on a National ticket even if they have less than $10,000,000.

1960 should have been a Republican year. The economy was weak, with rising inflation and high taxes to support increased social spending, and a military the United States wasn’t really using effectively to combat seemingly endless conflicts in Asia. Even so J.P. had to be careful in criticizing the Democratic Administration, as it was barely a year since President Stevenson had been gunned down, and criticizing nonuse of the military would have been interpreted as warmongering.

Every time the Republicans criticized the economy LBJ would cite the net worth of his opponents – saying he was just a poor boy from the Texas Hill country, but he knew better than someone handed a $10,000,000 trust funded by his forbears. $10,000,000 was probably about right for each of the Republican candidates, but the amount seemed to increase every time LBJ made a speech. When the amount reached $100,000,000 Kennedy put out a commercial with voiceovers from LBJ and other Democrats giving the same argument with ever increasing amounts, and then had the announcer intone that it showed how much “inflation was increasing, but your wages aren’t matching Democratic spending.” LBJ had also benefited financially from his time in office, he was no longer the poor boy from the Texas Hill country.

It was a close race. The Republicans had taken the House and Senate in 1958, and by the end of election night it was clear they would hold the Senate by a 52-48 margin and increase their numbers in the House, the final total determined days later was 257 to 208. It would take ten days for the Presidential race to be called. There were several close races, but all but Illinois had been called by the Friday after Election Day. A week later it was finally called for the Democrats. That gave LBJ 284 electoral votes to Kennedy’s 281, and Kennedy in the end had about a quarter million vote margin in the popular vote. It has never been proven, but many believe Vice President Raymond McKeough got the Chicago Democratic machine in Cook County to deliver, and it took a week to produce the votes because of the Republicans had performed so well everywhere else. LBJ’s later quote on picking 72-year-old McKeough that “it was just good politics,” takes on a duel meaning when you consider McKeough was a product of Chicago Machine.

J.P. achieved something neither he nor his father had done before – he lost an election. The Democrats did something they hadn’t done since the election of Martin Van Buren in 1836 – they won a third Presidential contest in a row.

Despite calls to contest the election, J.P. called to congratulate Johnson within an hour of the announcement. In his memoir J.P. wrote “I didn’t want to put the country through that. It did hurt in that had I delayed the admission of Alaska or Hawaii I would have prevailed. Besides, Lyndon was too good at that kind of thing to leave fingerprints, and I knew I would have another shot.” John Kennedy later commented that his brother in private was not so magnanimous, and that was when he learned from their father the benefits of holding a grudge.

 

[colonel]

ON TO 1964

In January 1961 the Democrats held the Presidency, but the Republicans held both Houses of Congress, and generally believed the Presidential election and a House seat had been stolen by the Chicago Democratic machine, in which the Vice-President was a member in good standing. Many cited the nickname of “Landslide Johnson,” which LBJ picked up after his 1948 primary for the Senate wherein a box of ballots was found just before LBJ’s opponent was to be announced the winner, and the votes in that box skewed heavily toward Johnson, giving him just enough to win.

J.P. wanted to run again, so he was careful not to do anything himself that could be deemed retribution. Senator Dirksen, one of J.P.’s primary opponents had no such qualms. Dirksen was the Senate Majority Leader, and in the same posthumously published papers where he criticized J.P. for offering multiple opponents the same posts to secure his nomination, he recorded that he was sure that Vice President McKeough had stolen the election. Dirksen was from Illinois, so he had experience with Chicago Democrats. He knew it would be a waste of time to try to prove anything, but he proceeded to do everything possible to frustrate the Administration’s agenda. In that regard he was aided by Speaker of the House Ford who had been an usher at J.P.’s wedding. Nominations were slow walked, and the President’s legislative agenda was almost at a standstill.

One of the only areas to see progress was the NACA budget, as that was an area where Republicans agreed with LBJ, and the more reticent Democrats went along to support their President. In July 1962 the first Gemini mission with two astronauts was launched. LBJ was deeply embarrassed when J.P. and Werner Von Braun held a press conference after the Gemini launch to say there was a viable plan in place to put Americans on the moon before the end of the decade. The President had not been invited to participate in the press conference, and although there technically was a plan to go to the moon, the Space Council had not been cleared to share that information. LBJ wanted to fire Von Braun, and remove Senator Kennedy from the Council, but saw that would be a public relations disaster losing him what little support he retained in Congress. LBJ, Jr., who retired from the House in 2005, after thirty years of service wrote “They made my dad eat shit, he could forgive Kennedy because he was trying to settle a score, but he could never forgive that fat fascist Von Braun who had gotten everything he had asked for. The Kraut bastard didn’t even give a heads-up as to what they were going to try to commit the country to.” In August 1962 the President issued a statement that he was asking for a supplemental appropriation to begin funding the moon shot to be called Project Zeus. LBJ went on to say that the new director of NACA, who would be duel hatted as the head of Project Zeus, would be Dr. Kurt Debus. Debus was Von Braun’s Deputy in the military’s rocket and satellite joint program. By promoting Von Braun’s Deputy over him LBJ had delivered some payback. In his next budget the Space Council funding was cut to near zero, ostensibly to help fund Zeus.

Cuts to military spending backfired when the Russians became more aggressive. In a single day they wiped out AVF bases in Manchuria, and on the Korean Peninsula. On January 5, 1963, Russian planes heavily damaged the USS Reuben James, a destroyer escort transiting the Sea of Japan, with the loss of 37 sailors including the ship’s Commanding Officer. The Russians claimed the attack was an error, in that they thought it was a Chinese ship spying on their bases near Vladivostok, but this was patently absurd. The State Department sent a formal protest but took no other action. The Imperial Federation sortied ships from the Royal Navy to harass Russian shipping in the Pacific, the Baltic, and the Black Sea. J.P. took to the Senate floor to thank our Federation Allies for their support, and to bemoan the Administration response as: “If you kill Americans be prepared for a strong letter to follow.” Things only looked worse when, on September 1, 1964, the Islamic Confederation and Russia invaded Afghanistan from separate sides.

The Reuben Incident occurred just as the new Congress was being seated. The mid-terms saw substantial gains for the Republicans. They had increased their majorities in Congress and controlled over 60% of state legislative seats, which in turn gave them a leg up on reapportionment. This was due in large measure to inflation which was averaging 6.5% in November 1962. Inflation was at almost 9% by January 1964, and the USCB made its 5th interest rate hike in a row to put the interest it charged banks at 7.5%. This was done to bring down inflation, but it also slowed down industry, increased unemployment, and caused the bottom to fall out of the housing market.

On March 2, 1964, LBJ announced he was standing for reelection. Vice President McKeough announced he would not be a candidate. McKeough didn’t see the ticket as having much of a chance and was hoping retirement might get Republicans to drop the multiple investigations, they were running against him. It didn’t work, as in 1965 the former Vice-President was indicted and plead guilty to three counts of income tax invasion. The three-year sentence was commuted to time served by President JPK, Jr. after McKeough had served eleven months.

J.P. himself announced he was a candidate on March 9th. That same day Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota announced he was entering the Democratic primaries to oppose LBJ.

THE 1964 ELECTION

The Republican field was much smaller than 1960. Besides J.P., you had fellow Californian Dick Nixon who had been in New York at the ICC for most of the prior six years, plus sitting Governors Goldwater and Rockefeller who had each run in 1960. By 1964 both parties had transitioned to having the delegates chosen by primaries, with party leaders having a say only if conventions went to a second ballot. Republicans used a winner take all approach, meaning whoever got a plurality in a particular contest took all of the delegates, so long as they had at least 30% of the vote, whereas if no one got at least 30% the delegates were unpledged. Democrats gave each candidate delegates in proportion to how they performed in the primary, so that even someone getting as little as 10% of the vote would potentially get delegates. The only unpledged delegates would be the ones assigned to candidates who subsequently dropped out. It wasn’t until 1968, as a result of what happened in 1964, that the Democrats started using Super-Delegates.

Even though J.P. had not formally announced he was running until the eve of the New Hampshire Primary, as in 1960, his name was already on the New Hampshire primary ballot. The same applied to the other candidates for both parties. In 1964 a candidate announcing for the Presidency before the beginning of the election year was unheard of. In the Republican field J.P. finished first with 34% of the vote, Goldwater was second with 24%, followed by Nixon at 22% and Rockefeller at 20%. Had J.P. not run, Nixon almost assuredly would have gotten most of his votes and vice versa, as they were both in the GOP mainstream consisting of about half of the party nationwide. While Goldwater and Rockefeller occupied the right and left wings respectively. Even so, in the Republican contests that followed while Nixon and Kennedy won the bulk of primaries Goldwater and Rockefeller each won four primaries by pluralities, and in another three states (New Jersey, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania) no one cracked 30% of the vote, so their delegates were unpledged. Then came California.

It looked like J.P. was going to fall short in a bid for a first ballot nomination. He led in the delegate count, but Nixon and Goldwater weren’t far behind, and while there was no real path for Rockefeller, he could again potentially play Kingmaker. It came down to the June 9th California primary. J.P. was a California Senator, but Nixon had served two terms as Governor of California and was counting on a win to put him ahead of Kennedy. Nixon and Kennedy were friends from their days in the House, and in fact Nixon had been in J.P.’s wedding party. There were no real attack ads on either by the other, but Nixon at a debate in San Diego pointed out that unlike the other candidates on the stage, J.P. lacked executive experience. J.P. in the same debate concentrated on California issues like water rights, and trade with the Common Market of the Americas, and not so subtly suggested “Dick’s time in New York these past few years, put him a little of touch with our needs here in California.” J.P. also pulled out all the stops, fielding hundreds of volunteers, and blanketing the state with ads on television, radio, in print, and on billboards. Kennedy even went on Dutch Reagan’s Tonight show on the eve of the primary, and while he was talking to Dutch, lo and behold Barry Goldwater walks out, shakes J.P.’s hand, announces he is withdrawing and throwing his support to Kennedy, shakes Dutch’s hand and walks off. Dutch then commented his only regret with hosting his show was that he never made news. Of course, the “surprise” appearance of Goldwater had been negotiated in the days before the appearance, but it had the intended effect. Kennedy actually got 52% of the vote to 41% for Nixon. Goldwater, despite withdrawing, still got 4% to Rockefeller’s 3%.

Nixon didn’t wait until the Los Angeles convention to withdraw. Were they not from the same state, J.P. likely would have considered Nixon for the VP slot, but instead chose Goldwater. Nixon nominated J.P., and Rockefeller the VP candidate from 1960 seconded. They did a roll call vote where all states passed until JPK answered the roll call for Massachusetts casting the first votes for Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. and then continued until J.P. was just short of a majority when the states again passed until Maureen Kennedy cast California’s votes for her husband. By a call from the chair Kennedy and Goldwater were then declared the Party’s Nominees by acclamation.

LBJ had a somewhat tougher time then he expected. Even though he had over 75% of the vote in New Hampshire McCarthy sill picked up delegates there, and in every contest to follow. Also, while LBJ continued to have large wins the margins were reduced until California was only a 59% to 41% contest. Democratic Governors in South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi also ran as favorite sons and while LBJ got pluralities in each state he was denied majorities. Had not Governors Thurmond and Wallace been denied having their names put in nomination due to having already taken action to run as States Rights Party candidates, it is just possible LBJ would have been denied a first ballot re-nomination. The Chicago convention was a disaster. McCarthy made the Democrats do a full roll call vote, and only after LBJ had won did he give a lackluster endorsement. After Thurmond and Wallace were denied their seats, several Southern delegations tried to take away the credentials of black members of their delegations. This included James King, the youngest of the King brothers, who had become a Democrat to give the Democrats “a chance to prove they are not racists.” Even though all of the black delegates retained their seats the damage was done and had been broadcast on National Television. When LBJ asked the Convention to nominate ardent Civil Rights Proponent Hubert Humphrey for VP, almost 100 white delegates abstained from voting. Democratic inroads into the black vote were largely reversed.

Strom Thurmond did not run on the States Rights ticket, largely because the Miami Herald revealed he had fathered two little girls with his black housekeeper. The States Rights Party did nominate Governor George Wallace of Alabama for President, and he chose former Brigadier General Edwin Walker of Texas. Wallace was an ardent segregationist who had resisted all efforts to integrate in Alabama, while Walker was a veteran of the Pacific War who was forced to resign for questioning civilian control of the military and calling for segregation in the armed forces. They were on the ballot in just 16 states, but still had a significant impact on the election.

Inflation, other problems with the economy and the total failure to answer Russian and Islamic Confederation aggression would have likely made 1964 a Republican year, but the Democratic infighting combined with a disastrous convention made it a landslide. The topper was of course the single debate between J.P. and LBJ. 1964 was the first year there was a Presidential Debate. The States Rights and other smaller parties were not included. LBJ agreed only because, given the polls, he had nothing to lose. In the debate LBJ tried to point out Kennedy’s lack of Executive experience, but J.P. countered that while it was true he had no experience in running an economy into the ground, or ignoring Americans being murdered by a hostile foreign power, he didn’t see that as a handicap. LBJ looked tired and drawn, while Kennedy, especially to those viewing on color television looked healthy, rested and came off as well informed without being glib or condescending.

The Republicans took 44 states in the Electoral College for a total of 498 votes to the Democrats 69 votes. The States Rights Party garnered not a single electoral vote, but due to their presence on the ballot, Republicans took many states that normally would have gone Democratic. That was the last election where the States Rights Party fielded anyone for office at any level. In the Senate the Republicans increased to 59 seats to 41, and in the House, they garnered a 289 to178 majority. J.P. had a mandate by any definition.

When LBJ saw J.P. on Inauguration Day in January 1965 he made a statement similar to what Buchanan said to Lincoln in 1861: “If you are half as happy to be here as I am to leave you are the second happiest man in this city today.”

1965
No matter how much the President-elect tried to differentiate himself from his father with variations on his name, by at various times being J. Kennedy, J.P., or J.P. Kennedy he was in fact called JPK, Jr. in the press and by the public at large, so he finally relented, and adopted the moniker himself. In his Inaugural Address the new President, made clear that Russia would have to be confronted head on “both in the peaceful competition of the space race, and if necessary, in a call to arms to defend self-determination and Freedom wherever it may be threatened.” He also indicated that the economy would take time to fix stating “interest rates will rise, but inflation will be beaten back, while proposed tax cuts will help protect the country from recession but make no mistake there will be short term pain now, so as to protect this great nation for our children and grandchildren.” Some criticized the address as more of a State of the Union Message, but JPK, Jr. rightly gambled that with his large majorities in Congress he had to immediately start spending his political capital, or risk losing it.

As expected the USCB continued to raise interest rates, and got no push back from the Administration. The Russian War naturally changed the equation, but after the war ended the policies continued. In the third quarter of FY 1965 the rates topped off at 8.5 %, with unemployment topping 7%, but inflation was down to less than 5% and still dropping. The economy slowed but the Administration’s tax cuts passed, and GNP never turned negative. Even with the War, by the end of 1965 inflation and unemployment were down and the USCB had dropped interest rates to 8.25%, with a message that no new increases were contemplated.

In February 1965 Douglas MacArthur, Field Marshal of the Philippine Armed Forces died. MacArthur had actually been the Chief of Staff of the United States Army when in 1934 he was sent to command American Forces in the Pacific from the Philippines. When the Pacific War started, he was promoted to full General but given his total inability to get along with his counterparts in the Navy, Marines, Army Air Force or the Commonwealth when advances were made to the mainland FDR sidelined the General by having him keep his headquarters in Manila. MacArthur’s Deputy Lieutenant General George Marshal was named to oversee all United States Army Forces on the Mainland, with Major General Hap Arnold commanding Air Forces, and Major General Dwight Eisenhower commanding ground forces, all three were later promoted to full General.

MacArthur stayed in the Philippines, and even before independence was granted in 1946, he had accepted appointment as Field Marshal Commanding all Philippine Forces. Once the Philippines entered the Asian Treaty Organization (ASO), MacArthur took a leading role in expanding the organization, and from 1949 until his death was the Supreme Military Commander of the Alliance. JPK, Jr. took the opportunity of MacArthur’s death to attend the funeral and meet with representatives from the Alliance which, besides the Philippines, by the included Korea, Formosa, Indonesia, Thailand. Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, China, Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan. Of course, Russia was still occupying large parts of China, Mongolia and Indochina. It was announced shortly after the funeral that the ASO would conduct of national leaders In Singapore from 10 – 14 April 1965, to name a new military commander and discuss future strategy. The United States and Imperial Federation were invited to send representatives.

At 11:07 am local time on April 12, 1965, a Russian launched ICBM landed on off the west coast of Sentosa Island near Singapore. The missile had a nuclear warhead which failed to detonate. It was obvious that the Russians were attempting to wipe out the Heads of State of the ASO, along with President Kennedy, Secretary of State Nixon, ICC Representative Kissinger, and Imperial Federation Prime Minister Harold Holt. The Russians tried to claim the United States had mounted a false flag operation, but the recovered warhead was quickly established to have been of Russian design.

This resulted in all the nations attending including the United States and Imperial Federation declaring War on Russia. At the ICC a number of South American nations agreed to lend support to the war effort against Russia. Europe had largely disarmed since the German capitulation, but offered bases and other support to the alliance. The Islamic Confederation, which had partnered with Russia in Afghanistan and become bogged down in the conflict, declared neutrality. South Africa and Rhodesia remained silent.

The United States was prepared for war, but while its forces had fought well in the Pacific War of the 1930s, aside from members of the military who had served with the AVF there was almost no real combat experience. Even so it appears the investment in submarines, fast surface ships, and aircraft carriers paid off for the Navy. Combined with Imperial Federation assets the seas were swept of Russian shipping by August 1, 1965. Air superiority in the Pacific and up to 100 miles from the coasts of Asia to the interior was established by September 15th, and air supremacy, meaning if the Russians tried to fly anything it would be shot down, in those areas by October 12th. All areas of Indochina, Manchuria, and Mongolia that had been occupied by Russia or its local surrogates were under complete ATO control by the end of 1965.

JPK, Jr. did not promise no first use of nuclear weapons, but in his address after the Declaration of War he made clear that if Russia “again deployed or attempted to deploy any weapons of mass destruction, be it chemical, biological or atomic then the United States will respond with immediate and overwhelming force with every weapon available.” He went on to say that any other party giving aid in any form to Russia would be considered “an enemy of the United States.”

At the start of the war the United States had hit all suspected Russian atomic facilities with bombers and ICBMs carrying conventional warheads. Once they had freed the occupied territory in Asia the Alliance debated whether to invade Russia proper in the New Year or see if Russia wanted to seek a settlement. They were surprised when, on Christmas Day 1965, the Russians attacked west into Finland, the Baltics, and Poland in what the Germans called a Blitzkrieg. It was a new War indeed.

JOHN KENNEDY AT THE NIS

In January 1966, John Kennedy was finally confirmed as Director of the NIS. He had been acting in that role since President Kennedy had fired the top leadership of the Intelligence agency when they had failed to detect the Russian intentions prior to the April ICBM attack. The Senate had held up that nomination citing concerns about nepotism, but yielded to the argument that a fully empowered director was needed when intelligence again failed to predict the Russian 1965 Christmas attacks. John Kennedy, not caring about nepotism charges, immediately installed his wife Jeane Jordan as the head of the clandestine service. She would later succeed John as Director.

They had met at the NIS, where Jeane was doing a tour at headquarters after serving in Russia under diplomatic cover. John was 10 years her senior, and Jeane was certainly not the glamourous type the younger Kennedy brother had previously been involved with, but they married in 1955, despite Jeane not being Catholic, and raised three daughters. When John Kennedy’s Health forced him to resign at the end of 1970, Jeane would succeed him as Director.

After John was confirmed, he concentrated on getting accurate intelligence in a timely manner. Now this may sound self-evident, but right or wrong John Kennedy largely ignored Congressional oversight, and besides dealing with MI6, the agency greatly expanded its assets, often dealing with unsavory contacts, and running operations in neutral countries without their knowledge to get needed intelligence. The NIS was able to ascertain that Kerensky and a handful of cronies were desperate and out of control. This explained both their attack on Singapore and the incursions in Europe. The Russian leadership reasoned they would likely meet the same fate as the Germans, or worse. Rather than being subjected to War crimes trials they decided to scare the Anglo-American Alliance into backing off or go down fighting. The NIS assessment, concurred in by MI6, was that the Russians would not surrender until the entire massive country was occupied unless the leadership was captured, killed or overthrown. For the rest of the Russian War the President had no reason to complain about intelligence failures.

John Kennedy’s other role not revealed until Trip’s book was to neutralize John E. Hoover, the NBI director. Hoover had been collecting information on politicians, diplomats and other notable citizens for over three decades. This included every President since Hoover, no relation, most major candidates, actors, reporters and Civil Rights Advocates, including two of the King brothers. John Kennedy used former NBI agents recruited to the NIS to write a detailed report on Hoover and his Deputy, who resided together. The report intimated a homosexual relationship between the two and also contained information indicating it was likely Hoover was receiving bribes to sabotage certain investigations into organized crime. John Kennedy’s papers reveal the actions he took were illegal, and the report was based more on innuendo and rumor then investigation. Even so it had the desired effect in that when he showed it to Hoover in February 1967 resignation followed within a week. The President named Mark Felt as the new NBI Director, and there after the NIS and NIB worked hand in hand.

1966-1968

Just before the Russian incursions into Europe in December 1965, the Congress passed a bill making Winston Churchill a United States citizen. The President had asked for the bill to honor Churchill who was thought to be near the end of his life. JPK, Jr. also wanted to firm up the Anglo-American Alliance. Unlike today where Imperial Parliamentary elections have the entire membership elected at the same time, prior to 1974 members were chosen at the same times as the parliaments of Australia, Canada, and the other constituent parts, so membership was in almost constant flux. In the 1960s coalitions changed often, and the Prime Minister’s office went back and forth between Lester “Mike’ Pearson of Ontario, and Harold Holt of Victoria four times. Pearson who was left of center, had been Ambassador to the United States and felt he knew America, but was wary of becoming too entangled in the Alliance, whereas Harold Holt of Victoria was right of center and extremely Pro-Alliance. In early January the President dispatched his father to make the presentation to Sir Winston, and both Pearson and Holt were asked to attend. Despite their earlier differences JPK, Sr. and Churchill had a very friendly meeting with only Churchill’s wife Clementine present. After the death of JPK, Sr. Clementine revealed that “Winston had some trouble speaking, but he managed to communicate his warm feelings to the elder President Kennedy, and said he was confident his American born mother was smiling on his turning down a Dukedom but accepting United States citizenship.” The formal presentation on January 24, 1966, went well and as JPK, Sr. emphasized that “the special relationship was not dependent on who held office in either Union.” Within two weeks Sir Winston had passed, but more unexpectedly was the fact that JPK, Sr. died just five days later on February 11th, 1966, after suffering a massive stroke on February 9th.

Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. was laid to rest next to his wife after being given an Irish wake in accordance with the wishes he had made known to his sons. The late President had asked that there be no formal proceedings or lying in state besides a simple funeral and “a gathering where people should feel free to have a beer and tell bawdy stories.” Both of his sons eulogized Joe, Sr. at the standing room only funeral Mass at the Cathedral of the Holy Cross in Boston. Shortly after the funeral Congress passed appropriations to build two memorials the late President had lobbied for – the John Adams memorial to be added to the Lincoln and Jefferson memorials built under FDR, and a Pacific War Memorial. The JPK, Sr. memorial would not come until the 21st century.

It was agreed by the Alliance that Russia would have to be pushed back on at least two fronts. Despite Russian proclamations that they sought no further territorial gains as the areas already taken were historically part of the Russian Empire, all members of the European Community were now firmly in the Alliance’s camp. However, their armed forces in the prior decade had been reduced to almost laughable levels, as evidenced by the swiftness of the Russian advance. Still, Anglo-American might was able to quickly take over ports and bases in Europe and stop the Russians from going even further. Given United States industrial might the European manpower pool was quickly mobilized and equipped, with the applying to Europe of earlier legislation passed to assist Asia in resisting Russian aggression. It was decided to do a holding action in Asia and try to first take back occupied territory in Europe. Air superiority was established over almost all of Russia and the occupied nations by August 1966, air supremacy would not be achieved until almost a year later.

The Russians were unable to launch ICBM’s due to the taking out of all installations early in the War. So they could not make threats to the Alliance outside Europe. Satellite surveillance showing any possible rebuilding or relocation of ABC (atomic, biological, or chemical) research or delivery systems was met with immediate attack by bombers, ICBMs, or submarine launched missiles. This naturally put an end to the Russian space program. Interestingly enough the American program continued without interruption, and missile research likely enhanced the program allowing Air Force Colonel Virgil Grissom and Navy Captain Walter Schirria to step onto the moon before the end of the decade.

Even with air superiority it was 1967 before the Alliance was able to commence offensive ground operations in Europe. In the meantime, MI6 and the NIS fostered rebellions against Russia in Ukraine, Armenia, and the majority Islamic areas. The decision to foment anarchy in Islamic territories came to have long term consequences given the Islamic Confederation, but hindsight is 20/20, and that is for another lecture. By the end of the war the Russians lost all of the areas where the Allies had fomented rebellion. The tactic did draw Russian assets away from the occupied areas such that by the end of 1967 the Polish –Lithuanian Commonwealth, Latvia and part of Estonia had been freed. The Russians utterly destroyed the areas as they retreated.

Seeing what was happening with the Russian War, brought the Common Market of the Americas closer. The Americas Peso became the currency of the Americas in October 1966, and by the end of 1967 had been adopted by all members. In 1972, with the creation of the Euro and the formation of the ICC Trade Organization (or ICC-TO) the United States Dollar, Imperial Pound, Americas Peso and the Euro would have their values pegged to each other.

The 1966 mid-terms saw modest losses for the GOP. The Democrats won back some of the seats they really should not have ever lost in 1964. There was general support for the war effort, and major candidate voiced opposition to Civil Rights. The Republicans maintained healthy majorities in both Houses. One major surprise was the Republican loss of the California Governorship. Talk show host Dutch Reagan who had hosted JPK, Jr. on the eve of the California primary had been raised as a Democrat, but switched to the GOP in 1938, only to return to the Democrats when he announced for Governor. Most believe he switched only because he didn’t believe the Republicans would nominate him. We all know where Dutch eventually wound up.

In the new Congress what would become the 23rd Amendment in time for the 1968 election, prohibiting poll taxes and giving 18-year-olds the vote, was submitted for ratification. The President gave it his full support saying, “If you’re old enough to fight for our country you should have some say in picking who has the power to send you into those fights.” Legislation was also passed strengthening the Veteran Education Act and creating the Serviceman’s Bill of Rights to provide protections to mobilized members of the Armed Forces and their families, and to outline reemployment rights to returning Veterans.

On March 3, 1967, the United States was rocked by the assassination of Vernon King, the second son of Martin Luther King, Sr. Vernon was the most charismatic of the three brothers. Vernon with his older brother Martin, Jr., and younger brother James had blanketed the American South to fight segregation and discrimination, traveling on chartered buses from city to city with like-minded Americans dubbed Freedom Riders. Felt at the NBI, ordered that anytime a bus was driving between cities in different states, at least one Federal agent would ride along. The segregationist who committed the heinous act was shot by a spectator who grabbed his gun while trying to escape. Even though the act caught by television cameras on site there were still numerous conspiracy theories. The gunman’s act had the opposite effect of what he wanted to achieve. There was some rioting, but surprisingly this occurred in more northern cities than southern cities and came to almost a complete stop when the King family publicly called for calm. JPK, Jr., every other living former President, and the living losing Candidates for President from the two major parties all attended the funeral. It was presided over by Martin, Jr. who took over as the Pastor of their father’s Church. Martin channeled Vernon’s eloquence at the service, as did their brother James who went onto serve in Congress and eventually become the nation’s first Black Vice-President.

1968 saw the Allies on the move. Even before they had completed the recovery of the Baltic States and Finland, they started moving out of their bases in Asia to confront Russia east of the Urals. The Russians gave little resistance on the Eastern front, but the sheer vastness of the territory to be taken and occupied meant the Allies had to proceed slowly so as to keep their supply lines intact. West of the Urals the Russians evacuated the rest of Estonia and Finland in June 1968, and unlike the earlier retreats this time the infrastructure was spared. Shortly after the evacuation the Kerensky government sent out peace feelers suggesting the Islamic Confederation, or South Africa to sponsor negotiations. On July 4, 1968, the United States, Imperial Federation, European Community and ICC issued a joint declaration that absent a complete unconditional surrender by Russia hostilities would continue. The declaration did give a five-day ceasefire to allow the Russians time to respond. Kerensky tried to set conditions in its July 9th response. The Allied response was the resumption of offensive action. By August 30th the American led forces had reached the Urals, and Imperial Federation led forces were less than 150 kilometers from Moscow. On September 1st, just as the Alliance was beginning what it hoped would be the final offensive, Victor Grishin, the mayor of Moscow, announced that Kerensky had committed suicide, and his cabinet was being held for trial. Grishin stated Moscow was now an open city, and he was asking for terms. The allies again announced a five-day ceasefire but demanded unconditional surrender. On September 3rd Grishin communicated that as “Acting Leader” of all the Russias he was ordering all Russian forces to lay down their arms and unconditionally surrender to the Allies. He also ordered the civilian populace to fully cooperate with the Allies. By the way it was known to the Allies by this time that Kerensky had been executed by his own bodyguards and had not committed suicide.

There was another problem in that Grishin was only a mayor, and as Secretary of State Nixon later said, “the title of Acting Leader was no more official than Secret Santa.” Still the Allies took the chance and accepted the unconditional surrender. The risk generally paid off, although some guerilla groups formed and remained active for almost two years, the vast majority of Russian forces were spent and quickly complied with Grishin’s instructions.

In the Presidential election of 1968, Kennedy and Goldwater were re-nominated by the Republicans without opposition. The Democrats nominated Washington Governor Henry Jackson, and South Dakota Senator George McGovern. The only real issue was how to deal with post-war Russia and Europe. The Democrats were calling for largescale demobilization and withdrawal of the bulk of our forces. Beyond saying an occupation of Russia would be necessary The President demurred saying we would decide how to proceed in conjunction with allies in the ICC. Republicans had 56 Senate seats, and 260 House seats. Kennedy actually increased his percentage of the popular vote, garnering 54%, but with no States Rights Party drawing from the Democrats the electoral vote was closer than 1964. Republicans took 39 states and 401 Electoral votes to the Democrats 11 states representing 166 electoral votes. JPK, Jr. retained his mandate.

RUSSIAN WAR AFTERMATH

JPK. Jr. was surprised when he found that even though it was the first time they could vote, less than 30% of 18-21 years olds actually voted, and of those that did vote, a solid 54% voted for the Democrats. Research later revealed this was because of the perception that the Democrats would demobilize, while Republicans would likely call on those same young people to fight again. The exit polls also showed that while Kennedy had majorities of men and woman, his majority among woman was more than three points less than the male vote. This was the beginning of what would later be called the gender gap.

Kennedy tried to sell keeping a large military by explaining weakness would invite future conflicts. In Russia there was no longer a national government, and in most areas of the country there was little or no government. Both the United States and Imperial Federation were tempted to have Russia occupied by its European and Asian neighbors, while the ICC supervised rebuilding some kind of democratic state. They resisted this temptation because of concerns of a repeat of what happened with Germany occupying Europe following the Red battles in the 1920s and 1930s, and the Russian incursions that followed when the allies essentially left much of Asia.

They decided that occupation by Anglo-Alliance troops in the short term could not be avoided. In the longer term these forces would be supplemented on a rotating basis by troops from other ICC members that did not border Russia. Even so, this foreclosed the possibility of any immediate largescale demobilization. By 1970 it was decided that all non-Russian areas would be granted independence. In 1971 Moldova was first and actually agreed to unite with Romania. They were quickly followed by Ukraine, Georgia, and Armenia. Finally, the majority Islamic republics of Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kirghiz, Kazakh, and Azerbaijan were given independence during throughout 1972. This of course later proved Kennedy’s warnings about disengagement prescient as these new majority Islamic nations later came under the influence of the Islamic Confederation – but that again is for another lecture.

The rest of Russia was administered in geographic sectors, and sub-sectors. West of the Urals there were two sectors consisting of European Russia and Belarus. East of the Urals there was East Asia sector, Central Asia Sector, and West Asia Sector. It was never intended for these divisions to become permanent. Despite an initial occupying force of over 500,000, large areas of the country had no allied presence. Organized crime gained footholds in the cities and there was outright banditry often combined with insurgencies in the country. The ICC plan announce on January 27, 1969, was to draw down the occupation starting in five years with completion in ten years. It was emphasized that this was aspirational only and was dependent on free elections combined with progress on paying reparations to repair the destruction Russia had inflicted on its neighbors. This was to be accomplished by actually developing Russia. In Siberia especially there were billions of dollars in mineral resources. The plan developed was fair and served to somewhat pacify the Russian populace. The ICC-WB would finance the development with private industry, and until the reparations were paid profits would go one-third each to Russia, Reparations and the developers. It would take more than twenty years, but reparations were paid without keeping Russia in a perpetual state of bankruptcy.

By 1972 it was clear that the Anglo-American Alliance could not immediately substantially reduce their forces. By that time there were commitments from the Americas, and African nations to provide close to 200,000 troops under ICC auspices. Kissinger at the ICC then suggested the alliance could get an additional 150,000 troops each from Asia and Europe if the European troops went to Asia and vice versa. This gave the allies approximately one million troops. These new troops were put in previously pacified areas and freed the Anglo-American forces to deploy to the “hot zones.” This worked such that January 1974 Anglo-American forces were reduced by 100,000, and the forces from other nations were similarly reduced. Each year a similar drawdown took place until 1979 when the last occupation forces were withdrawn. By that time the United States and Imperial Federation had negotiated a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the functioning Russian Government to retain air, ground and naval bases in Russia with less than 25,000 personnel permanently stationed in the country.

JPK, JR. SECOND PRESIDENTIAL TERM

Although the aftermath of the Russian War took up much of the Administration’s time, JPK did have some major achievements on the Domestic front. The most ambitious program was the beginnings of National Healthcare System (NHS). Elder-Care had been passed under LBJ in the wake of the Stevenson assassination. The plan worked well, except costs were exploding. The President also looked to the Imperial Federation where universal care had existed since 1950, but he did not like the fact that many people had to wait so long for care that they actually died on a waiting list. The United States saw fairly large numbers of the well-off coming down from Canada to pay for treatment in the United States. Kennedy asked Congress to send him a plan that would provide universal or near universal basic and catastrophic coverage, but he insisted each state be free to develop their own plans, and they would receive two to one matching funds if the plans met with federal approval. Each plan also had to provide for keeping a viable private healthcare system. The 1970 Healthcare Act actually only passed because of Democratic votes in each House. Some Democrats were jealous of JPK, Jr. stealing one of their issues, and Republicans argued the President was carrying water for the Democrats. The First Lady lobbying for the provision to provide health care for pre-school children in households below the poverty line, brought in enough votes to insure strong bipartisan majorities. Per the terms of the Act the programs were reviewed in 1980, this was later extended to 1983. It served as the basis for the 1982 Act which provided for numerous provisions that had worked in the states including tort reform, insurance portability across state lines, and high-risk pools for pre-existing conditions. It didn’t happen under Kennedy, but he planted the seed.

1969 also saw a 51st star added to the flag. JPK, Jr. emulated Stevenson and welcomed the new Baja Congressional Delegation on the Capitol steps. He also spoke of Greenland and Puerto Rico joining the Union as well. Of course, this would not occur until 1982.

In early 1970 the president’s brother John resigned as NIS Director due to ill health. His wife Jeane Jordan-Kennedy succeeded him. Jeane was asked to stay on by President Goldwater, but she wanted to spend what time John had left with Him and their daughters. Jeane was replaced by William Casey, the second “Wild Bill” to head the Service, whose exploits in running covert operations against the Islamic Confederation became legendary, even if their legality was questionable at best. John Kennedy passed on November 1, 1973, having essentially completed his seminal work on the Presidencies of his brother and father, which his nephew JPK III edited and released in 1980.

With the end of the War in Russia the Imperial Federation and the Greater Commonwealth finally took action to support the indigenous insurgencies in Rhodesia and South Africa. The United States lent support through the ICC, but the only troops employed were from other Commonwealth members, with other African, Australian and New Zealand Regiments in the bulk of the force. Years of embargos, and isolation weakened the resolve of the white minority, and many of them were already calling for throwing out Apartheid, but there had still been no meaningful reforms. The first troops landed on May 1, 1969, and by July 18th the Rhodesia had been renamed Zimbabwe, and along with South Africa applied for readmission to the Greater Commonwealth. Both nations were granted membership, after guaranteeing universal suffrage, with guarantees that with the exception of certain high ranking officials no actions would be taken against the white minority. Imperial Federation officials were worried that there would be reprisals against the white population. Commonwealth forces stayed in place for a three year period to ensure the new governments were functioning. There were reprisals in Zimbabwe and a lesser number in South Africa, but by 1971 there was an uneasy peace between the various tribes and ethnicities. Before he left office in 1973, JPK, Jr. hosted a State Dinner for South African President Nelson Mandela.

With no date on the horizon drawdown in forces occupying Russia, many Americans were concerned. The 1970 mid-terms saw the Republicans suffer losses in both House. They retained bare majorities with a 52 – 50 margin in the Senate and 238 -233 in the House, with the state legislatures and Governorships also being closely divided. Even though they retained their majorities the GOP had fallen a long way since the 1964 elections.

In 1972 the sub-Saharan nations of Africa took a page from the Common Market of the Americas and formed the African Free Trade Organization. The ICC-WB was able to loan substantial sums for infrastructure and other projects conditioned on maintaining democratic institutions, the nations of Northern Africa looked to the European Community. Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco applied en mass to join the Community. These Moslem, Jewish and Christian populations saw the Islamic Confederation making inroads in Afghanistan, the Arabian Peninsula and the former Islamic majority Russian territories. They were afraid there would be a caliphate or restoration of the Ottoman Empire. The Europeans deferred, but they did agree to a free trade agreement with what became known as the Mediterranean Group, and as we know this was the first step in what would eventually be the Euro-Mediterranean Union. This of course came to fruition years after JPK, Jr. left office, but is mentioned because as with so many other initiatives the beginnings came during his Presidency.

Even with greatly reduced majorities Kennedy still refused to make substantial military cuts. One area where he made grudging cuts was the space program. Fellow Republicans argued that having successfully landed on the Moon meant “mission Accomplished.” When the last Zeus crew to return visited the White House with the other living astronauts in December 1972 the President predicted it would be a decade before man again set foot on the Moon. Of course, we know it took almost a quarter of a century.

The 1972 election had Vice President Goldwater with Ohio Governor Jim Rhodes running against Democratic Senators John Connolly of Texas and George McGovern of South Dakota. The economy seemed strong, but everyone predicted a nail biter. JPK strongly endorsed the Republican ticket but was much less energetic than his father was in campaigning for his successor. Goldwater pulled it out, but it was extremely close. To this day there is a dispute as to who had the larger popular vote, as in many states where the race wasn’t close, they did not count absentee ballots. The final electoral count gave the Republicans 290 Electoral Votes to the Democrats 285. The Senate remained 52 to 50 Republican with four seats having been traded from one party to the other, and the House was divided for the Republicans with only a three vote majority.

JPK, Jr. and the First Lady were looking forward to retirement, but it wouldn’t come quite yet.

JPK, JR. POST PRESIDENCY

In his Post-Presidency JPK, Jr. tried to remain above politics. He did advise Goldwater behind the scenes but lamented in his memoir that “Barry seldom took my advice, but I understood because in many ways he had it tougher than I did.” What Kennedy was referring to was the fact that the country grew restive with the slow drawdown in the military, and the 1974-75 recession made things only worse for Republicans. They lost both Houses of Congress in the midterms, and for the first time since the Panic the Democrats took the majority of Governorships. The Democrats then decided to give Goldwater a little payback for LBJ’s last term and passed almost no legislation, while slow-walking appointments and investigating the Administration from top to bottom. Most of what did pass was vetoed by Goldwater. In the election the freshman Democratic LBJ, Jr. emphasized that “if he survived a second term, the President would be the oldest man to hold the office, and of course poor William Henry Harrison died after only a month.” Of course, no one mentioned that Dutch Reagan was only three years younger, and in fact was the oldest to hold the office when he finished his second term in 1985; but Goldwater, especially in the debates, seemed tired and worn out, while Reagan was cheerful, and energetic. Kennedy wrote that Goldwater underestimated Reagan, and “I told him Reagan’s not stupid, and people love it when he tells stories about the boy finding horseshit, and getting excited because he thinks he’s getting a pony.”

The former President and First Lady did enjoy being able to attend almost every major event of the Olympic Games that were held in Los Angeles. Just prior to those Games JPK, Jr. had completed his role as Chairman of the United States Bicentennial Commission which saw celebrations in all the states and territories. Maureen Kennedy by this time had already greatly expanded the Marguerite Foundation, from advocating for child health to all facets of childcare and wellbeing including, nutrition, clean drinking water, early learning programs, and foster care reform.

Aside from attending conventions, JPK, Jr. stayed out of politics until his granddaughter Rose, one of the Navy’s first female fighter pilots ran for a House seat in representing Fairfax. We all know how that turned out. The former President took no position on the second Constitutional Convention in 1993. In 1989 JPK, Jr. and Maureen joined with the Reagans to raise money for relief following the 1989 San Francisco – Oakland earthquake. All four were Californians by choice and worked together to raise almost $52,000,000 for the cause. Shortly after that effort Dutch Reagan started his long goodbye, announcing he was suffering from Alzheimer’s.

Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. passed away after a short illness on July 19, 1994, he had just turned 79. Maureen announced he had wanted something simple like his father, but then said “we’re going to ignore that. This was a great man, who was President of the United States.” He received a state funeral with full military honors, after lying in state in the Capitol Rotunda. Although the Ceremony was at Arlington, Kennedy was actually buried next to Marguerite after a much smaller private service.

Maureen returned to acting for a television movie, Mothers Know Best or Else, again teaming with fellow First Lady Jane Wyman in 1992 where they played matriarchs that were longtime foes. When their children announce they are engaged the woman work together to turn the couple against each other, only to work together again to reunite the kids when the mothers see how miserable they made their progeny. Both women agreed the film was corny, but it was quite successful. A sequel, Grandmothers Know Best or Else, was planned, but never made due to Maureen dropping out after her husband’s death. Maureen remained in generally good health until she passed peacefully on October 11, 2015. She was buried with her late husband and daughter.

For the final portion of this presentation, Dr. Joseph P. Kennedy III has agreed to answer some of the questions that you had previously submitted. Just take a break in place while the old timer makes his way to the podium – you know he’s twelve years older than me.

CONCLUSION

JK: Thank you so much Jim. I confess I did nod off for a second, but don’t mind at all taking some questions before you begin what I’m sure will be one of your exciting lectures.

Now I’m only going to answer a handful of questions. If you don’t hear your question don’t think I didn’t see it. It could be repetitive of another question, it could be something I don’t have an answer to, it could be something I cover in my forthcoming book on John E. Hoover and the NBI, or most likely I just thought it was a stupid question. Don’t let that bother you I only answered one in ten of your professor’s questions when he was a student, and somehow, he got a Doctorate.

#1: What is your favorite memory of your grandfather? Your dad as well?
JK: Well, when I was born my grandfather was near the end of his Presidency, so I just saw him as grandpa. True a very, very rich grandpa, but grandpa none the less. My favorite memory is the summer of 1961, when we he took me to every single Red Sox game, home and away, until Ted Williams broke Babe Ruth’s Home Run record. My grandfather always seemed so much happier than my dad. Mom said Dad became much more serious after my sister died, but he still tried to be a good dad. I recall in 1963 when I was in Scouts, he took time to accompany my Scout Troop to Philmont Ranch in New Mexico. He had already run for President, everyone knew he would run again, but he went without any press release either before or after the trip.

#2: Do you have any comment on rumors of multiple extra-marital affairs by your grandfather, father and uncle?
JK: I took this question because I believe that history demands honesty. It is generally known that my grandfather was not always faithful to my grandmother. I don’t why he was unfaithful, but it evidently preceded my grandma’s illness from Kansas Flu. He did father a child with another woman, but as the late mother of that child and the child wish to remain anonymous, I will not comment further except to say both my father and Uncle Jack acknowledged their sibling and formed a cordial relationship.
As to my dad I don’t believe he ever had an extra marital affair. I can say that I looked into rumors of various assignations but could not find any corroborating evidence. Indeed, I found positive evidence refuting most of the allegations.
As for Uncle Jack, I never looked into the allegations about his being unfaithful and have no intention of ever looking into them. I do know my Aunt Jeane thought him a good husband, and my cousins adored their father who was taken too soon.

#3: Did you ever considering running for political office? How come, other than Rose, we hear very little about your children and grandchildren? Is there a Joseph P. Kennedy IV?
JK: I did consider running for office at one point. It only lasted until my dad stopped laughing. You don’t hear about my Kennedy cousins, my son and other daughter, or grandchildren because they are private people. I will acknowledge that there is a Joseph P. Kennedy IV, who hated that name, but still named his oldest Joseph P. Kennedy V.

#4: Did you serve in the military? If so, did you see combat? Did you form any friendships that lasted, or did your status prevent that?
JK: This of course was a planted question. Yes, I did serve. Like my dad I left Harvard early to take flight training in 1967. I trained on flying helicopters. My flight instructor was then Lieutenant John S. McCain III, who had already earned a reputation in the war with daring air-sea rescues. John was the son and grandson of Admirals, and we bonded over being disappointed in not being able to stack up against our forebears. John told me he was the fifth of five children and while his parents loved his four sisters they continued until they had the “Namesake.” John was the class goat at Annapolis, but he later became not just an Admiral, but the Chief of the Joint Services Board. I point your attention to this excerpt from John’s book You Too Can Run the United States Military If You Can Only Keep Your Mouth Shut, describing our first meeting:
McCain: Ensign Kennedy, are you related to the President?
Kennedy: Yes Sir, he is my father.
McCain: So, you’re the former President’s grandson?
Kennedy: Unless my grandmother was a liar, yes.
McCain: No one likes a smartass Kennedy. Your name means nothing here. My grandfather was a Rear Admiral, and my father is a Vice Admiral, so your contacts mean nothing to me.
Kennedy: I agree Sir. My Godfather is in the Navy, and he told me almost the exact same thing.
McCain: Who might that be?
Kennedy: I call him Uncle Butch, but you probably know him as Admiral O’Hare, the CNO. I’m marrying his youngest daughter after flight school. Do you want to come to the wedding?
I think I would rather transfer to the Marine Corps.
That isn’t exactly how I remembered the exchange, but it was close enough. John did come to the wedding and surprised the hell out his parents who were also guests. When John told my dad and Uncle Butch the story, dad was a little peeved, but Butch loved it. John was my friend until the day he died.
I did deploy to the Pacific on the namesake of my dad’s ship USS Enterprise CVN-60 but saw no real action as the war was far inland by that time. After the war I found I enjoyed doing helicopter rescue work and transferred to the Coast Guard Reserve. I did deploy to the Mediterranean during the conflict with the Islamic Confederation and retired as a Captain in 2000.

#5: What can you tell us about your mother’s side of your family? Is it true that you played her son in her last movie?
JK: Mom’s family was a gregarious bunch. Stereotypical Irish. My grandpa Charles and Grandma Marguerite remained in Dublin where they owned a Pub, and the majority interest in a football club. I did not see them as often as I would have liked but that is where I get my love of soccer and Guinness. I did see my aunts and uncles often as they emigrated to America and, except for Aunt Peg who became a nun, they had varying degrees of success in the entertainment industry. I did not play my mom’s son in her last movie – I was too old at that time. I actually mentioned to mom that she and Jane Wyman were a little too old to be playing mothers of a couple of 25 year olds, but she responded “yes, but people love us, and are too polite to say anything.”

#6: Did you really write your uncle’s last book on the Kennedy Presidencies?
JK: The book was all Uncle Jack, and by the way family called him Jack and not John. I did some minor editing only. He asked me to do it because I was then working toward my Doctorate, and he knew of my intention to become an academic. The only reason for the delay was Jack’s request that at least two Presidential cycles pass before publication.

#7: Is your daughter Rose married to Dick Nixon’s son? Why aren’t you more active in her campaign?

JK: What do you live under a rock? No, my daughter is not married to Dick Nixon’s son, she is married to Ambassador Richard J. Nixon. Ritchie, he hates when I call him that, is a grandson of the late Secretary of State Richard M. Nixon, and son of my childhood friend and sometimes arch enemy Joseph R. Nixon, former Attorney General and law professor emeritus at this institution.
I am not more active in my daughter’s campaign for the Vice-Presidency because I sincerely want her to win.

#8: What do you view as your father’s greatest political regret? Same question as to your grandfather.
JK: Well, my dad always regretted the gutting of the space program. He did get the International Spaceport built during his Administration, and hoped an International effort could pick up where the United States left off, but we still didn’t return to the Moon before he died.
My grandad is a tougher call, because he never wrote a memoir, and gave few interviews. I would have to say he was most disappointed in my dad losing in 1960, in private he always said the election was stolen.
Thank you for your kind attention. Jim they’re all yours. End JK.
Thank you, Dr. Kennedy. It was from you that I picked up my rambling disjointed style. Seriously, your insights are always appreciated, and I truly envy how you can entertain and educate at the same time.
Next year’s lecture topic has not been finalized. Suggestions may be submitted up until September1st. It should be something with major impact from the late twentieth century. My personal choice is President Dutch Reagan a Democrat turned Republican, turned Democrat; sportscaster turned talk show host, turned politician. The second President to be married to a movie star (and unlike Maureen FitzSimons, Jane Wyman kept her maiden name and kept working as an actress throughout her husband’s career). I would encourage you all to read my book The President, The Prime Minister, and The Pope, a history of the peace, prosperity, and problems brought on by Dutch Reagan, Peggy Thatcher, and Pope Paul VII. Even if you do not agree please buy the book as I desperately need the royalties. Good day, and as my hero TR would say “Bully.”

 

[colonel]

Part 4: THE PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER & POPE (REAGAN, THATCHER & PAUL VII)

MCGILL UNIVERSITY, NORTH HALL AUGUST 6, 2025, O807 HOURS EST

Welcome today to our lecture on the last quarter of the 20th Century. The lecture is styled The President, The Prime Minister, and The Pope. Based largely on my book of the same name, we are of course referring to Dutch Reagan, Peggy Thatcher and Paul VII. We are streaming around the globe from McGill University in Montreal but may be on time delay depending on your location. This lecture is being jointly sponsored by my home institution, the Theodore Roosevelt School of Government at Harvard. Let me begin by saying what I always do when visiting this wonderful city – I don’t speak French. A good starting point would be a short biographical sketch of each of our protagonists.

REAGAN EARLY YEARS

Ronald Wilson Reagan was born in 1911 to Jack Reagan and Nelle Wilson Reagan in Tampico Illinois. When the young Reagan was still a toddler, Jack Reagan commented that the chubby baby’s haircut made him look like a Dutch boy, and the nickname stuck. Dutch also had an older brother Neil. Reagan’s father was a hardworking salesman with an alcohol problem. His mother was an extremely religious member of the Disciples of Christ Church, while his father was Roman Catholic. In 1918 Nelle died of complications from the Kansas flu. This devastated Jack Reagan, who soon realized he would not be able to care for two young boys while working as a traveling salesman. He also admitted later that he sometimes went on alcoholic binges, and while he was trying to address those demons, he wanted to give something better to his sons.

Jack Reagan asked his brother-in-law John Wilson, and wife Catherine to care for his sons. They were more than happy to do so, as their only child Leo who had been born the same year as Neil Reagan (1908), had also been lost to Kansas flu. Jack’s only request was that the boys be raised Catholic. John and Catherine agreed. Jack provided support and visited their Iowa home often. The boys returned to their father in 1925, by which time Jack had almost one year’s sobriety, and had purchased a half interest in a dry goods store in Dixon, Illinois. Dutch and his brother were happy to be with their dad again, but still visited their aunt and uncle often, and always referred to them as their other parents.

Dutch graduated Eureka College in 1932 and moved back to Iowa where he got a job as a radio announcer calling ballgames off a teletype which just gave the bare facts, but from his vivid descriptions Dutch’s listeners would swear he was actually at the games. Since the 1915 settlement of the Federal league lawsuit baseball had slowly moved west and south. The Federal league had to withdraw from the cities where the National or American Leagues already had teams, but they brought major league baseball to the south, and the Continental League was created to bring major league ball to the west. It was the Los Angeles Angels of the Continental league that first broke the color barrier by signing Josh Gibson away from the Negro Leagues in 1934. That was by happenstance the same year the Angels hired Dutch Reagan as their play-by-play radio announcer.

Branch Rickey, the Angels General Manager, said he was able to deal with the expected blowback from his signing Gibson by telling his own players he would send any player not whole hardily welcoming Gibson to the minors. When one player, who he didn’t name, asked to be traded Rickey refused saying, “I’m sending you down because you need to learn the basics of being a human being instead of an ass.” Rickey and Gibson were both surprised that there was also some opposition from the Negro Leagues. Evidently, they assumed, correctly as it turned out, that integration of baseball would bring an end to that league. Gibson put up with racial taunts from the opposing players, and fans, but what pushed his acceptance most was his performance on the field. Shortly after Dutch was hired, he began doing a post-game show with the hero of the game – in most cases that was Josh Gibson.

Dutch called the post season games for the Angels in 1935 when they defeated the Federal League Baltimore Orioles in the Semi in five games, and then faced the New York Yankees who had defeated their cross-town rivals the Giants in the National-American League Semi. The Yankees won the World Series in seven games, but both Josh Gibson and Dutch got National attention. Gibson batted almost 450 for the series with eight home runs and two doubles, and bested Babe Ruth in every category for the Series. The Angels became the first Continental team to win the World Series in 1936 beating the Chicago Cubs. That was the last full year Dutch called games for the Angels. They would appear in one other World Series with Gibson, losing to the Detroit Tigers in 1941. Josh Gibson retired from baseball in 1944 due to a brain tumor. He died in 1947 – Dutch Reagan and Branch Rickey were pall bearers. They played themselves in 1948’s The Josh Gibson Story.

Shortly after coming to Los Angeles in 1934, Dutch Reagan joined the National Guard. His unit was actually a Cavalry Troop, but they were converting to what would later become a Tank Destroyer Company. When the Pacific War began in 1937, Dutch volunteered for active duty even before his unit was called up. When he took a physical before reassignment, he was told that his eyesight was so bad that they would not deploy him to a war zone. Instead, Reagan was put in the Signal Corps and went to work narrating various propaganda and training films for the Armed Services. He spent the entire War in Los Angeles and hoped to get his job back with the Angels, but another offer came.

With the War over there were going to be War Crimes trials for various Japanese Officers and official at Alcatraz. Shortly before his discharge, Dutch was visiting the studio where he recorded many of his Army film narrations when a representative from NBC radio came by asking Reagan’s boss for press passes to cover the upcoming trials. His boss liked Reagan, so he told the NBC rep that he could grant the pass if they could assure someone trustworthy would do the coverage – “like Captain Reagan here, who’ll be discharged next week.” The rep took the hint and Dutch became a special NBC correspondent.

Dutch gave riveting coverage of the trials. What few knew at the time was that most reporters weren’t in the courtrooms and only received summaries from the military, but just as he had years earlier in calling ballgames, Dutch used those transcripts to make his listeners swear he was present for every bit of the proceedings. Then Lieutenant John Kennedy of Naval intelligence was there for most of the proceedings and later wrote, “I was always rushing to a radio to hear Reagan’s broadcast, because it was so much more entertaining than the actual trials.”

Once the trials were over, another unexpected offer came Reagan’s way. The humorist Will Rogers wanted to cut back from his radio program on CBS, which was broadcast five days a week across the nation. He had expanded into movies, and was still appearing in newsreels, but wanted to give up the daily grind. He approached Dutch and suggested he host the Will Rogers Hour, with Rogers himself just pre-recording a message for each show and appearing live only once or twice a week. Reagan wanted the job, but pointed out that he was not a Democrat like Rogers, having left the Party over Civil Rights. Rogers said it was a non-issue. So, in January 1941 The Will Rogers Hour, hosted by Dutch Reagan premiered. It was Reagan’s first foray into politics. After Rogers’ sudden death in 1946, the show moved to television, and became the Dutch Reagan Hour.

REAGAN AND JANE WYMAN

In September 1940 Dutch met Jane Wyman for the first time. Jane’s memoir details their first meeting at the Brown Derby in Hollywood. Reagan was meeting with an agent about trying to get into pictures. Wyman, had just become a contract player with Warner Brothers, had the same agent who made sure a photographer got a photo of the two together. The agent did this because Jane was hoping to be cast in a film about the Pacific War, and he figured the publicity of a lunch with the correspondent who covered the war crimes trials would help. The movie Jane wanted to star in never got made, and even though the agent had no intention of signing him, Reagan was smitten with Wyman.

Dutch and Jane started dating. Reagan was always gregarious and trusting, while Jane was outwardly tough talking, but in reality, much more guarded. Wyman remarked that they had significantly different life experiences. Reagan adored the aunt and uncle who took him in after the death of their mother, but maintained a relationship with his father, while Sarah Jane Mayfield (Jane’s real name) was abandoned by her mother at age four following her father’s death. She was not mistreated by her foster parents, but they were strict disciplinarians, and she ran away to be a “movie star.” Wyman married in 1933 for just two months before getting a divorce. The marriage was later annulled as Wyman was only 16 at the time. She later wrote “Ernie Wyman was a nice guy, who gave the last name I used for the rest of my professional life; we figured out immediately that it wasn’t working, and after I got my Warner Brothers contract, we quietly divorced.” After just three months of dating Reagan proposed, and they were married in a civil ceremony on January 19, 1941. Ronald J. Reagan was born on August 3, 1941. For years afterward the couple told everyone they had secretly married on September 19, 1940, after just two dates. The truth came out during the 1966 gubernatorial campaign, and absolutely no one cared.

Jane continued to use Wyman as her stage name, and both of their careers prospered. They had another son, Jack born in 1943, and a daughter Catherine in 1946. In June 1944 both Reagan’s father and Uncle John died ten days apart. Dutch and his brother both mourned the loss of their two fathers. By 1946 Dutch still called himself Catholic, but hadn’t really been practicing and hadn’t attended Church, other than his father’s funeral Mass since 1939. Jane was not religious at that time but hadn’t objected to Dutch having the children baptized. By 1948 Dutch’s sponsor was General Electric, and he was doing many shows from different locales around the country where he would tour GE facilities and speak to everyone from the janitor to the Plant Manager. Reagan said these tours gave him an invaluable insight into the American working man. It did take a toll on his marriage and in 1950 Jane filed for divorce.

The Reagans both continued to parent their children. When Jane was on location shoots, Dutch made sure he didn’t do any tours and even stayed at the family home. In July 1953, Dutch announced he was leaving CBS and would be starting a new weeknight talk show on NBC called the tonight show. This kept him in Los Angeles, and the show was an almost instant hit. Reagan would do what he called theme shows – mostly centered on entertainment, but he did at least one show each week on sports or politics and would sometimes do a surprise show on science (GE went with him as a sponsor), or Religion.

Ever since Dutch started as Will Rogers’ replacement his older brother Neil was his producer. Neil had managed to successfully urge Dutch to go to Church, and to expose his children to religion. Once the Tonight Show started Dutch took that advice. He was shocked when Jane asked to accompany Dutch and the children to Midnight Mass. Within a year Jane had converted to Catholicism, and she and Dutch remarried at Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church on Christmas Eve 1954. Many say this was a ploy so Reagan could run for office, as at that time it was much harder for a divorced person to run. If this was true Reagan was certainly playing the long game as it was almost twelve years before he ran for Governor.

The Tonight show continued to dominate late night television. One of the more famous telecasts being the eve of the 1964 California Republican Primary where when interviewing Joe Kennedy, Jr., Barry Goldwater walked out from backstage and announced he was withdrawing from the race and throwing his support to Kennedy. This allowed Kennedy to defeat Dick Nixon to get the nomination and go onto the Presidency. Some say this is where Dutch got the political bug. In January 1966 Reagan announced that given the Democrats progress on Civil Rights he was leaving the Republican Party and going back to his roots. At the same time, he offered himself as a candidate for Governor – now this was politically expedient because Reagan more likely made the switch because he calculated there was no way he would get the GOP nomination. Reagan was officially a politician.

PEGGY THATCHER THE EARLY YEARS

Margaret Hilda Roberts was born October 17, 1927, to Alfred and Beatrice Stephenson. She had an older sister, Muriel. The family ran a grocery, and her father had been a local Alderman in Grantham, England. During her childhood her father always referred to his youngest daughter as Margaret, while her mother preferred Maggie, but it was her sister’s label of Peggy that stuck.

Peggy was always the brightest, and best in whatever she tried. When an interviewer, after she became Prime Minister, asked Thatcher if things coming so easily made her less empathetic to those with lesser abilities, she responded “no, because things didn’t come easily, I just worked harder.” That one sentence nicely sums up Thatcher’s philosophy. It also nicely sets up the two views of her today, and throughout her long career. Detractors see a woman without a soul, while her admirers see the “Iron Leader,” who worked harder for Queen and Country than anyone else and refused to let the Imperial Federation break up or slide into irrelevancy.

Peggy attended the Kesteven and Grantham Girls’ School, and in 1943 went on to study Chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford. After graduating in 1947 she worked as a chemist. From 1949-1951 she was still working as chemist while preparing for the bar by attending City Law School at night. She became a barrister specializing in tax and corporate law. In one of her first cases, Peggy Roberts, met Denis Thatcher, a businessman, twelve years her senior. Denis Thatcher was a hero of the Pacific War, having enlisted as a second lieutenant when the war started, he distinguished himself at the Battle of Jakarta, and was discharged as a Captain at war’s end. Prior to his deployment Lieutenant Thatcher had married a college sweetheart, but in 1941 the couple divorced. The divorce evidently traumatized Denis more than the war, as he almost never spoke of it. His children later admitted they did not know about the prior marriage until their mother was in the Federation cabinet.

Denis Thatcher may not have initially told Peggy about his prior marriage, but no one knowing the woman who would become the Iron Leader would have dated Denis very long, without knowing all there was to know. After dating for just four months, they married on January 16, 1952. Their daughter Carol was born on December 12, 1952, followed by a son Mark on March 3, 1954. During this time period Peggy was working as a barrister and preparing for her first run for office.

Peggy wanted to run for the Imperial Parliament but was convinced by Denis and other supporters to run for a seat in the English Parliament. With financing from Denis and her parents Peggy successfully obtained the Tory endorsement for a by-election seat in Finchley in September 1954. She successfully defended the seat in the 1955 General Election. Even as a back bencher Thatcher made an impression in the Parliament, with other members on both sides of the aisle saying they actually feared debating her. In just three years she was promoted to the front bench as deputy minister for education. When the next General Election came in 1959, Peggy was ready to make the jump to the Imperial Parliament.

KAROL JOZEF WOJTYLA

The man who would eventually become Pope Paul VII, was born Karol Jozef Wojtyla, in Wadowice in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to Emilia and Jozef Wojtyla, Sr. on May 12, 1920. This was shortly after the Commonwealth had been put together from pieces of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires, it was first granted autonomy within Russia by the terms of the Norfolk Peace treaty brokered by United States President Theodore Roosevelt in 1916, and by 1920 it had gained complete independence. Karol had a brother, Edmund, thirteen years older with whom he was very close and a sister Olga, who died before Karol was born. Karol lost his mother to a heart attack when he was only eight years old. In 1932 he lost his brother who had become a physician, when Edmund contracted scarlet fever. Karol’s father had been a noncommissioned officer for the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the Great War and was commissioned an officer in the Commonwealth’s Army after Independence.

Wadowice was predominately Catholic, but there was a large Jewish population. Pope Paul VII himself would later recall:

I got along very well with my Jewish classmates; we played football all the time. I had many Jewish friends when I was in primary school, fewer when I had to board at secondary school, and with almost all my Jewish friends I was impressed by their Patriotism toward the Commonwealth. At age 19 I had my first and only girlfriend, Ginka, a slender Jewish beauty with stupendous eyes, and jet-black hair.

Jozef would receive all his Sacraments and was diligent if not devout as a young man. His main interests were linguistics and the Theater, which is where he met Ginka. While at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, where he and his father had moved in 1938.

Karol took compulsory military training at university but had no interest in following in his father’s footsteps. Karol even declined to fire a weapon. By this time Germany had begun trying to bully its neighbors, The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth unlike much of the rest of Europe saw no great numbers of German troops, but the government still opted to engage in a policy of pacification. This policy included passing laws refusing entrance Jews trying to immigrate and setting up separate courts for Christians and non-Christians, with non-Christians were barred from being attorneys, or working for the government. Most Poles and Lithuanians continued to have good relations with the Jewish population, but a substantial minority to advantage of the now second-class citizens.

Karol’s father had retired but would have likely been forced out anyway as to pacify the Germans the military was reduced to little more than an ill-equipped police force. While at University Karol learned to speak, write and read a dozen languages. The Germans actually offered him a position, as they did with brighter young men throughout Europe so as to coop them. Wojtyla turned them down, and a short time later he was asked to leave the University with no explanation. Karol was again offered a position at the German consul’s office in Krakow, he again refused going instead to do hard labor in a local quarry. Karol also made time to work with various Church groups and thought about becoming an actor. In 1941 shortly before Karol turned 21, his father died. He was now in essence alone in the world.

Shortly after his father’s death a friend of Introduced Wojtyla to Prince Adam Stefan Sapieha, the Archbishop (later Cardinal) of Krakow. Sapieha had heard very good things about the young Wojtyla. They began having regular dialogues, and in 1942 Karol entered the seminary. The Seminary was able to openly operate, and no amount of German pressure would allow the Commonwealth to turn on the Church, not that there was much pressure in that regard as Germany also had a large Catholic population. In the Seminary Wojtyla was a star, and by 1944 he had come to the attention of the Papal Nuncio for the Baltic states and Poland, Bishop Giovanni Montini, who would of course later become Pope Paul VI. Montini, like Sapieha recognized Wojtyla’s talents. Even though Montini had already returned to the Vatican Secretariat he returned to Poland to be a concelebrant at Wojtyla’s ordination in 1946. Father Karol Jozef Wojtyla was a Priest of the Catholic Church, and while his entire immediate family had passed, he had powerful mentors and protectors.

THE 1966 GOVERNOR’S RACE

When Dutch Reagan announced he was running for Governor in January 1966, many thought it was a publicity stunt. This view was reinforced when Jane Wyman, announced she would vote for her husband, even though she remained a Republican, but would not interrupt her career or move to Sacramento. When she was directly asked if she supported her husband answered, “Of course I do, and with the pay cut he’ll be taking I guess I’ll have to.” Reagan insisted he was a serious candidate, joking he was sure his wife would let him visit occasionally, but even so he personally loved Sacramento. The incumbent Governor was Republican George Christopher who had succeeded Dick Nixon. Most Democrats saw Christopher as unbeatable, so the only rival for the nomination was Pat Brown who had lost to Christopher in 1962. Brown led all the polling, but when he attacked Reagan for hypocrisy in running for the Democratic nomination after years as a Republican, Dutch responded that the Democratic Party had left him by failing to support Civil Rights, but he wanted to be a part of the forces that would get people to recognize that bigotry was in the past. He went onto say that his wife remaining Republican showed how far the party had to go to convince voters in California it offered something different. Most agree the argument that put Reagan over the top was pointing out the Democrats hadn’t elected a Governor since 1942, and Pat Brown was the standard bearer in the last two losses. It wasn’t a landslide, but Reagan won the primary by 52% to 46% with the remaining votes being write-ins for various candidates.

Governor Christopher was running for a third term and had a Horatio Alger story. He had worked his way up from poverty after his family arrived from Greece when Christopher was two years old. He became sole support for the family when his father died while Christopher was still a teenager, but he went to night school to earn an accounting degree, and eventually bought a dairy farm. Before running for Governor, he had been Mayor of San Francisco. As Proposition 45 had passed in 1965 saying that after the next gubernatorial election no one could serve more than two terms, most were predicting the Governor would try to jump to the United States Senate as it was expected to be an open race in 1968. Reagan used that as a bludgeon, demanding Christopher promise to fill out his term if re-elected, but the Governor refused. Even so, a week before the election, Christopher maintained a six-point lead in most polls. On the Friday before the election The Los Angeles Times broke the story that in 1940 Christopher had been arrested for buying and selling underpriced milk. The source was Pat Brown who when he thought he would be the nominee asked a reporter at the paper to release it just before the election. Christopher argued the record had been expunged, but Reagan jumped on the story pointing out the Governor’s accounting degree made it hard to think he had made an honest mistake. Reagan’s surrogates made illusions to poor orphans unable to afford milk, without any evidence that this was true. That last weekend Dutch barnstormed the state with Jane at his side the entire time. Reagan won the race by 50.1% to 49.8%., and in 1967 became the first Democratic Governor of California in 20 years.

 

[colonel]

IMP THATCHER

In 1959 Thatcher decided that rather than running for re-election to the English Parliament she would try to make the jump to the Imperial Parliament. This was somewhat of a risk as she would have to give up a safe seat to move up. Further, even if elected she would go back to being a back bencher, in a body where the ruling coalition changed often. Remember, except for the initial elections in 1948 the Imperial Parliament’s membership was not all elected at the same time until 1974. Even though she was trying to move up from the English to Imperial Parliament, the Riding Peggy choose to run in was only about 20% larger than her English constituency. This was because, even though, Imperial Ridings weren’t based only on population, the English population was several times the size of the next closest sub-division of the Federation. As it turns out Peggy made a good bet, as she won her first Imperial election by a larger margin than her previous English election, and while the Tories lost the English Parliament to a Labour-Liberal Coalition, a new Center-Right Coalition took office in the Imperial Federation Parliament (IFP), under Keith Holyoake of New Zealand.

Peggy was chagrined at what she called the “clubby atmosphere” in the IFP. Members were constantly changing over as each country held their Imperial elections at the same time they held their own Parliamentary elections – Australia and Canada scheduled their Imperial elections to coincide with their Intermediate Multi-State and Multi-Province Parliaments; but Ireland, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England had Imperial elections at the same time as their local Assembly or Parliamentary elections. It was done to eliminate the need for votes of no confidence, as IMPs could make a motion to reorganize at any time. Thus, since Churchill was the first Imperial Prime Minister all Imperial Governments had been coalition governments, and from the late 1950s through the early 1970s no government left or right had lasted more than 25 months.

It appeared to Thatcher that IMPs were more concerned with making friends then making law or policy. In fairness this was due in large part to the limited powers of the IFP, and the disparate interests of its various parts. Thatcher’s first speech to the body didn’t occur until 1961, when the left coalition had already taken power again. Thatcher pushed for the IFP to take itself more seriously, stating “even though this body is limited to issues of trade, defence, Greater Commonwealth commerce, and foreign affairs we are supreme in those areas and can most certainly pass rules pertaining to our own elections.” It would take more than a decade, but her bill to have IFP elections severed from the elections of its various subdivisions would finally pass, and result in a Federation wide election in 1974.

Immediately after the speech fellow IMPs began talking about her as a possible future Imperial Prime Minister (IPM). Thatcher herself had talked of getting the top spot since before she herself could even vote, but in 1962 she told her fellow IMPs that given that no constituent part of the Imperial Federation had ever made a woman Head of Government, it was highly unlikely there would be a female IPM in her lifetime. At that time the Imperial Parliament was over 90% male. This was due in part to the onerous travel, discouraging woman with families from running for office where she would have to leave their children for months at a time.

Peggy decided to join the Backbench Business Committee, which at that time was the only standing committee in the Imperial Parliament. It was meant solely to be a vehicle for backbenchers to advance legislation to the House Floor. Thatcher soon used it to push for internal reform of the Imperial Parliament. Peggy used the forum to push legislation to mandate that after a year in Westminster, the Parliament would move to Ottawa for a year, and then do another year in Westminster followed by a move to Canberra for a year. This Bill never got a vote, but when communication improved by satellites allowing instantaneous communication around the globe, members starting in 1985 were able to vote and debate from any of the three chambers.

Thatcher also turned the argument that the Federation was concerned with the Greater Commonwealth and should let America lead in other areas. She said if the United States system was better, then the Federation Parliament should follow the lead of the American Congress by having standing Committees made up of members from all parties to give oversight and guidance to the various ministries under our jurisdiction. This appealed to most of the backbenchers, as in the 1960s the ruling coalitions moved between Lester Pearson of Ontario and Harold Holt of Victoria no less than four times. In 1964 this bill actually became law.

In another nod to American politics Peggy formed a woman’s caucus in the Parliament in 1963. Again, this was without regard to Party, although most on the left choose not to join until after Thatcher left the Parliament. Peggy was chosen to be the informal leader. When a male joked that men should form their own caucus, Thatcher responded “you don’t understand we actually want to work, but we don’t want to take the title of Women IMPs, because you are the real WIMP.”

After the Russians attacked the USS Reuben in January 1963, most IMPs took the position that since it was a United States ship the Americans should take the lead. Thatcher would have none of it – after her speech on the floor the Imperial Federation took immediate steps to sortie Royal Navy ships to harass Russian shipping in the Baltic, Black Sea and the Pacific. This got her notice in the United States. Thatcher continued her Hawkish stance throughout the war with Russia. In 1965 the powers that be decided it would be better to have Thatcher in the tent then out, and she was appointed Deputy Minister for Commonwealth Affairs. It was thought that would get her to tone down her rhetoric. They were more than a little surprised when on March 18, 1965, she appeared via satellite feed on Dutch Reagan’s Tonight Show, in the United States, and predicted that within a year the United States and Imperial Federation would be at War with Russia. The coalition leaders were furious and were trying to determine a way to quietly move Thatcher out of the cabinet, but that became impossible when less than a month later Russia launched its failed ICBM attack on United States. Imperial Federation and Asian Alliance leaders in Singapore. Peggy had once again confounded her critics by being right.

FATHER WOJTYLA

At the time of his ordination in 1946 Father Wojtyla was hoping to be assigned pastoral work in a parish, but instead was sent to Rome to study at the International Athenaeum, which later became The University of Thomas Aquinas. Bishop Montini was by that time at the Vatican Curia and recognizing Karol’s talents he wanted to help their development "for the future of the Mother Church.” Italy had fairly substantial numbers of German troops, but Mussolini, while an unabashed fascist, was actually able to lessen for Italy the burdens the German government placed on other European nations. The Catholic Church in Italy was also able to operate more freely due to Pope Pius XII holding the Government to the terms of the 1929 Lateran Pact. Of course, this was more moral authority than actual power. But it did blunt the more onerous actions by the Italian government and their German Masters. For instance, while Italy did forbid immigration by non-Christians, Jews were never stripped of their citizenship or other basic rights. Of course, the threat that this might change is the reason Enrico Fermi, whose wife was Jewish, emigrated and went to the United States.

While in Rome Karol earned his “license” which was the equivalent of a master’s degree in theology and went on to complete a Doctorate in Philosophy. Before returning to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1948, Wojtyla learned another two tongues making for a total of fourteen languages in which the Priest was fluent. Karol would finally get a chance at Pastoral work, but while assigned to a Krakow parish he was tapped to also teach at Jagiellonian and the Catholic University at Lublin. In 1953 he also completed his thesis on habilitation and received a Doctorate in in Sacred Theology from Jagiellonian University.

In his pastoral work Father Wojtyla often raised money for Jewish families facing difficulties due to the laws limiting their rights and ability to work. He also aided Jews wishing to emigrate to family in the United States or the new Jewish State of Israel in the Greater Commonwealth. In 1953 when the terms of the German–ICC agreement was being implemented Father Wojtyla quickly developed relationships with ICC election monitors and got them to send follow up services to people throughout the Baltics, and used his language skills to help small businesses write applications for no interest loans from the ICC-WB.

In 1954 Pope Pius XII convened the Third Council of Lyons. By this time Giovanni Montini was a Cardinal and had been given a leading role in the Council. Of course, religious and laity came from around the world, but Montini personally called on Father Wojtyla to join him. The Council, as had the Vatican Council almost a century earlier, invited other Christian religious groups to participate. Karol successfully lobbied the Pope through Cardinal Montini to make specific invitations to the Orthodox Churches, the Anglican Community and the Lutheran Church. Unlike the Vatican Council, Lyons III actually got acceptances from the Anglican and Orthodox Churches; the Lutherans did not participate, but they did send observers as part of a delegation of various Protestant sects. The Pope also followed the suggestion to invite other non-Christian religious groups to observe and be heard. There was a small delegation of Conservative Jews from United Sates and Canada who did attend.

The Council was not constantly in session. But Father Wojtyla was working almost without a break. The Council concluded in December 1957. In the end there were several notable reforms, Masses and other rites of the Church were now to be in the local vernacular, and the Laity had greatly expanded roles. There was no reunion with either the Anglican or Orthodox rites, but the religious cross-excommunications were lifted, and the Church recognized the clergy in those Churches as being part of the unbroken line since the Apostles. The Catholic Church also permitted Communion in Orthodox or Anglican Churches if no Roman Catholic, or Eastern Rite clergy were available. There was a document calling for more dialogue with other Christians, and other Faiths, with a specific mention of Jewish contributions to the world.

After the Council concluded, Father Wojtyla returned to Krakow, and immersed himself in work as a simple parish priest. Pius XII died on October 4, 1958, and three weeks later Cardinal Montini was elected Pope Paul VI. Many thought Cardinal Angelo Roncalli, the Patriarch of Venice, would be elected, but after the third ballot when he a Montini were tied, Roncalli urged the younger Montini’s selection. In February 1959 Paul IV named Wojtyla an Auxiliary Bishop of Krakow.

BISHOP WOJTYLA

As an Auxiliary Bishop, Karol had the best of both worlds. Karol, at age 38 was the youngest bishop, in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. He felt he had the best of both worlds and embraced the many pastoral duties of the Archdiocese, while continuing to teach Theology, and Philosophy at the University level. Karol also took joy in teaching Catechism to children and coverts. At Christmas 1959 Wojtyla started the tradition of Midnight Mass in an open field at Nowa Huta outside Krakow, a tradition that continues to this day. The new Pope tried on several occasions to get Wojtyla to the Curia in Rome, but Archbishop Eugeniusz Baziak was able to convince Paul VI that Wojtyla was needed in Krakow.

Between 1960 and 1966 Karol participated in three Synods of bishops. When Archbishop Baziak died in 1962, Pope Paul named Wojtyla the new Archbishop of Krakow. While he would also take on other roles in the next 16 years Wojtyla would remain Krakow’s Archbishop until he was elected Pope in 1978.

After the Russian failed ICBM attack on the Singapore Conference in April 1965, Wojtyla joined other bishops worldwide in signing a declaration approved by the Pope condemning the attack and calling for a ban on all weapons of mass destruction, as well as negotiations rather than armed conflict. The declaration also suggested that if the ICC was not able to broker a peace the Church would lend its offices. Archbishop Wojtyla was among the many, in the years following the German capitulation, trying to build a democratic more united Europe. That was all put on hold when Russia executed what the Germans called Blitzkrieg, by invading Poland the Baltics and Finland with armor and motorized infantry supported by aircraft, rockets, and artillery on Christmas Day 1965. Shortly after Wojtyla completed his annual Midnight Mass, he was informed that Russian tanks and troops had already crossed the border.

Within two weeks the entire Commonwealth was under Russian occupation, as were Estonia, Latvia and more than half of Finland. The Europeans opposed the Russians, but after the German capitulation even their forces were a shell of what they had been only a decade earlier. The United States and Imperial Federation were already at War with the Russians, and America poured its industrial might into rearming Europe.

During the almost two-year occupation the Russians forbade any public gatherings, including Church Services. Archbishop Wojtyla announced he, as always stood ready to mediate directly with the Russians or through his Orthodox counterparts, but he would not only hold services, but attend services for any other faith wishing to worship in the occupied areas. The Russians finally relented when the Patriarch of Moscow, and Metropolitan of Kiev each announced intentions to concelebrate Mass with Archbishop Wojtyla, and the Catholic University of Chile requested permission to broadcast the prelate’s services. The Russians announced that worship was permitted but had to be pre-scheduled so Russian could have observers to ensure no subversive activities were taking place. Wojtyla responded that “of course all are welcome.”

The last Russians were not repelled from most of Poland until mid-December 1967, and in their retreat, they destroyed much of the infrastructure. Archbishop Wojtyla celebrated Christmas Midnight Mass as usual. The only change was that there were a significant number of American soldiers present who were already assisting with rebuilding. Among their number was 24-year-old First Lieutenant Jack Reagan a Civil Affairs Officer assigned to the 3rd Infantry Division, and son of California Governor Dutch Reagan. Lieutenant Reagan would meet often with the Archbishop over the next year until the ICC formerly took over. Jack was also among the first to congratulate Karol when the Vatican announced on New Year’s Eve 1967 that Paul VI had named Wojtyla as a Cardinal In Pectore (or in his heart) the previous June as he feared if Wojtyla left his flock for any reason the Russians would deny him reentry. Karol Jozef Wojtyla started 1968 as a Prince of the Church.

GOVERNOR REAGAN

When Dutch Reagan assumed the Governorship of California in January, his wife Jane attended his inauguration, but true to her word immediately went back to work – her Tony Award winning role in the Broadway Play Wonderful Us and would not return full time to California until November. Dutch’s brother Neil continued as the producer of The Tonight Show, which was then hosted by John Carson, who assiduously avoided politics. All three of Reagan’s children were in the military by then, with Ron serving as a Lieutenant J.G. on a Navy tanker, 2nd Lieutenant Jack was an Army Civil Affairs officer waiting to deploy, and Cathy was still in training to be a nurse awaiting an Air Force Commission. None of them would actually be under fire during the War, but their obligations meant that once in Sacramento Dutch had no family around. This was when Reagan came to rely on his “kitchen cabinet,” a small coterie of trusted advisors, who for the most part were with him through the rest of his political career.

There were three constants in Reagan’s kitchen cabinet, at the start of his governorship there was one Republican, one Independent and one Democrat. There was Mike Deaver, an Air Force veteran discharged after losing an arm from a mortar attack in Manchuria early in the War with Russia. Reagan met Deaver during the 1966 campaign, just after the young man was released from a military hospital. Dutch took an immediate liking to Deaver, likely missing his own children, and asked him to sign on to his campaign. When Deaver pointed out he was a Republican, Dutch responded “that’s ok, until last year I was too.” Deaver was titled as a personal assistant to the Governor, but Reagan later said, “the man with no right hand is my right hand.” He stayed at Reagan’s side for most of the next two decades. Years later oldest son Ron displayed some jealousy of Deaver’s relationship with Reagan saying, “dad considered Mike the son he never had.” A self-described apolitical Independent who would later turn Democrat was Ed Meese, a California attorney, would go from being an Assistant to the Governor for legal affairs to United States Attorney General. Reagan biographer Louis Cannon wrote that Meese would give Reagan straightforward and unvarnished legal, advice, but on the rare occasions that Reagan went against that advice Meese would forcefully argue in public that the course Reagan took was both legal, and prudent. The Reagan troika was completed by Alan Cranston, a journalist, rabid Democrat and failed Senate Candidate, who Reagan came to rely on for all things political. Cranston was as far to the left as one could be without being called a Socialist or Communist and was named as the Governor’s Legislative Liaison. He believed in one world government and advocated surrendering sovereignty to the ICC. Reagan often went against Cranston’s advice. One day when an exasperated Cranston asked Reagan why he kept him around, Reagan responded “I can read people, but Alan, you can read politicians. There is no one better than you at telling me how far I can go before they’ll jump ship.”

On most legislative issues Reagan tried to split the difference. He still had a Republican State Senate and only a slim majority in the Assembly which he lost after the 1968 elections. Therefore, Reagan by necessity had to work with Republicans. This included, Bob Monagan, the State Senate Republican leader. To fund the new programs the Democrats wanted Reagan to pledge not to increase the state income tax. Reagan complied, but instead got the legislature to create sin taxes on cigarettes and liquor, as well as new sales and inheritance taxes. In exchange for those tax increases Reagan agreed to follow the recommendations of a bicameral, bipartisan committee, led by Republicans to reduce property taxes.

Alan Cranston was absent from the California Government for most of the 1968, as he was again running for the Senate, but he again lost. After Reagan died Cranston wrote that he felt for a long time that Dutch could have given him greater support in the election, but most agree that Reagan’s mistake was in helping Cranston get the nomination. The thinking was that Democrats might have held the Assembly if Cranston wasn’t so consumed with his own losing race.

In 1970 Reagan was able to get the legislature to authorize and fund Cal-Care as permitted by the 1970 Federal Health Care Act. In his re-election campaign in 1970 Reagan was able to point to an actual budget surplus. This was a little misleading, as much of the surplus came from the Federal Government under the Health Care Act and was therefore earmarked for Cal-Care costs. Even though the funds were for future outlays, they were counted in budget calculations, while the state’s future costs were ignored. Reagan also signed a bill authorizing abortion in cases of rape, incest, or to protect the health of the mother. In 1971 he Reagan signed an amendment limiting the health exception to physical conditions.

In 1969 -71 there were anti-draft demonstrations, on college campuses throughout the State. Unlike most of his fellow Governors who worried about escalation, Reagan sent in State Police and the National Guard Troops to break up the gatherings at the first sign of violence. The protesters argued that with the war over there should be no draft, while Reagan said over and over that he and his children didn’t serve in the military so a bunch of “pampered shirkers” could avoid service. Protesters sued citing the State action was an impingement of free speech as the police and guard presence even before violence occurred was chilling, and in fact police presence is what often incited the violence. In Fonda v. California, in 1974 the United States Supreme Court by a 5-4 vote, reversed the 9th circuit by finding Reagan’s actions did not impinge on free speech.

In his 1970 re-election bid besides the budget surplus, Reagan was able to point to the bipartisan plan to reduce property taxes, and the fact that California was already almost fully past the 1969 recession. He was also able to campaign with his children and Jane, who took a break from acting to help. Reagan’s opponent was Houston Flournoy, the State Comptroller, but there was no point where polls showed the Republican less than 8 points behind. In the end Reagan won by a 56%- 44% margin and the Democrats took both house of the legislature.

Jane Wyman once again attended the inauguration, but then took a role in a television series, Paula Mason, which would occupy much of her time. During any hiatus she actually resided in Sacramento. Reagan governed from the middle, even though he now had solid majorities. The bills were starting to come due for Cal-Care, but they would not have to be paid until after Reagan had left office. Reagan’s main initiatives in the second term were expansion of the state university system starting in 1972 and welfare reform starting in 1973. He took a tour of Europe with Jane in 1974 ostensibly to build up opportunities for California businesses, and while there met the Pope, the Queen, Peggy Thatcher and Cardinal Wojtyla. He was most certainly preparing for a White House run.

THATCHER IN THE CABINET

As Deputy Minister for Commonwealth Affairs Peggy Thatcher toured the Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth in the latter half of 1965 coordinating support for the War on Russia. These efforts had little immediate effect, but in the long term it strengthened the Greater Commonwealth, and its ties to the Federation. The coordination decreased duplication of efforts, increased internal Commonwealth trade, and yielded benefits for years after Thatcher had moved on. The Imperial Federation would never overtake the United States in industrial might, but when combined with the Greater Commonwealth they were a close second. The tour had the secondary benefit of introducing Thatcher to local MPs throughout the Federation, many of whom would be IMPs in the 1970s.

In early 1966 IPM Harold Holt did a shuffle of his cabinet. He gave Peggy the choice of moving up to become Minister of Commonwealth Affairs, or to stand up a new Ministry of Science and Technology. The latter position was offered because of Thatcher’s background as a chemist, but all thought she would rather be Minister of Commonwealth Affairs. While the Ministry wasn’t one of the big four (Chancellor of the Exchequer, Foreign Minister, Home Secretary, or Defence Minister), it was considered a steppingstone, as Howard Green, Thatcher’s superior at the Ministry, became Foreign Secretary in the shuffle. To the surprise of many Peggy chose Science and Technology. Just days after Thatcher assumed her new role, Winston Churchill passed away. As a Minister in the Imperial Federation Cabinet Peggy had a front row seat to her personal hero’s funeral in Westminster Abby.

Thatcher explained later that she felt she would rather stand up a new ministry, where she could influence the development of the Federation for a generation or more. In that regard Thatcher successfully argued in cabinet that the new ministry was analogous to the Ministry of Armaments in The Great War. She was able to harness Government to jumpstart promising technologies throughout the Imperial Federation. In the name of aiding the war effort The Ministry of Science provided grants to numerous promising companies. Many of these companies failed, and Thatcher was accused even by fellow Tories of picking winners and losers. She countered that the Government was not investing in any company not having a reasonable chance of success and that she often provided funds to companies promoting competing technologies. Also each grant contained a requirement that the government would share in the benefits of any developments in the form of deep discounts, as well as requiring the grantee to license technology to competitors when directed by the Ministry. Critics were silenced when Springfield Technologies developed a new guidance system that by 1969 was used in virtually every American and Federation missile. Of course, today Springfield, Queensland is the largest computer chip maker in the world.

The Science and Technology Ministry became the vehicle for expanding Imperial Federation jurisdiction to the point where by 1990 the Imperial Federation had separate ministries for education, transport, and infrastructure. Long after Thatcher left office there were companies formed thanks to her policies including automobile manufacturers in Northern Ireland, and Ireland, the world’s largest hadron collider in Alberta, nuclear vessel construction in Scotland, and the computer companies of North Island, New Zealand.

THATCHER IN THE OPPOSITION

Even though Thatcher was the Science Minister at the time, she played what was for a long time an unsung role in the 1969 Commonwealth Africa Campaign. This was the action wherein South Africa and Rhodesia were invaded by Commonwealth troops to oust the white minority governments and put an end to apartheid. Using the contacts, she had developed as Deputy Minister for Commonwealth Affairs, Thatcher secured support from various Commonwealth members in Africa to participate in the incursion, and subsequent occupation with Regiments from New Zealand and Australia. She was tapped for this role because the Foreign Minister was in the United States briefing the Americans and key ICC Ambassadors. Even so Holt later said, “The role Peggy played was essential.”

In 1972, the center-right coalition of Harold Holt gave way once again to the center-left coalition led by Lester Pearson. The last bill passed by the IFP before the left resumed power was the Thatcher sponsored measure mandating future IFP elections be held independent of its component parts with the first General Election scheduled no later November 25, 1974, to coincide with the 26th Anniversary of the first session of the IFP. The bill was originally going to set the election for the IFP 25th Anniversary but was amended before passage as it was realized this would impinge on the Queen’s Silver Jubilee.

Once they were again in the opposition Holt named Peggy the shadow foreign minister. Since we now know of her actions in support of the Africa Campaign, Holt’s choice was obvious. As such Peggy did substantial travel, albeit unofficial, and was often in contact with foreign dignitaries visiting London. The United States State Department began describing her in briefings to the President as a possible future IPM. In May 1973 she visited Scandinavian states, the Baltics and Germany. On the tour she met Cardinal Wojtyla with whom she was very impressed. Her husband Denis was even more impressed, so much so that he personally invested heavily in a nuclear power plant being built outside Krakow. After his death Denis’ daughter Carol remarked “Dad made his money the old-fashioned way, he inherited it, but the Krakow plant certainly paid off financially – I guess he should have pressed the future Pope for some stock tips.” After Peggy was IPM some in the opposition tried to say she used her government position to get insider information, but she and Denis were not in government at the time, and the plant had no Federation connection. Thatcher herself remarked that the Cardinal might be the ultimate source of insider information, but he and virtually everyone else they met on the tour were promoting local investment to recover from the Russian War.

As shadow Foreign Minister Thatcher strenuously opposed the government plans to essentially demobilize. She gave what proved to be prescient warnings about dangers coming from the Islamic Federation, as well as any number of potential adversaries who could take advantage if the Imperial Federation were to be perceived as weak. She also spoke out against ending the space program that had just been getting started in her final months as Science Minister. The government argued they could afford cuts in defence and space as the United States would continue to fill the leadership roles in those areas, while the Federation as the junior partner could concentrate on its people. Thatcher in question time responded to that argument that the United States was suffering the same pressures, making similar dangerous cuts, and “Her Majesty’s government should not be junior to any nation, while our people will not be better off if we lose a future conflict because of unpreparedness.”

1973 saw strike after strike throughout the Federation. In the British Isles there were no less than eight major industries shut down by strikes, the most damaging being a four-month coal strike from August to November 1973. Canada saw an eight-month long rail worker’s strike in 1973 and Australia and New Zealand had dock worker’s strikes that same year. The IFP originally tried to avoid any role in the disputes by saying it was a matter for local government. When that didn’t work, they actually tried to pass legislation forcing the companies to settle on labor’s terms. When the Imperial Supreme Court gave an advisory opinion that such action was “extralegal,” they actually nationalized the coal industry, and gave in to the workers’ demands. This had the effect of settling most of the other strikes quickly in favor of workers, but still caused major problems for the left’s coalition. The best example again was coal, which at that time was the major source for heating in the British Isles. The strike was settled, but even with higher wages the mines under government direction produced only slightly more than half of what they had the prior year, and the price increased substantially. So, the right was able to argue that the left had brought the “half the coal at twice the price.” There were similar issues with the other labor actions. One thing that was established and would not change was the concept that the IFP was limited to only certain specified areas.

In mid-1974 Peggy and Denis hosted California Governor Dutch Reagan and his wife the actress Jane Wyman for tea. The Reagans were on a European tour ostensibly to promote business opportunities in California, but in reality, it was to give the Governor some foreign policy credentials before an expected Presidential run. Peggy had spoken to the Governor when she was a satellite guest on his Tonight Show in 1965, but they had only the briefest of conversations off camera. After the dinner Reagan recorded in his journal that he had no doubt Peggy would one day be the Imperial Prime Minister. Thatcher for her part was wrong for once, writing in her diary that Reagan was quite pleasant and impossible not to like, but she could not picture him as President of the United States. Now don’t ask me why Reagan had a journal and Thatcher had a diary – I don’t know, and for all I know it was the other way around.

When the IFP elections were held in November 1974, the Center-Right Coalition once again took power. Jack Lynch became the first Irish IPM and made Peggy Thatcher his Home Secretary. She was ever closer to the center of power.

This is a good place to break, as we’ll next see each of our protagonists rising to their respective heights, and their relationships with each other in those roles. If there are questions please submit them during the break, and I’ll respond here. Limit questions to areas already covered, as we don’t want to get ahead of ourselves. Those of you streaming in other time zone can submit questions by email and I will try to answer, but I suggest you wait until after the lecture in case I answer your question during the lecture.

CARDINAL WOJTYLA

From 1968 through 1974 Karol’s focus was on pastoral concerns of his diocese, helping to rebuild not only Krakow, but all of war-torn Europe, teaching and writing in that order. He oversaw the rebuilding of churches, and leveraged connections with his American counterparts so effectively that he became the conduit for fellow bishops throughout Europe. By 1972 the Archdiocese of Krakow was actually sending money to support missionary work in Asia and Africa. Due to his success and linguistic skills Wojtyla was enlisted by the government to speak with ICC-WB representatives, and foreigners looking to invest in wider infrastructure projects.

Denis Thatcher’s investment in nuclear power was just one example, and by the way that company by the late 1990s had built more than 20 nuclear plants throughout Europe and Northern Africa. The most prominent projects promoted by Wojtyla were the extension of Germany’s autobahn throughout the war-ravaged Baltics, and PKK the company that eventually created the oil and gas pipelines extending from Russia throughout Europe. When asked if it was appropriate for a Prince of the Church to mix in secular affairs, Wojtyla responded that his flock would benefit from these projects, and he never asked the religion of the benefactors. There were of course projects that failed, the most egregious being Gierek Enterprises, which went belly up trying to create a shipping empire out of Lithuania’s Klaipeda port. Fortunately, there was no proof of fraud, and in any event Wojtyla was always careful to ask for help without benefiting himself or offering assurances of a return.

In June 1973 Wojtyla was a leading voice at the Synod of Bishops called by the Pope. By then Paul VI was the most traveled Pope in history. He challenged the bishops to work toward ecumenism with other Christians, and to expand Missionary activities in Africa, and the areas of Asia recently freed of Russian Domination. In January 1974 Paul VI toured Asia. His last stop was in the Philippines. While there, Ferdinand Marcos the President of the Philippines, asked the Pope to condemn the Islamic insurgents who were then opposing his government. To the chagrin of Marcos, the Pope, gave a speech at a dinner the evening preceding his departure urging dialogue with the insurgents. When the Holy Father was walking out to the tarmac in Manila the following morning, he was attacked by a knife wielding man dressed as a priest. The man stabbed the Pope six times before being subdued by a Swiss Guard. President Marcos tried to claim the attacker was an Islamic insurgent, but from statements he made immediately after the attack in front of dozens of witnesses including a television camera it was clearly demonstrated he was a Catholic upset with the “false Pope’s” call for dialogue.

After the attack, the Pope was hospitalized for ten days in Manila. From his hospital bed he forgave the attacker, and again called for dialogue between Muslims and Christians. Despite pleas from the Pope the attacker was eventually executed. Paul VI never fully recovered from the attack. He never traveled outside Italy again after returning to Rome. He decided to create what amounted to a proxy in Cardinal Wojtyla. The pope once again asked Wojtyla to come to the Curia. Karol indicated he would obey but requested to remain in Krakow. His Holiness relented, but on March 8, 1975, issued what amounted to a Papal Bull or Commission. It was not secret, but neither was it publicized. Karol Cardinal Wojtyla was directed to investigate and report within 18 months on:

• The state of efforts at reunification with our Sister Christian Churches, especially the Churches in the East and in the Anglo-Catholic Rite.
• The state of missionary efforts throughout the world, with particular attention to Africa and Asia.
• How to best increase cooperation among people of all faiths to eliminate the suffering of God’s people. This may include cooperation with government entities and secular organizations.
• The successes and failures in implementing the recommendations of the Third Council of Lyons. Specifically address roles of and relations between the clergy, other religious and the laity.
• Include comprehensive recommendations on improvements in all of the above areas. You may use any resources of the Mother Church in completing this task, and your fellow bishops and the other faithful are directed to assist you in any way you deem necessary. Your report shall be submitted in privitis [private].

Most scholars agree that Paul VI, having seen his mortality was preparing the man he hoped would be his successor. He ordered the report to be in private because he wanted to protect Wojtyla from retribution for any unpopular findings in what was meant to be a frank report.

The report was submitted in August 1975. Wojtyla traveled most of the world in that time. His report remains under seal to this day. We do know from some comments made by Paul VII himself that as to the missionary activities he pointed out that except for the Mormon Church there was little evangelical activity by groups other than the Catholic Church in Asia, whereas in Africa there were numerous Christian groups proselyting, and in Latin America Protestant groups were making inroads against the Catholic Church.

One area evidently not addressed in the report were the allegations of clergy abuse of minors, and the failure of Church leadership to address what were not only crimes, but mortal sins. Paul VII’s defenders point out that investigating anything like child abuse, was never part of the commission. Detractors concede there wasn’t any evidence Wojtyla knew of the crimes but say that given his charge he should have had some indication of the problem. In any event we’ll likely never know.

By the end of 1976, it was obvious to all of the Church’s leadership that Paul VI hoped Wojtyla would succeed him.

Let’s take a break. Submit any questions which I’ll try to address when we come back, please remember to only send questions if you are streaming this live. If you are viewing after August 2025, or even viewing on a tape delay I may be dead and am therefore unlikely to answer. We’ll pick up with our protagonists from 1982 – 1985. Back at the top of the hour.

QUESTIONS AND COMMENTS

• MM-Georgetown University, Washington City, MD: You referenced the abortion bills Reagan signed when Governor. What did he say about that in his meetings with Paul VI and Paul VII?
• As far as I can tell nothing. There is no record of either Pope directly speaking to Reagan on the issue, and I would be very surprised if Reagan broached the subject. If either Pope did it was likely not made public to avoid embarrassing Reagan.
• The Catholic Church was then, and remains now, firmly opposed abortion, as do many religious faiths.
• The Church did evolve on the issue of birth control in light of the AIDs crisis, but there was never any movement on abortion.
• Reagan as a Catholic took the position most Catholic politicians did – namely he was personally opposed to abortion, but under his oath to the Constitution he was bound to enforce all duly passed laws.
• Forgive me, if I’m wrong on the case cite but in Doe v. The Commissioner of Public Health in 1972 a US Supreme Court case out of Texas upheld a state’s right to regulate most abortions, likewise it said states were also free, at least up to the third trimester to allow abortion on demand.
• By leaving it to the states abortion in the United States developed as it did in Europe and the Imperial Federation. Most areas allow abortion with restrictions. Since you had politicians from both major parties on each side of the debate, it never really became a Federal issue in America. Asia also had a wide range of opinions and on abortion, while in much of Africa, and Latin America abortion was banned until early in the 21st century.
• An analogous example is the death penalty where Reagan actually signed death warrants as both Governor and President. Paul VI and Paul VII were both adamant in their opposition to the death penalty – even as to those who tried to assassinate them. Still, there is no record of either Pope directly raising the matter with Reagan, though they each on occasion would call for clemency in particular cases in the way of a general plea or press release (although I can’t recall a case where there was a specific call for clemency when Reagan had the power to commute the sentence).
• JN- University of Chicago, Chicago, IL: You indicated that Reagan’s son Ron had expressed jealousy of Mike Deaver. What was his relationship with his children? Same question as to Thatcher please.
• That is hard to say. As to Reagan, the quote I cited came from his oldest son’s book about his parents. In that work Ronald J. Reagan claims both his parents were aloof and detached from their children. Without citing any particular abuse or neglect, he stated his parents were just occupied with their careers. Ronald was married and divorced three times and had a history of alcohol abuse. That is not to say what he wrote wasn’t true, but his brother Jack, when asked, said “I love my brother, but he is just blaming our parents for his personal failures.” Ron tried to get into acting, but never made it beyond a handful of appearances on his mother’s television series. Jack tried politics had was no more successful; he married, had a daughter, divorced and eventually became a lobbyist. Catherine Reagan apparently had a good relationship with her parents but refused any comment on her brother’s book. She became a successful pediatrician, and married another physician, and raised four children.
• Peggy Thatcher’s daughter became a journalist and wrote biographies of each of her parents. The works were forthright, and generally detailed, but tread very lightly in covering personal family matters. Carol did write that as the IMP’s child she had to develop both a sense of humor and a hard shell. She married a member of the English Parliament in 1977 but divorced in 1979. Carol eventually settled in Melbourne, Victoria.
• Thatcher’s son Mark was estranged for a time from his father. When the Islamic Conflict began, Mark had already completed his mandatory military service, and chose not to ask to have his commission in the Royal Navy reactivated. This terribly disappointed both his parents, but his father especially. There was a reconciliation of sorts when Mark tried to activate his commission when the Falklands Crisis started but given the rapidity of the deployments he was turned down for further service. Mark did inherit his father’s title. He was married twice and divorced once he has a son from the first union, two daughters by his current wife. They continue to reside in England, and before his recent retirement he listed his profession as “Promoter” whatever that means.
• All of the Reagan and Thatcher children spoke at the funeral services of each of their respective parents.
• MC- University of Cambridge: Cambridge, England: You write in you book the Thatcher provided the brains, Reagan the charm and Paul VII was the conscience that prevented them from going too far. Can you expound on that?
• Thank you very much for the plug, I believe everyone should purchase that seminal work. If anyone wants to order the book, I’ll provide the link where this lecture is posted for online streaming.
• Seriously, if you don’t want to purchase the book, stay for the rest of the lecture and I think you’ll see what I meant.

1975

Reagan left the governor’s office in 1975, with an eye on the Presidency. In April 1975 he signed a six-month contract with General Electric giving lectures at its offices and plants around the United States. In that six-month period Reagan visited facilities in 34 different states. Some tried to claim it was a backdoor campaign contribution, but Dutch had not declared for any office, and he actually delivered the lectures to audiences that were sincerely happy to see and hear from him. Reagan himself admitted that the exposure to middle class Americans was invaluable to his campaign the next year. Before going to many of the sites Reagan would ask GE managers to invite family members as well. Many of the speeches were given at plant picnics.

Mike Deaver accompanied the former governor, and somehow always managed to find a local worker willing to help out the one-armed aide by taking his bulky new video camera to record the event. Copies of those recordings were sent to each venue, but many of the clips found their way into campaign commercials in 1976. Before he left the Governorship Reagan appointed Ed Meese to the California Supreme Court. Alan Cranston made one last attempt at elective office, trying to run for Governor himself, but didn’t succeed in getting the nomination. In July 1975, after licking his wounds for a while, Cranston formed one of the first Political Action Committees (PACs), called Democrats for Action.

The first Goldwater Veto the Democratic Congress overrode was the 1975 Campaign Reform Act, which among other things set campaign spending limits, but set no limit on what third parties could spend on issue advocacy. The Congress was guarding against an independently wealthy candidate (i.e., another Kennedy) from buying an election. The Supreme Court issued an injunction on the spending limits portion of the bill in 1976, and eventually declared the provision an unconstitutional infringement on free speech. The PACs still remained, because candidates at all levels from both parties liked the idea of having deniability if a PAC made attacks on the other side that had a potential to backfire if they came from the campaign.

Peggy Thatcher went right to work as the Home Secretary. She successfully argued in cabinet to greatly expand the Imperial Police Forces so there was some presence in every riding, with offices in every Commonwealth entity. She did this by folding the Canadian RCMP, and Australian Federal Police into the Imperial Police, but the Canadians were allowed to retain their name and traditions. MI5 was not folded into the Federal Police, but information sharing was mandated with the Home Office having to approve any request to withhold information from criminal investigators. Even though it was not required Thatcher mandated greater cooperation with allies and formalized the liaison arrangements between MI5 and the American National Bureau of Investigation (NBI).

Thatcher continued to exasperate fellow Ministers even more than the opposition. She spoke out against defence cuts citing the danger from the Islamic Confederation. The Imperial Federation had generally good relations with the Common Market of the Americas nations, and considered that part of the world to be America’s bailiwick. Even so, Thatcher also called for sanctions against Argentina when the country’s President Nicasio Toranzo vetoed British Honduras from entering the Common Market in retaliation for the Imperial Federation refusing to negotiate the status of the Falkland Islands, which the Argentinians called the Maldives. The IPM received calls from the ICC, the Secretariat of the Common Market, and the United States Secretary of State – Thatcher was told to stay in her lane. She did, at least until her lane got bigger.

Jozef Cardinal Wojtyla spent most of 1975 completing his report for the Holy Father. He later wrote that its completion lifted a tremendous burden from his shoulders. This was because while Wojtyla’s commission was not broadly publicized, it was widely known to members of the Church hierarchy. Many tried to have input beyond what Wojtyla asked for, whether to just be helpful or to influence the Holy Father. Once it was submitted Wojtyla could say it was literally out of his hands.

There were no specific actions Paul VI took that have been attributed to the Wojtyla report, but the College of Cardinals was increased to 120 voting members, with members over 80 not being able to vote in conclave. This allowed the Pope to appoint another dozen cardinals before his death. Bishops were also required to submit their resignation from active service at 80, but the Pope was allowed to defer accepting it indefinitely.

Karol actually got to get some relaxation in the last months of 1975. He actually surprised the local University by taking on a small walk-on role as a grandfather in their annual play. He led a group in kayaking in the fall, went skiing with the same group in late November, and dressed as St. Nicholas for an orphanage on Christmas morning. Wojtyla was hoping he could spend the rest of his days tending to the pastoral needs of his diocese.

1976 - REAGAN

1976 was a year of transition for all three of our protagonists. The United States was having a Presidential election, it was becoming more and more likely that Paul VI would not survive the year, and IPM Jack Lynch in private informed a half dozen members of his cabinet, including Peg Thatcher, that he intended to retire at the end of the year. Lynch’s decision started quiet jockeying for his replacement.

On February 6, 1976, Dutch Reagan’s 64th birthday, the press gathered to watch him chop wood at his Santa Barbara Ranch. Reagan then strode to the podium where Henry Jackson the1968 Democratic candidate was waiting. Jackson like everyone else was wearing a suit, while Reagan was wearing jeans with a straw cowboy hat and a denim shirt. Jackson, then said he was “proud to introduce Ronald Wilson Reagan, the next President of the United States.” The candidate then wiped his brow with a bandana, shook hands with Jackson and said to the crowd “thank you very much, but I think you all know me as Dutch.” After speaking and taking a few questions, Dutch then mounted his horse and road back to his ranch house. The race was on, and broadcaster Reagan didn’t miss a single cue.

The advantage Dutch had was his notoriety, and a middle of the road record as Governor. The biggest disadvantage was the fact that the Democrats were hoping to capitalize on President Goldwater’s age painting him as too old. The problem was that Dutch was only three years younger than Goldwater and was already older than Goldwater had been when he took office. Hence, the demonstration at the ranch. Even with his shock of white hair Reagan in 1976 looked vigorous.

His main primary opponents were Senators Mo Udall of Arizona, Fritz Mondale of Minnesota. Lloyd Bentsen of Texas, and Frank Church of Idaho, and Governor James Carter of Georgia. Udall edged out Reagan in Iowa, but Reagan won by two points in New Hampshire. In the primary debates Reagan hammered the fact that except for himself, (Carter had already dropped when he finished third in the Iowa caucuses where he had banked on breaking out) they were all part of what he called the “Washington establishment.” His opponents tried to hit Reagan for telling stories about his life and interactions with voters that were exaggerated at best and made up at worst. Alan Cranston reportedly told a reporter off the record “the idea is true, even if the facts aren’t – look it as a parable, because every time I hear him start, I say Jesus Christ.”

By the time of the New York convention Reagan had the nomination sewed up. The first non-incumbent Democrat to do so up to that time. Dutch choose Mondale as his running mate. Cranston’s PAC made biting attacks on the Goldwater administration not demobilizing fast enough, and not bringing home troops from the Russian occupation. In their only debate Goldwater tried to attack Reagan as being soft, but Dutch said, “there you go again,” pointing out the ads were not from his campaign. Reagan said he was proud of his military service as well as his children’s service, and then went on to thank Goldwater for his long service to the country. This served the dual purpose of making Dutch appear to be the good guy while emphasizing Goldwater’s age.

The Democrats prevailed in November by 345 to 230 electoral votes for the Republicans. Democrats won the popular vote by over three million votes and increased their margins in both House of Congress. Ronald Wilson Reagan – make that Dutch would become the 38th President of the United States.

1976-THATCHER

The Tories didn’t have to call an election until November 1979, but a no confidence vote could force an early election, or worse - one of their coalition partners could jump to Labour. There were splits in the Coalition about demobilizing the military, relations within the Greater Commonwealth, and with the United States, but the make-or-break issue was the Imperial Healthcare System (IHS). The only party in the coalition with enough votes to break the Center-Right Coalition was the British Liberal Party. If the Liberals bolted the Tories might still be able to govern without an outright majority, or if they went to Labour, together they might just be able to cobble enough seats from the New Greens and Parti Quebecois form a majority. Liberals had already been making noises about the Tory failure to follow through on assurances to fix the IHS, which was hemorrhaging money, and not providing adequate service to the people. So, the role of the Ministers Lynch confided in (which by May had grown to ten) was to have a plan for IHS reform before any Lynch announcement. In essence they became a working group.

When the Imperial Federation formed in 1948 there was no Federation wide Health Service. The old UK, and each of the Dominions had their own Healthcare systems, and most were a mix of public and private health plans. When the first Center-Left Coalition gained power they essentially put the entire Imperial Federation on one public plan the British plan. They originally provided highly subsidized public healthcare, but allowed private healthcare for those willing to pay on their own. The Center-Right Coalitions found it impossible to cut the IHS, because of fear that the public would turn on them after guaranteed attacks from the left accusing the Tories of killing the poor, and because they always had a least one coalition partner unwilling to cooperate with cuts. Each successive Center-Left coalition added benefits, without providing reform. They also dumped half the costs of the programs on the various constituent parts of the Federation.

The Liberals actually wanted reform, and despite giving the portfolio of Health Minister to Liberal IMP John Thorpe they felt the Tories were squandering a chance to reform healthcare. The problem was that even though private healthcare was permitted the IHS still regulated that sector so much that private health insurance became so expensive it almost disappeared. Waits for the public program became ever longer to the point that people were actually dying on a waitlist. Many Doctors were emigrating going to America and elsewhere. Even medical students brought in from Greater Commonwealth countries would receive valuable training, complete extensive residency programs and immediately return home or emigrate.

The plans the ten ministers came up with ranged from scrapping the system totally and turning it over to each state, province or country to just eliminating any private system and dumping money on the problem until it was fixed. Fortunately, at Thatcher’s insistence, they invited Thorpe into the working group in June. This was necessary because if the Liberals found the Tories had come up with a reform plan without their input they might bolt anyway. Similarly, if they found out about Lynch’s intentions from a leak a rift was likely.

Thorpe was pleased to be involved and put out when it became clear the working group had existed for weeks. He suggested looking to the United States which had passed a healthcare reform act in 1970, sending it to the states with matching funds matched or doubled by the Federal Government. Thorpe pointed out that he had been given copies of the reports sent by each state to the federal government on the success of their programs, and even though the United States would not revisit the issue until 1980, Thorpe felt The Imperial Federation could use the reports to adapt what was already working. That was when Peggy chimed in that they should instead adopt much more of the American plan. She suggested transitioning the public program back to the various constituencies over a one-year period, provide full funding for another year, and cut back 10% each year until the IFP was providing 50% funding for the next five years. This would increase costs in the short run, but potentially yield long term savings and reform. Over the ten-year period, the constituencies could experiment as US states were already doing. At the end of a decade the IFP would have a plan using the best of what each part had come up with to enact a permanent Federation wide replacement.

Thorpe liked the plan, as did the other Liberals and Lynch. The rest of the cabinet was ambivalent, with many pointing out that a Center-Left coalition in the future could just wipe out the entire program. In the end keeping their Liberal coalition partners happy won out. The plan was introduced in the IFP on October 4th and passed on the 20th. On the 21st word of Lynch’s plan to retire leaked to the London Times. Lynch confirmed the plan the next day but said he would stay on until his party choose a new leader at its next meeting scheduled for January 10, 1977. The Imperial Federation and the United States would each be getting new heads of Government within days of each other.

1976-CARDINAL WOJTYLA

Returning to Rome in 1974 after the Manila attack Pope Paul VI cut back his schedule to recuperate. It was hoped he would recover sufficient strength to resume his world travels. He did recover enough to resume saying Mass on Holy Days, and to give weekly audiences, but he tired easily, and airplane travel was ruled out. In 1975 he began to again cut back, spending more and more time at Castel Gandolfo, the Papal retreat. It was there that he received Cardinal Wojtyla’s report in the September 1975. The Pope rallied enough to say Mass on Christmas Day, but then immediately returned to Castel Gandolfo, and in his lifetime would not again return to the Vatican.

In January 1976, His Holiness received Cardinal Wojtyla to discuss his report. The Cardinal was concerned about the obvious frailness of the Pontiff, but when asked by a reporter on the Pope’s physical condition responded, “His Holiness is alert and engaged, we all pray for his speedy return to full health.” Cardinal Wojtyla would visit the Pope again in July and November 1976. Paul VI regularly received various bishops and cardinals to his residence, almost always on Church business. His Holiness for most of 1976 was alert and engaged, but there was to be no return to full health. The Pope did not return to participate in Holy Week, but the Vatican did release his audio only recorded Easter message to the faithful.

Cardinal Wojtyla and others who had long gaps between their visits were immediately struck by the Pontiff’s worsening physical condition. By Karol’s July visit the Pope had gone from a walker to a wheelchair. By the November audience Paul VI was bedridden and Wojtyla could barely understand the Pope’s soft-spoken words. Resignation was not seriously considered, as no Pope had resigned since Gregory XII in 1415. On December 14, 1976, Paul VI was alive, but no longer communicative. No announcement was made, but speculation ran rampant when no Christmas message was forthcoming. On December 27th the Vatican announced Paul the VI had died peacefully in his sleep early that morning. The conclave was scheduled to begin January 14, 1976, just about halfway between the IFP picking a new PM and the US swearing in a new President.

ASSUMING POWER - THATCHER

January 1977 saw each of our protagonists become respectively President, Prime Minister, and Pope. Or to put it in proper order Prime Minister, Pope, and President.

The leadership conference for the Tories began on January 10th in Hull, Quebec. During the three-day conference there was snow on the ground, but the temperature averaged a biting – 20 C. It was thought the new IPM could make a short trip from there to the Ottawa Parliament and present him or herself to the Governor-General for Canada. Hull was chosen because Canada had no dog in the fight so to speak. There were only three candidates for the Tory Leadership, Thatcher, Chancellor of the Exchequer Robert “Bobby” Muldoon of New Zealand, and Edward Heath another English IMP who was the Tory Whip. All three candidates came from middle class backgrounds and were generally respected by fellow Tories. Lynch as the outgoing IPM remained neutral, but most felt he backed Muldoon.

Muldoon and Heath each had advantages, and Thatcher was thought likely to be an also ran. Muldoon was banking on the two English IMPs splitting the largest delegation vote, and he would have become the first IPM from New Zealand. Heath was counting on being perceived as the nice guy in the race, as Thatcher and Muldoon were each viewed to many, as abrasive and not collaborative. Heath was quoted at one point by the Daily Mirror as saying, “Peggy is often the smartest person in the room, and she won’t let you out of the room until you agree with that. Bobby is as much a bully as Peggy, but without the brains or wit.” Of course, Heath blasted the paper, saying those were not his words, but when asked for the exact words he didn’t answer. Muldoon denied being a bully, and instead said he was just blunt, “as many outside England appreciate.” When Thatcher was asked about Heath’s comment, she replied she was touched by his compliment as to her intellect.

The first vote took place on January 11th. It was close in that Muldoon took 38%, to 32% for Thatcher, and 30% for Heath. Since no one received a majority Heath was dropped and a final vote was scheduled on the afternoon of January 12th. When Heath dropped he showed a sense of humor in his statement; “I guess the Americans are right when they say nice guys finish last.” Muldoon made a couple of mistakes. First by openly criticizing England he needlessly antagonized IPMs who voted for Heath, and had he not done so Heath may have refrained from endorsing Thatcher. Second, he evidently made several remarks to other members that the IFP just wasn’t ready for a female IPM. Still, Muldoon thought he would win by a wide margin. In the end all but two English IMPs voted for Thatcher as did almost 85% of female IMPs. The final vote gave Thatcher a strong 56% to 44% win.

Thatcher did travel to Ottawa to present herself to Jules Leger, the Governor-General and Sovereign’s representative to Canada. She then took congratulatory calls from outgoing President Goldwater and incoming President Reagan, who invited her to his Inauguration, and immediately flew back to London. She presented herself to the Queen on the evening of January 13th. On January 14th (coincidently the first day of the Papal conclave). Following that audience, Thatcher convened her first cabinet meeting. To mend fences, she had moved Heath into her old position at the Home Office. The first cabinet meeting was short. Thatcher indicated she was not making any immediate changes to Lynch’s cabinet, but she wanted results, and would not be shy in sacking those who did not produce measurable positive results. It was shortly after that meeting that she was referred to as the “Iron Lady” – which Peggy then corrected to say, “Iron Leader.”

ASSUMING POWER – PAUL VII

The papal conclave began on January 14, 1977. Karol, any many other Cardinals arrived on the 10th to participate in the funeral for Paul VI on the 12th. There was a fair amount of collegiality among the Cardinals. All admired Paul VI but given his long decline the death was almost viewed as a release. Sainthood was spoken of almost immediately, but all agreed that would be a matter for the next Pontiff.

Few doubted that had Paul VI been able to choose his own successor, he would have tapped Cardinal Wojtyla, but it had been close to half a millennium since the world had seen a non-Italian Pope. The January weather in Rome was quite comfortable, and many thought that could portend a long conclave, but while a half dozen names had been mentioned in the press there were really only two likely candidates Cardinal Albino Luciani and Cardinal Karol Wojtyla. As mentioned previously in the 1958 conclave that choose Paul VI, Cardinal Angelo Roncalli, the Patriarch of Venice was the other leading candidate, until he actually urged then Cardinal Montini. Cardinal Luciani was also the Patriarch of Venice, and was he was viewed by his fellow Italian Cardinals as being their best hope of holding the Papacy. On the first day of the conclave there was to be only one ballot. After that ballot Cardinal Wojtyla, was slightly ahead of Luciani, but there were more than a dozen others receiving one or more votes, so no one was close to a majority.

After that first vote, Luciani was speaking to some fellow Italian Cardinals when one expressed confidence that he would soon take the lead and the Papacy would remain Italian. One of those Cardinals was later anonymously quoted as saying “Albino got very quiet, and then speaking very slowly and clearly stated “Saint Peter was the first Bishop of Rome, but he was not Italian. I am very happy serving the Lord from Venice.” Cardinal Wojtyla was elected on the next ballot the following morning January 15th.

Cardinal Wojtyla took the name of Paul VII in part to honor his predecessor, but also to invoke St. Paul who did so much to spread the Word of Christ in the First Century. From the Balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica, he gave greetings to the cheers of the crowd below, as well as to the Faithful worldwide. The new Pope also asked for their prayers. Even though it was a short greeting it took more than fifteen minutes because the Pontiff gave his address in fourteen languages.

ASSUMING POWER - REAGAN

Within a week of Thatcher being chosen as IPM, and Cardinal Wojtyla becoming Paul VII, Dutch Reagan finished his transition to become the 38th President of the United States. Goldwater started what has since become the tradition of leaving a handwritten letter in the Oval Office for his successor. We won’t know the exact contents until the letter is released by the archives in 2027, but Reagan was effusive in his praise, and went on to say that he only hoped he could be as helpful in the transition to his successor.

Some Democrats actually thought Reagan was being a little too bipartisan, but when asked about appointing almost as many Republicans as Democrats to his cabinet Dutch responded, “The only thing worse than a sore loser is a sore winner.” Dutch originally tried to get Ed Meese to become the White House Counsel, but he could only be lured away from the California Supreme Court with a cabinet position – he became Attorney General. Alan Cranston was hoping for Treasury, but as the cabinet was already top heavy with Californians, Lloyd Bentsen of Texas took Treasury, and Cranston became the Senior Advisor to the President – the post that came to be known later in the Administration and since as White House Chief of Staff. Mike Deaver was made Communications Director.

Retired General William Westmoreland who had commanded ground forces in the Asian Theater of the Russian War was to be dual hatted as the Armed-Services Secretary, and Chief of the National Security Staff. Westmoreland was nominally a Republican, but as a former soldier he had remained apolitical. He was picked to give credibility to significant defense cuts planned by the incoming Administration. Wild Bill Casey was left at the NIS, and for the State Department Dutch choose Republican Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee, which showed bipartisanship and also gave the Democrats another Senate seat as Tennessee had a Democratic Governor.

Shortly before the Inauguration, the United States ICC envoy Henry Kissinger informed Reagan’s transition team that it was likely the ICC would soon appoint a new First Secretary. Since Teddy Roosevelt had been the initial envoy (and First Secretary) to the ICC it had been the custom to not name a new envoy until the seated representative died or resigned. However, since its formation the Inter-Continental Congress (ICC) had added three organs; the World Bank, or ICC-WB in 1944, which had then added the Trade Organization or ICC-TO in 1961. There was also the International Court, or ICC-IC formed in 1940 following the Pacific War, but except for when a majority of the ICC Envoys voted to refer war crimes to the body it only acted as an arbitration panel where member states submitted treaty disputes or other matters such as admiralty claims.

Why was Kissinger telling the transition team of the new First Secretary opening? It had become customary that an American head either the ICC-WB, ICC-TO or the ICC itself. Both Teddy Roosevelt and JPK, Sr. had been past First Secretaries, and Kennedy had been both First Secretary and President of the World Bank at that time. The current First Secretary of the ICC, Indira Gandhi, a Greater Commonwealth Envoy, was returning to India, while Italian Renato Ruggiero was at the ICC-TO, and German Otmar Emminger had recently replaced American Paul Volker at the ICC-WB. Kissinger offered to resign, because he felt the Administration might want to choose its own Envoy if that person were to be at the top of the ICC. Reagan thanked Kissinger, and actually considered appointing JPK, Jr. or Goldwater. Each was informally approached, and Reagan was somewhat relieved when they each passed so he wouldn’t be appointing another Republican. Reagan did not then publicly reveal Kissinger’s offer to resign, and on January 24, 1977, Kissinger was named First Secretary by the Assembly. As was the custom since Teddy Roosevelt, Kissinger was thereafter addressed as Mr. President by the Assembled Envoys.

Within a week of the elevations of Thatcher and Wojtyla, Ronald Wilson Reagan became President --- for once he didn’t go by Dutch. He gave a stirring address. IPM Thatcher attended the ceremony, and within the year they would both be in Rome, for a summit on the emerging power of Europe, and conferring with the new Pope. There was no mention of the Islamic Confederation, illegal immigration, or tensions with Argentina back sliding on Democracy. Some talked about an end to history – that was not to be the case.

 

[colonel]

THE WORLD IN 1977 – COMMON MARKET OF THE AMERICAS

In 1977 the world was beginning to consolidate somewhat. Shortly after the year began The Common Market of the Americas, admitted applying Greater Commonwealth States in Central America and the Caribbean, so that the only areas in the Americas not part of the Common Market were the United States and Canada, which was in the Imperial Federation, plus Bermuda and the Falkland Islands which were administered by the Federation. There had been two sticking points to admission of Jamaica, the Bahamas, various other Greater Commonwealth Island Nations, and British Honduras in Central America. First was the issue of whether the nations could be in both the Greater Commonwealth, and the Common Market. Second there was a continuing veto by Argentina keeping British Honduras from entering the Common Market. Argentina did this in retaliation for The Imperial Federation not negotiating the status of the Falkland Islands which Argentina referred to as the Maldives.

In February 1977 a military junta took control of Argentina. This was concerning to the Common Market, but not overly so. There had been a prior junta in Argentina in 1954, and similar takeovers in half a dozen other nations in the Common Market since it was formed. Since the Charter for the market required all members to be recognized by the ICC as being democratic, the juntas usually collapsed of their own weight within six to nine months. This was because once the democratically elected executive or legislature was removed or determined to be “politically neutered,” their voting rights in both the ICC and the Common Market of the Americas was suspended. Another disincentive to continuing a dictatorship was removal from the Common Market Bank, and the ICC-WB. This meant no funds for projects and not being able to utilize the Common Market Peso as currency. In addition to losing the access to other markets in the Americas a suspended nation would also fall outside the ICC-TO framework, theoretically lifting limits on tariffs other nations could enforce against the country’s goods. Typically, a country would go through a transition back to democracy with an interim lifting of sanctions. If no blood was shed by the dictators they would get amnesty, and often relocate. As the Common Market became stronger military coups became less frequent and generally shorter.

Unfortunately for Argentina, IPM Thatcher decided to take advantage of their suspension from the Common Market. On March 7, 1977, the Imperial Federation announced that it was granting Independence to British Honduras, which would as of June 1, 1977, be the nation of Belize in the Greater Commonwealth. The Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth had in the meantime, with Argentina’s absence, negotiated the entry of Belize and the other Greater Commonwealth nations who had applications pending with the Common Market. The agreement allowed the nations to remain in the Greater Commonwealth, but mandated they utilize the Common Market Peso. This actually gave the Common Market of the Americas much greater access to other Greater Commonwealth and Imperial Federation Markets.

The biggest unintended consequence of this agreement was greatly extending the lifetime of the Argentine Junta. Despite rampant inflation, and severe shortages in some basic goods the general populace of Argentina actually rallied around the junta. This empowered the military leaders to take action against their domestic enemies both real and perceived by prison, intimidation, and violence including murder. Were it not for this turn in the coup, it is quite possible the plotters could have called a free election, and their candidates would have prevailed. However, while the violence turned the people against the regime, it also meant there would be no turning back, as amnesty would be off the table.

Argentina was a predominately Catholic country, but Priests and other religious were not immune from the regime, and many were among what would come to be called “the disappeared.” Pope Paul VII condemned the regime and called many times for a return to civilian rule. He even asked to come to Buenos Aires but was told his plane would not be permitted to land. The Pope did visit Argentina’s neighbors and greeted refugees. The Church was also involved in relief efforts helping to resettle the refugees.

The United States was affected in that Argentinian refugees actually walked all the way to the southern United States border. Almost all the refugees were claiming political asylum but were initially denied hearings by the Reagan Administration. The denial was based on the fact that despite the political turmoil in Argentina, they were essentially economic refugees not entitled to asylum. Political refugees were told they should submit an asylum request to one of the countries they crossed on their journey north. Public opinion and a personal plea from Paul VII got the Administration to relent somewhat. On September 17, 1977, the Administration announced they would in fact allow asylum hearings, but only if the refugees waited in Mexico until their hearing. Mexico then followed suit saying the refugees needed to wait in Guatemala or the new Belize, and so on and so forth. Finally, the United States, and various Common Market Nations agreed to set up wait camps in Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and Brazil to process asylum applications for political asylum and devised a formula for how many each country would take. The Imperial Federation, Greater Commonwealth as well as Spain Portugal and the Philippines also participated. Still the majority of refugees were found to be fleeing economic hardship. For those not willing to return to Argentina the wait stations turned into camps. The Church and the International Red Cross, as well as the ICC Refugee Committee were able to provide some assistance, and some were resettled in other South American nations, but most had a long difficult wait.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – THE AFRICA FREE TRADE ASSOCIATION

In 1977 sub-Saharan Africa was coming into its own. Tribalism was beginning to become less important than joint prosperity. The African Free Trade Association formed in 1972 was not as tight knit as the Common Market of the Americas, so there was really no impediment to Greater Commonwealth members participating. By 1975, with the admission of Zimbabwe and South Africa all African nations not pending admission to what would eventually become the Euro-Mediterranean Community were members of the Association.

In 1976 the African International Bank was chartered and along with the ICC-WB fueled the beginnings of Africa’s rapid development and exploitation of natural resources. The downside of this development was the destruction of large portions of Africa’s natural habitat. This was only partially reversed by the ecological awaking of the 1990s; and still met resistance until new technologies made extracting resources less destructive, and tourism by vacationers and Safaris became more profitable. The first photo-only Safari took place in Kenya in September 1977. Of course, photo Safaris continue throughout Africa to this day. The June 1992 agreement to ban hunting Safaris was repudiated less than a year later when even many animal conservationists had to concede that tightly controlled hunting did more to protect big game animals then just leaving the animals in preserves no matter how much security was in the protected zones. This is because the hunting bans created a black market where poachers would kill more animals than legitimate hunters.

The April 1977 summit of the leaders of the African Free Trade Association met in Nairobi, Kenya. Observers were sent by IPM Thatcher and United States President Reagan. The summit included discussions for the Association developing their own currency and forming bilateral trade agreements between member states and their former European colonizers. This was because of the agreement Thatcher had brokered the prior month between the Greater Commonwealth and the Common Market of the Americas. The Association realized that just as the Americas were going to benefit from expanded trade with the Greater Commonwealth they could benefit from agreements with a myriad of former colonizers. Agreements were eventually made with Belgium, France, Portugal, the Greater Commonwealth and Imperial Federation Even powers such as Germany and The Netherlands who lost colonies to another European Power made bilateral agreements. The agreements with the European Powers also gave better access to the growing European Community. Finally, Liberia as a Nation in Free Association with the United States gave access to America and other nations with Liberia’s status. Many of these agreements would take almost a decade to come into effect. There was no discussion at the Summit for future expansion given that many of the Northern African nations were trying to get membership in what was to become the Euro-Mediterranean Union.

The April summit also made significant changes to the Association’s charter. The call for a common currency wouldn’t take effect until the adoption of the African Franc in 1993. Since 1977 marked the first time all members of the Association were democracies it adopted the Common Market model requiring members have fully functioning democratic institutions or face suspension of membership. There were seven actions requiring suspension, between 1979 and 1990. These were all based on tribal or religious differences. All but two were resolved through negotiation in less than three months. The 1979-80 Nigerian Civil War occurred when much of the rest of the world was consumed by the conflict with the Islamic Confederation. It was almost as bloody, and actually only ended after mediation by Paul VII, and resulted in the creation of Biafra. The final suspension was of course the Rwandan Civil War in 1990 which was tribally based and ended only with armed intervention resulting in numerous War Crimes Trials by the ICC-IC.
Little of significance immediately took effect after the 1977 Africa Free Trade Association summit. There would also be significant violence in the coming years. Still the seed was planted in Nairobi for the prosperous, democratic Africa we all know today.



TECHNICAL ISSUES Let me stop here. This is Maria our IT person - say hi to everyone Maria. Maria tells me that our streaming outside McGill stopped about 15 minutes ago. She assures me that it is a technical glitch that will be fixed shortly, and not the other institutions pulling the plug on me. So, while we're waiting for them to catch up does anyone here at McGill have any questions?
Yes - the young woman with the Expos Cap near the back.
Q: Can you please tell us what topics are remaining, Thank you?
A: So, is that a nice way of saying how long until we finish? Just kidding, if you look in your outline, we've just started page three of seven. 1977 Europe is our next topic. If anyone is thinking of skipping out most of what is on the examination is still to come.
Laughing
Don't laugh so loud or you'll wake everyone else up. By the way you in the blue shirt up front - I could see you ask your friend if there really was an exam - no there isn't, except for you.
Laughing Seriously, are there any other questions while we're waiting?
Never mind. They’re caught up with us. So, we’re back to the races.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY

By 1977 the European Community encompassed most of continental Europe, plus Iceland, the Azores, and the Canary Islands. In 1972 Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Jordan Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco had applied for Community Membership en mass. The applications were not immediately accepted, but the Community did sign a Trade Agreement with the nations which were then referred to as the Mediterranean Group. Some in the Community were wary of taking in so many Islamic nations, but after years of only positive experiences with the Balkans, where some of the states were majority or near majority Islamic, the Community was ready to move at its 15 – 18 November 1977 summit in Rome, Italy. Applications from Malta, which had become independent earlier in the year and was a member of the Greater Commonwealth, as well as Cape Verde, and Cyprus would also be considered.

Three other nations that were freed from Russian domination also had applications pending. Ukraine, and the states of Armenia and Georgia in the Caucasus collectively called themselves the Black Sea Group. Russia, and Belarus likely would have applied for membership at that time, except they were still technically under occupation. As to other former parts of the old Russian Empire the Baltics freed after the Great War were already members, and Moldova was a member by virtue of having joined Romania after the Russian War. The majority Islamic states of Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kirghiz, Kazakh, and Azerbaijan freed after the War had initially set up democratic republics but were supplanted by theocracies as each came under the influence of the Islamic Confederation, and thus were not eligible for membership even if geography were not an issue. It was thought Ukraine would have the best chance of rapidly attaining membership, but Georgia and Armenia had issues because of their proximity to the Islamic Confederation were problematic. Armenia especially was problematic due to an ongoing territorial dispute with Azerbaijan.

The European Community had an interesting history. It was announced by the German Government on January 1, 1949, when they dominated most of the continent. Of course, they hadn’t even bothered to inform all of the other members of this new trade group before making the announcement. Still, the Community proved to be an efficient means of promoting trade within Europe. It was for that reason that after the German Capitulation the other European States kept the organization. The Headquarters was moved from Bonn, Germany to Strasbourg, France. The organization grew in membership and had abolished all internal tariffs by 1960. In 1975 The Community chartered the European Bank, which was another source of funding to complete the rebuilding of Europe after the Russian War. France became the leading power within the Community, but despite its history Germany still played an important role just by virtue of its size.

The 1977 summit in Rome was meant to complete negotiations on creating a framework to form something close to a nation state. Much more than the other trade pacts around the globe, the new European Community would have coordinated policies in trade, monetary policy, defense, and foreign affairs. The Treaty of Rome announced on 17 November provided:

• Each member state shall promptly appoint one representative to sit on the Council of Ministers for the European Community.
• This replaced the old European Community Board, but with much more power.
• There will be a European Parliament with members within each member state chosen by population. The distribution of seats, and date for the first election to be announced by the Council of Ministers no later than 1 January 1978, with the first elections to occur during 1978.
• This was obviously the first step in creating an actual federated state.
• All proposed legislation within this Community shall be approved by a majority of the Parliament, and two thirds of the Council of Ministers. If the Community President rejects legislation, it may still take effect if two thirds of the Parliament agrees.
• This essentially created a bicameral system. More importantly it ended the requirement for unanimous agreement among member states, while giving the Executive a veto subject to override.
• On their first meeting the Council of Ministers shall appoint from within their number a President who shall exercise executive authority within the Community.
• Created the first Europe-wide Executive.
• The President shall appoint the heads of the ministries created within the Community from other members of the Council of Ministers. The President shall have the power to remove or replace the head of any ministry at any time.
• Sounds more powerful than it really was, as the President could only choose from within the Council that picked him or her. This was of course revised after new member states joined as the bureaucracy was becoming too powerful.
• The European Bank shall, no later than, 1 January 1979 issue the currency of this Community which shall be styled as the Euro. States in this Community may adopt the Euro as their currency, provided they meet requirements to be published by the European bank by 1 June 1978.
• They wanted the new currency to come on-line fast, but also wanted to make sure a member state with a weak economy had to meet certain conditions before joining in the monetary union.
• Currently pending applications to join this organization shall be provisionally granted, denied or deferred by 1 January 1980, but no new member shall join unless they have met the requirements for democratic government, and monetary requirements sufficient to adopt the Euro as their currency.
• This was done to keep the states awaiting admission from having a say in the development of the coming Union.
• As of 1 January 1980, the European Community shall be styled as the Euro-Mediterranean Union.
• Congratulations it’s a Union.

The interim President named by the summit was Francois Mitterrand, who was subsequently confirmed by the Council of Ministers. It was important to name someone because IPM Thatcher, US President Reagan and ICC First Secretary Kissinger were invited to consult on the last day of the summit. They each welcomed the draft treaty (which was ratified by all the member states before the end of the year) and agreed to confer with the new President on world issues. The talks weren’t really substantive as Thatcher and Reagan while quickly developing a working relationship with each other as yet didn’t know Mitterrand, or how the proposed Union would work out. Even so, Mitterrand got his photo on the world stage with not only Thatcher and Reagan, but the head of the ICC and the Pope to boot. The restored King of Italy was reportedly a little miffed at being left out of the photo as he was technically the host. In retrospect the five of them perhaps should have discussed the growing threat of the Islamic Confederation, but hindsight is 20/20. One interesting note is that photo of Paul VII in the center with Reagan and Thatcher on either side is the first image of the three of them together.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – THE ISLAMIC CONFEDRATION

In 1977 the major player the other powers most wanted to ignore was the Islamic Confederation. It originally came into being out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire broken up after the Great War. Turkey was formed to effectively be the rump state of the old Empire, but in the 1930s and 1940s with the United States and the British Empire occupied by the Pacific War, and the short-lived German-Russian Alliance, Turkey began looking to restore the Ottoman Empire a piece at a time.

It first approached territory given to the French under mandate after the Great War. These lands were Islamic and, in many ways, rightly felt that the 1916 treaty ending the War sold them out. There was no planned end to the mandates, and many felt they had traded one yoke for another. While the British in moving toward the Imperial Federation were freeing their possessions and making them members of what would become the Greater Commonwealth, France was practicing benign neglect. This was because with their own Communist uprising, and the subsequent failure of German troops to leave after it had been put down, the territories were ignored even when they declared independence. With no democratic tradition or preparation these areas fell under Turkish domination one at a time.

Turkey looked first to bordering Iraq, and they were the parents of the Islamic Confederation born in 1939. By the time the Imperial Federation came into being near the end of 1948 Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait had joined. Yemen, Oman, Qatar and the Emirates were subsequently joined to Saudi Arabia to form the new Saudi Kingdom which would eventually displace Turkey as the leader of the Confederation. In 1964 prior to the actual Russian War the Confederation joined Russia in invading Afghanistan. Russia left Afghanistan to fight the Anglo-American Alliance, but the Confederation stayed. The Afghanis never formally surrendered, but neither did the United States of Imperial Federation offer support after the War, even as they had thousands of troops occupying neighboring Russia. Following the Russian War democratic governments were initially set up in the former Russian dominated Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kirghiz, Kazakh, and Azerbaijan. The Anglo-American Alliance left after the governments were set up and did nothing after the came under the influence of the Confederation and moved to Theocracies.

In 1977 no nation in the Islamic Confederation had representation at the ICC, and they were not eligible for ICC-WB loans or grants. Likewise, they were kept outside ICC-TO trade agreements. The United States and Imperial Federation did impose sanctions starting with the 1964 invasion of Afghanistan, but few other nations joined in the sanctions. Efforts to get a comprehensive sanctions regime at the ICC after the Confederation announced in March 1976 that Afghanistan had “accepted membership in the Islamic Confederation,” were withdrawn when it became clear they would fail.

Why was comprehensive action impossible? One word –oil. The Islamic Confederation, especially the Saudi Kingdom, had enormous oil reserves. Prior to the Russian War much was done by the Russians to help develop infrastructure for the extraction and refinement of oil in the Islamic Confederation, and lands that would later join the Confederation. Oil poor nations in Asia and elsewhere came to depend on Confederation oil. Even though North America had enormous oil resources, with increasing industrialization worldwide the United States and Imperial Federation could barely keep up with their own domestic needs. In fact, some Greater Commonwealth members in Asia imported Confederation oil. Ironically the reconstruction of Russia after the War had gotten to the point where that nation was actually exporting again by 1977.

Seeing they had to flex their muscles, or risk losing leverage in March 1977 the Islamic Confederation announced a three-month suspension of oil exports which would be ended earlier if there was recognition of Afghanistan Government which they had installed as legitimate. Oil prices soared, but the Islamic Conference folded when after six weeks when Japan provided a fig leaf by recognizing the Afghanistan government “as a fact.” The short-term embargo did get some reaction – nations around the world, whether oil producers or not, started stockpiling supplies in what became known as Defensive Petroleum Reserves.

The Saudi Kingdom supplanted Turkey as the Confederation Leader for a couple of Reasons. First, it controlled Medina and Mecca, the two holiest cities in Islam. Each member of the faith is supposed to try to make a Hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in their lifetimes. Even though both the Saudis and the Turks were predominantly Sunni Muslims, there was no discrimination against Shiites within the Confederation. Indeed, until the early 1960s Christians and other faiths were permitted to openly practice their faiths. That changed when a sub-group, or school within the Sunni tradition called Wahhabism, which had started in Saudi Arabia in the 18th Century, started playing a leading role in the Confederation. Non-Muslims were forbidden from practicing their faith, and tensions began rising with Shiites, Kurds and woman. The Confederation still appeared united to the outside world. Which makes one wonder why the other powers were not more nervous when throughout Islamic Confederation leaders would speak of peacefully uniting Islam under a single worldwide Caliphate on the one hand while openly telling their own populations to prepare for jihad or Holy War.

The world still did nothing when the Islamic Confederation invited Pakistan, Djibouti, Palestine and Jordan to join. They did this even though all four nations had been democratic for years. Djibouti, a former French controlled nation, which had recently signed a trade agreement with France, would give the Confederation its first nation in Africa, and control on both sides of the entrance to the Red Sea from the Indian Ocean. The other three states were all members of the Greater Commonwealth. They all declined the invitation but took no notice at the continued use of the word Jihad.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – THE ASIA-PACFIC CO-PROSPERITY SPHERE

In 1977 Asia, outside of the Nations comprising the Islamic Confederation, there was the Asia-Pacific Co-Prosperity Sphere (or APCOPS) to act as somewhat of a counterweight. APCOPS was by no means a political or military alliance in 1977. It was at that time strictly a trade bloc. The bloc grew out of the Asian Alliance formed in 1945 by The Philippines, Formosa, Indonesia and Thailand. By 1965 the Alliance also included Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, China, Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan. The US and Imperial Federation were not formal members, but they each provided training, equipment, intelligence and logistical support in exchange for basing rights.

In 1969, following the Russian War, there were talks conducted in Bangkok, Thailand to add the Greater Commonwealth States in South Asia, specifically Bangladesh, Burma, Ceylon, India, Kashmir, and Pakistan. Ultimately the talks stalled because the existing members of the Asian Alliance feared being dragged into a conflict where the Greater Commonwealth states would follow the lead of their cousins in the Imperial Federation. In reality there was already significant coordination on defense between the South Asia States and the Asian Alliance.

The Asian Alliance still exists today with no additional members added since 1965, but the 1969 talks produced something else. Japan dusted off one of its aims which was crushed when they lost the Pacific War in 1939. Starting in 1936 the Japanese had proposed what they called the East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. The areas occupied by the Japanese received no real benefit from the organization, and Korea and Manchuria especially saw it as just a means of stripping them of resources and labor for the benefit of Japan.

The Japanese were smart in broaching their proposal. They spoke to China and Korea before the proposal was floated publicly. It was agreed that China would actually make the proposal for a conference on forming a new Asian Trade Organization. All parties to the Asian Alliance along with the Greater Commonwealth South Asia States agreed to send representatives to Seoul, Korea in May 1971. An agreement wasn’t concluded at that time, but sufficient progress was made that a second conference in Bombay, India convened in February 1972, and an agreement was successfully negotiated.

By June all the prospective member states had ratified the Bombay Treaty. The Organization formally came into effect on July 1, 1972. Despite Japanese suggestions that there be another name for the new trade bloc, it was in fact styled as the Asia Pacific Co-Prosperity Sphere, with the headquarters in Manila, The Philippines. Even before the Bombay negotiations were completed various Pacific Island nations were inquiring about membership. Between 1974 and 1977 all the Pacific island nations not part of the Imperial Federation or the United States were admitted to the bloc.

Now I started this section of our lecture by saying APCOPS was “somewhat’ of a counterweight to the Islamic Confederation. I said somewhat because APCOPS was merely a trade bloc. It was the least integrated of the trade blocs of Europe, the Americas, and Africa, and as of 1977 it had no greater aspirations. APCOPS only established the democracy requirement that was standard in the other trade blocs of the time when the Islamic Confederation members inquired about joining.

The sole goal at that time was increased prosperity within the bloc by lowering internal tariffs and having a common tariff policy for outside trade. They did make exceptions for nations that had pre-existing arrangements with former colonial powers, were members of the Greater Commonwealth, or were Nations in Free Association with the United States.

As of 1977 there was even some limited trade between APCOPS and the Islamic Confederation (mostly purchases of oil). Even though there would be changes later, in 1977 the APCOPS members were satisfied with merely having general agreements on internal and external trade. A common currency and Asia-Pacific Bank were not even at the aspirational stage for APCOPS. That of course would change in the coming years.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – 1978, POPE PAUL VII AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

Back now to our protagonists. The new Pope Paul VII’s priorities were spreading the Word of God through missionary work, ecumenism with fellow Christians and other faiths, and completing the implementation of what came out of Lyons III. Paul VII was well traveled even before he was elected Pope, but within eighteen months of his elevation he had already supplanted Paul VI’s record as the most traveled Pope. That schedule would continue throughout Paul VI’s papacy so that he is still the most traveled Pope in history.

In February and March 1977 His Holiness made a tour of Europe. His first stop was his homeland, and when the Pope landed in Krakow, the Pontiff started the tradition he kept throughout his papacy of kissing the ground when exited his aircraft. European Airways made news by giving the Pope free access throughout his reign to the then new Euro-liner, the first trans-Atlantic commercial passenger jet made on the Continent.

On April 3, 1977, following Palm Sunday Mass at St. Peters, Paul VII joined a local Rabbi’s family in Rome for their Passover Seder. April 10, 1977, was one of the few years where the Eastern and Western Churches celebrated Easter on the same day. Paul VII celebrated Easter Mass on that date, at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in what was then called the Open City of Jerusalem. The Pope’s co-celebrants included the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, all the major branches of the Orthodox Churches, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and leaders of nine Protestant sects. Before flying back to Rome, the following Day Paul VII visited both the Wailing Wall and the Rock of the Dome Mosque. The Ecumenical aspirations of the new Pope were clearly demonstrated by his actions during that Holy Week.

By the mid-July 1978 Paull VII had visited every continent, including Antarctica. In the last week of November 1977, the Pope was completing his South American tour, undertaken to support refugee relief efforts for those fleeing the Argentinian junta. While in Chile he went to Tierra del Fuego at the southern tip of South America, which bordered Argentina. When the proximity of the area to Antarctica was mentioned, a local tour operator offered to bring the Pope to the continent. To the horror of his entourage the Pope enthusiastically agreed. They thought they had dodged a bullet when the tour operator said the cruise was leaving in two days and it would take eight days back and forth. The tour operator seeing the Pope’s disappointment then offered to personally fly His Holiness to the airport on King George Island, which was technically part of Antarctica, and be back the same day. So it was that the Pope, two aides, and a Swiss Guard boarded a flight from Punta Arenas, Chile to King George Island in a two engine DC-12. On landing Paul VII kissed the ground and took a short ride to Holy Trinity Church which was Russian Orthodox and the southernmost Eastern Orthodox Church in the world.

Before leaving some typical tourist photos were taken, and the party returned without incident. Of course, for more than two decades the tour operator used photos of His Holiness in his brochures. The following week a Catholic newspaper in Santiago printed a story on the Pope’s visit, unfortunately the captions for two of the photographs outlining the trip were transposed and beneath the photo of the Pope with two Penguins it said, “His Holiness is greeted by nuns at Santiago de Compostela Cathedral,” while the photo with the nuns read “Paul VII sees penguins on King George Island.” The publisher was lucky both the Pope and the Sisters had a sense of humor.

In the first half of 1978 the Pope visited the United States, and various parts of the Imperial Federation. He met with President Reagan in Washington City, IPM Thatcher in London, and said Mass at Cathedrals, parks or stadiums in almost every city visited. Both President Reagan and his wife took Communion from the Pope at his Mass at the National Cathedral. When in London the Pope also met with the Archbishop of Canterbury. The meeting went well, as the Churches had been in a productive dialogue for some time, but the Pontiff expressed concern that the Catholic Church as well as the Orthodox Churches might not recognize Anglican apostolic succession as valid if any woman priests ordained by the Anglican rite became bishops. This would of course later become an issue, but both prelates choose to set that difference aside at that time and concelebrated a Mass at Westminster Abbey. Throughout the tour he emphasized the need for support of missions throughout the globe to spread the faith, and to make sure all of humanity had the basic necessities for life both spiritually and physically. His language skills served the Pope well in his travels.

As a sequel to that trip the Pope visited missions in Asia and Africa in June and July 1978. He emphasized cooperation with other faiths in Latin America, as well as Africa and Asia. Under Paul VII’s direction the Church reached out to Mormons and various Protestant group to coordinate medical and food services, as well as refugee relief where needed. Of the Cardinals named by Paul VII in his first two years there was one each from Australia, Europe, and North America, the other eleven were from Asia, Africa and Latin America. The Pope condemned the abridgment of non-Muslim rights in the Islamic Confederation while being careful not to condemn Islam. Given what would happen in September 1978 that would become ever more difficult.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – 1978, IPM THATCHER THE IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND GREATER COMMONWEALTH

Shortly after Peggy Thatcher became the Imperial Prime Minister in January 1977 she appointed a working group with representatives from each Australian State, Canadian Province, New Zealand as well as Ireland, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England. The IPM gave the group two mandates, first to examine relationships between and among the divergent parts of the Imperial Federation; and second, she wanted the group to examine the status of the relationship between the Imperial Federation and the other members of the Greater Commonwealth.

The 26-person group was appointed without any public announcement, and it was more than a year before they presented the IPM with their final findings and recommendations, but the IPM received regular updates on their progress. Thatcher was concerned that the Federation was not greater than the sum of its parts. In her charge to the group the IPM pointed out that 1974 had marked the first time since its formation that IMPs were all elected at the same time, but throughout the Federation voter turnout was not significantly different than it had been when the elections were tied to the country level parliamentary elections. Indeed, in Papua New Guinea, Australia and Quebec, Canada turnout was down. She believed that from the 18th into the early 20th century the United Kingdom had turned the English, Welsh and Scots into the British subjects, without ceasing to be English, Welsh, and Scots (there was no mention of the Irish). Thatcher wanted to know if Imperial Federation subjects from different sides of the globe could reasonably believe they had a common identity.

As to Greater Commonwealth relations Thatcher wanted to know if ties with the Federation should be strengthened, or if the member states should be encouraged to have looser ties to allow them to form integration with regional organizations outside the Commonwealth. On this issue many later criticized the IPM for not including a single member of the Greater Commonwealth in the working group. In her memoir Thatcher answered that criticism by pointing out she wanted the group to have a low profile, and therefore couldn’t ask the various General Commonwealth States to nominate members and had she appointed someone without consulting their government she would have been accused of “the height of hubris.”

The group quickly decided that they would meet regularly but would divide into four smaller sub-groups. Three groups of six would look at the first question with one group each for the British Isles, Canada, and the Pacific. The other group of eight would address the second question. Olive Mulroney of Quebec became the informal leader of both the Commonwealth sub-group, and the larger working group when they came together. Based on consultations during 1977 the Imperial Federation freed both Malta, and British Honduras which became Belize, and negotiated with the Common Market of the Americas to allow Belize and Greater Commonwealth Members in the Caribbean to join the Common Market and drop the Imperial Pound to adopt the Peso. This was the pattern that would develop with Malta’s accession to what would become the Euro-Mediterranean Community, as well as other Greater Commonwealth nations in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific.

The final report was completed and presented to the IPM in May 1978. It was not made public for more than two decades, but was shared with the cabinet, and served as an informational tool over the rest of Thatcher’s term.

The summarized findings and recommendations were:

• Finding: At this time there is not a general identity of Her Majesty’s subjects within the Imperial Federation, except that almost all do feel kinship as Subjects of Her Majesty. Even within each part of the Imperial Federation there exists differences in perception. In the British Isles, most Scots, Welsh, and English would agree they are British, but when asked they still identify as Scots, Welsh, or English, and the Irish have never generally accepted a British identity. Most Canadian subjects identify as Canadian, but there are regional differences with the western provinces, the Maritimes, as well as with the Newfie’s of Newfoundland, and the Quebecois. A native of Papua New Guinea will not identify as Australian, and in fact may identify more with a small locality than their State. Even New Zealanders often identify as coming from North Island or South Island.
• Recommendations: The group couldn’t even agree on a universal term for Imperial Subjects. It was clear that subjects who had served in the Royal Air Force, Royal Navy, or Royal Marines felt more affinity for the Imperial Federation then those who did not serve, or who served in the Army (due to the Regimental system being based largely on geography). Abandoning the current Regimental system is not seen as a viable option. For international competitions outside the Greater Commonwealth, it may be helpful to field only representatives for the Imperial Federation. Athletes and teams could still compete from various parts of the Federation in the Greater Commonwealth Games, but for the World Cup, Olympics, and other competitions the Federation should compete as a single entity. Likewise, promoting study and employment opportunities across the Imperial Federation should increase cohesion.
• Finding: The lack of an agreed label for Subjects throughout the Imperial Federation does not represent a real problem for unity or operation of the Federation with the possible exceptions of Quebec and Papua New Guinea. Both of these areas feel less connection to Canada and Australia respectively. In each case there are language conflicts. Papua New Guinea uses English as the official tongue, but the majority speak one of dozens of other languages. Quebec is majority French speaking, and many residents express frustration of being surrounded by a sea of English from the rest of Canada and the United States. Each of these jurisdictions have small separatists movements, but most seeking to separate would remove themselves from Canada and Australia but prefer to stay as separate entities with the Imperial Federation.
• Recommendations: The group recommends action be taken in Papua New Guinea to increase the prevalence of English. This should be done without banning native languages or forcing English on the populace. Opportunities for study or work-study exchanges with other Australian States as well as other English-speaking areas of the Federation with also help give the populace a greater affinity for Australia and the Imperial Federation. Australia has already moved to amend previous racially insensitive laws regarding natives of New Guinea and the Aboriginal population on the Australian continent. In this regard they have turned to the example of New Zealand in integrating the Māori.
• The group recommends no action toward moving Quebec toward greater use of English. Even though over 80% of the population speaks French, 57% are bi-lingual, and that number is growing. Efforts to increase the use of English would likely be counterproductive. Again, promoting study and employment opportunities across the Imperial Federation should increase cohesion.
• The group recommends against delinking Papua New Guinea from Australia or Quebec from Canada. Either would violate the original enabling legislation that identified the Federation Core members.
• Finding: There are growing divisions between the core members of the Imperial Federation, and many of the member states of the Greater Commonwealth. This extends from small slights wherein at Customs and Immigration offices throughout the Federation there is a queue for Imperial Federation Subjects and Americans, with separate queues for Greater Commonwealth Subjects, and all others. A Kenyan coming to London to see her Queen, feels they should at least get the same courtesy on arrival as the man from Wisconsin, whose only connection to our cultural ties is the fact that he is wearing Bermuda shorts. Civil servants throughout the Greater Commonwealth said in effect that little has changed since the Federation Came into being other than the signs that said Colonial Office, now say Commonwealth Liaison Office. While the Federation, excepting in Southern Africa, avoided the violence and chaos our European counterparts experienced with their former colonies that is not to say there is no resentment.
• There is a general feeling that the Greater Commonwealth States retained all their obligations to London, while getting few benefits. Despite the Imperial Federation now being almost 30 years old, there have been no new admissions to the core, and none are contemplated. The Greater Commonwealth States in South Asia were excluded from the Asian Alliance in 1969 in large part out of concern that they could commit their Alliance partners to fight in a conflict where the Imperial Federation is a party.
• Recommendations: The problems above have been somewhat alleviated by the recent agreements allowing Greater Commonwealth members to join trade organizations not affiliated with the Imperial Federation. The 1950 Manchester Compact placed obligations on Greater Commonwealth states for common defence, trade and monetary policies. Newly independent members were required to agree to the Compact’s terms prior to entering the Greater Commonwealth. New bilateral or multilateral agreements should be negotiated with member states as equal partners allowing them to more easily opt out of using the Imperial Pound Sterling, and better defining defence obligations; for instance, making clear a declaration of war by the Imperial Federation will not obligate all Commonwealth states to do likewise.
• The group does not recommend admitting new members to the Imperial Federation at this time. We do recommend that either the IFP clearly delineate what milestones Greater Commonwealth Members must achieve to accede to the core, or in the alternative clearly communicate that new admissions to the Imperial Federation are not to be.
• The recommendations covered previously were agreed to by all 26 members of the working group. There were also two minority recommendations agreed to by seven and nine members respectively.
• Minority Recommendations: A minority of the group recommended the IFP actually adopt a charter or Constitution. The majority believed this went against custom, our shared history and the impinged on the prerogatives of the IFP and the constituent states.
• A minority also recommended completely abandoning the Manchester Agreement, but the majority believes it should be retained if only for the provision requiring fealty to the same Sovereign. The provision permitting any member state wishing to use a Presidential as opposed to a Parliamentary system to elect their Governor-General in the majority view solves any issues.

The recommendations were generally followed. Part of the resentment, spoken of in the working group report likely came from the close working relationship developing between Thatcher and the American President. In the first 18 months of after she became IPM, Thatcher and Reagan met in person six times and spoke almost weekly. Shortly after the report was submitted Greater Commonwealth Subjects visiting the Imperial Federation got to enter the same queue as the Americans, but she met no Greater Commonwealth in those 18 months more than twice.

Eventually all the majority recommendations were adopted in one form or another. This had the effect of pushing many Commonwealth Nations closer to regional organizations, while retaining cultural ties to the Federation. Of course, the most important tie was and is Cricket. Even the minority recommendation was eventually adopted in part with the Charter of Human Rights adopted in 1999.

The language initiatives did work in Papua New Guinea to the extent that today, while there are still literally hundreds of languages over 80% of the population is fluent in English. No one, even here at McGill, would have predicted that in. Quebec by 2020 there would be more English speakers than French speakers. To be fair this had nothing to do with anything Thatcher or her successors did. Starting with Argentinian Refugees in 1977 Quebec started taking in more immigrants, and requiring they learn French. These newcomers largely complied, but many already knew English, and even those that didn’t felt they had to learn English and certainly encouraged their children to speak English. French is by no means dead in Quebec, as the vast majority are bilingual, but Francophones today are at a loss on how to proceed.

In other matters Thatcher called a snap election in July 1978 hoping to increase her majority. The Liberals remained on board given the Tories’ prior commitment on reforming the IHS. The Tories were fortunate in that the left was divided, without even having a definite leader in place. Many in Labour actually advocated for admitting Jamaica, and some of the South Asia States to the Imperial Federation. Thatcher was able to point to the recent initiatives started as the result of the still private working group report, wherein the IFP had indicated future admissions to the core were “unlikely due to the disruption that would take place by doubling or even trebling the Federation population. Our Greater Commonwealth cousins are every bit our equals, but we can be friends and partners without living in the same house.”

The Tories actually lost seats in the British Isles, but those losses were more than offset by gains in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, and many of the losses in the Isles went to the Liberals and not Labour. The Left Coalition lost seats overall. The Tories still had to form a coalition, but they were very close to an outright majority.

President Reagan made the ceremonial call to the IPM to congratulate her. After the formal part of that call Reagan telephoned again on a secure line and referenced a report from the NIS warning of some kind of attack by the Islamic Confederation. Thatcher promised to have MI6 look into it. MI6 indicated they already had the NIA report and disagreed with their conclusions. Thatcher told them to continue coordinating with the Americans. She later wrote she wished she had done much more.

THE WORLD IN 1977 – 1978, PRESIDENT REAGAN AND THE UNITED STATES

The first major issue President Reagan faced on taking office had both domestic and foreign implications. The Twin Trans-National Pipelines were proposed during the latter part of JPK, Jr.’s Administration. After reaching an agreement with the Imperial Federation in 1974 construction began on dual pipelines meant to transport natural gas and crude oil from Alberta, Canada through to ports in the Gulf of Mexico. Once in the United States the pipelines could also connect to the system that crisscrossed America. The pipelines were meant to cross the border into North Dakota from Manitoba. Before completion lawsuits on both sides of the border had halted construction in mid-1976.

The suits had been brought by Native-American and Native-Canadian tribes, claiming treaty violations for crossing Native lands, and desecrating burial grounds. In reality while the many in the tribes had legitimate concerns, extreme environmental groups that had encouraged the suits to begin with tried to sabotage negotiations at every turn. Reagan’s Secretary of the Interior was Tom Kleppe, the only cabinet holdover from the Goldwater Administration. Dutch kept the North Dakota Republican onboard precisely because he wanted to move quickly on the project.

Many of Reagan’s supporters thought he would kill the project, or at least take no action until the lawsuits ran their course, which could be years. The President saw it differently. During his transition, the growing threat from the Islamic Confederation was briefed in detail. While armed conflict was thought to be a remote possibility, cutting off the oil supply to allies in Europe and Asia was quite likely. In fact, just two months into the Reagan’s term they did just that. Reagan wanted to increase the oil supply and replace oil and coal with natural gas where possible. Thanks to a process called hydraulic fracturing, previously unattainable reserves of natural gas and oil were accessible, but there were environmental objections and in early 1977 it was cost prohibitive.

Secretary Kleppe was making progress in his negotiations. The Canadian tribes and the Imperial Federation indicated they would likely accede to any agreement made by on the American side of the border. This was done in large part because the lawsuit by the Canadian tribes was much less viable. Rerouting was offered and was being considered along with paying the tribes a relatively small lump sum of $10,000,000.00 US, along with an easement and a generous royalty based on how much tribal land was used. The negotiations were accelerated after the Islamic Confederation embargo in March. The agreement was formally entered, and the lawsuits withdrawn in early April 1977. The immediate spike in oil prices also served as an impetus to develop the hydraulic fracturing infrastructure that would be vital in coming years.

When Reagan took office, the United States was still one of the occupying forces in Russia. Dutch had wanted to accelerate the United States withdrawal, but Armed-Services Secretary Westmoreland, and leaders of the other occupying powers, including Thatcher urged he stick to the plan of a phased withdrawal ending in 1979. Reagan relented, but still started making deep across the board cuts to military spending. This included manpower cuts to the active and reserve forces. Reagan himself admitted the nation was fortunate that the bulk of the cuts had not taken effect before the end of 1978.

The bulk of the projected savings from military cuts were earmarked for various domestic programs. The President was concerned he would need the funds when the Health Act was due for revision. Interestingly none of the Savings were going to be ear marked for deficit reduction. This led to the first calls for a Second Constitutional Convention for a Balanced Budget Amendment that came to fruition a few years later. Reagan did increase American contributions to the International Spaceport which was completed in 1972. The funds were funneled through NACA and marked the first small steps in returning to the Moon. Beginning in the spring of 1978 the President was traveling America trying to shore up his Party for the midterms. The Democrats were expected to lose seats but were hopeful about keeping majorities.

Throughout 1977 and 1978 NIS Director Bill Casey warned that the Islamic Confederation was a growing threat. Reagan took the threats seriously but given the closed society and ruthless means the Confederation used to deal with dissenters it was difficult to get specifics. Satellite photographs showed large formations of tanks, and artillery as well as a small air force and various zodiac style patrol boats. All obtained during the Confederation’s earlier alliance with Russia, or left behind when the Islamic states became independent. President Reagan brought up the concerns with IPM Thatcher, who indicated she saw a threat, but had been assured by MI6 that the Confederation had conducted no large-scale military movement since subduing Afghanistan. MI6 did coordinate with the NIS, and in late August they each sent substantially identical reports to their governments indicating they would likely have at least three days warning before any attack. They were wrong.

SEPTEMBER 11, 1978, THE DAY THE WORLD CHANGED

Everyone who was alive on 9/11/78 can tell you what they were doing when they heard about the attacks of that terrible day. As previously discussed, there were signs beforehand, and both MI6 and the NIS had warned that some aggressive action by the Islamic Confederation was likely in late September or early October 1978. The most likely scenario was thought to be a threat against Djibouti, so the Confederation would control both sides of the entrance to the Red Sea, thus theoretically denying entrance to Anglo-American Alliance shipping. That was exactly what Confederation leaders wanted the Alliance to believe. No one asked why the Confederation would bottle up shipping in the gulf through which they obtained 60% of their income. Many later said the signs were there if only the intelligence services had put them together. In truth this ignores the fact that the Islamic Confederation launched a cunning, ruthless attack. The attack was timed to inflict maximum damage, with the aim of collapsing morale in the Imperial Federation, the United States, and Europe, to cow oil dependent states around the globe, and bully Islamic States not already in the Confederation to fall in line.

The closed nature of the Islamic Confederation, and its repression of woman and non-Muslims, created a false stereotype of a backward nation without any real ability to seriously damage to the United States, Imperial Federation, or those under their protection. Just as the Alliance had been dangerously wrong in thinking the Japanese of 1937 were inferior, they were just as mistaken as to the Confederation. In fact, the Islamic Confederation leaders were smart, dedicated and extremely dangerous because they weren’t afraid to sacrifice their own people in pursuing the goal of a world-wide caliphate. Their only mistake was believing that their attacks and fanaticism would lead to the Anglo-American Alliance abandoning the smaller states to avoid a widening conflict.

Let us just begin by outlining the chronology of 9-1-1.

1500 GMT (1800 local time): The Islamic Confederation launched an attack on Lebanon from Syria. It was a three-axis attack, with an armor division crossing from east to west, a motorized infantry brigade supported by artillery attacked from north to south, and small attack boats harassing and stopping shipping along the Lebanese coast. The entire Confederation air force, including attack helicopters the Anglo-American Alliance were previously unaware of, supported the attack.

As stated previously the Anglo-American Alliance were expecting a threat against Djibouti not an attack on Lebanon. As the Confederation leaders predicted, the Lebanese failed to immediately grasp the seriousness of the incursion, and it was almost an hour before they notified their Governor-General who was in London for the General Commonwealth Conference, and two hours before seeking assistance from neighboring Jordan, Palestine and Israel, who were of course by that time otherwise occupied. By daybreak on September 12th Lebanon had been defeated, and almost the entire cabinet was dead or captured. The Governor-General and Foreign Minister remained in London and began forming a government-in-exile, after being joined by a handful of legislators and prominent citizens who escaped.

1504 GMT (1504 local time): Unaware of the launch of the Islamic Confederation’s attack the Heads of Government for the Greater Commonwealth and Imperial Federation lined up to pose for a group photograph with Queen Elizabeth II in the quadrangle of Buckingham Palace. The group included the leaders of Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, and of course IPM Peggy Thatcher. Suddenly mortar rounds begin landing in the quadrangle. A total of six rounds are launched in under one minute. Fortunately, the aim is off and there are no casualties among the leaders who are quickly evacuated. The Queen’s Guards had been at the far end of the Quadrangle planning to pass in review after the photos, seven are wounded, and three are killed along with a horse that later had to be euthanized.

The attackers were quickly identified as having launched the attack from a delivery van three blocks from Buckingham Palace. As an armed response team approached the vehicle less than 30 minutes after the attack, the perpetrators exploded the van killing one police officer. It was later determined that the other attacks of 9-1-1 were planned around the Greater Commonwealth gathering. The aim was off because the spotter the attackers were using ran when a female Police officer approached him “because he seemed nervous.” Police looked for this man for weeks, but it was later determined he had joined the other attackers and died in in the van explosion.

1506 GMT (0906 local time): ICC First Secretary Henry Kissinger, ICC-WB President Otmar Emminger, and ICC-TO Director Renato Ruggiero were each holding shovels for a ceremonial dedication of a new building to house ICC offices in Flushing Queens, New York. As photos are being snapped a large late model Packard van with a driver and passenger drives at high speed over the curb and runs over several spectators in a matter of less than seven seconds. The van stops just short of the officials who have started to run when the van explodes. The death count would rise to 38 including the three the attackers, with another dozen wounded. Kissinger was among the dead on the spot, and Emminger would die a week later, while the wounded Ruggiero was only slightly wounded.

This attack was determined to be one of opportunity. When the attackers saw the schedule for the building dedication matched perfectly with the other actions planned for 1500 GMT or shortly after they took one of the teams planned for use against President Reagan and diverted it to New York. President Reagan subsequently asked former President Goldwater to take over as ICC First Secretary. The thinking was appointing his former adversary would demonstrate American unity, and it is for that same reason that Goldwater accepted. Ruggiero quickly resumed his duties as ICC-TO Director, and Paul Volker returned for a second turn as ICC-WB President. It was the first time since Americans had held both of the two top spots at the ICC since JPK, Sr. in the 1950s. For the next two months the ICC Executive Council met at Fort Wadsworth in Staten Island, New York.

1507 GMT (1607 local time): Pope Paul VII was making his rounds to greet visitors in St. Peter’s Square at the Vatican in Rome. The Pope had done this on every Monday he was in Rome since shortly after his elevation. Suddenly a man wearing a heavy coat pushed through the crowd and stabbed the Pope seven times before being subdued by Swiss Guards. The Pontiff is quickly placed in the “Pope-mobile” that was following just a few steps behind. The quick action to get Paul VII to medical care likely saved his life. Many recalled the semi-recovery of Paul VI after the attack on him in The Philippines, but even though it will take weeks Paul VII made a full recovery.

Paul VII’s attacker was the only terrorist to survive 9-1-1. He was a Saudi who wore a suicide vest. The would-be assassin tried to blow up himself and the Pope when the Pontiff passed, but the vest didn’t detonate. It was at that point that the backup plan of a stabbing was implemented. The attacker was almost torn apart by the crowd, but the Swiss Guard managed to get him to Italian Carabinieri Officers. As the Pope was attacked on Vatican grounds the death penalty was taken off the table at Paul VII’s insistence. This attack galvanized world opinion against the Confederation. The attacker, whose name was never revealed due to his subsequent cooperation with providing intelligence after a failed suicide attempt. Years later he converted to Catholicism after being forgiven by Paul VII.

1519 GMT (0919 local time): Ronald Reagan was to give a speech to the CIO-AFL labor organization at Washington City, Maryland’s Mayflower Hotel. Word had just reached the Secret Service about the attacks in London and New York. The decision was made to cancel the address and return to the security of the White House. The Presidential limousine was brought to the rear to avoid the rope line out front. As the President exits the building a man with a small fully automatic weapon sprays the entire area with bullets. A head shot from the President’s detail took out the attacker, but not before two Secret Service agents were dead. The President, Mike Deaver, and a City Police officer are wounded. The attacker is later found to be wearing a suicide vest. The President is rushed to George Washington University Hospital. He has a leg wound, which is bleeding profusely, but the femoral artery was missed so Reagan makes a full recovery. The other dead and wounded are rushed to different facilities. Many years later one doctor said that one of the two Secret Service agents would have likely survived if he had been taken to the closer GWU Hospital, but the Secret Service followed protocol. Deaver had a ricochet that nicked a lung and took months to fully recover. The wounded Police Officer took a head shot and was permanently disabled. The killer had a confederate who detonated a suicide vest as the President’s limousine raced past on the way to the hospital, the blast killed the terrorist, but fortunately no one else was injured. The terrorists correctly anticipated that the President would be evacuated once the Americans got word of any other attacks and had therefore stationed themselves outside the two exits most likely to be used by the Secret Service. As with the rest of the attacks this was well timed and executed.

The United States was at War. A declaration of war was sealed by the attempted assassination of the President, even if the Tel Aviv attack didn’t happen. The President addressed a joint session of Congress where he asked for and received a unanimous Declaration of War on September 12th. Coordination began with the Imperial Federation and other allies before the President even left the hospital. Troops occupying Russia were immediately moved to bases near borders with the Islamic Confederation. Demobilization was over. Reagan later admitted he thought that it would be a short war, but he was “disabused of the notion in less than a half hour.”

1630 GMT (1831 local time). A thirty-kiloton atomic device is exploded in Tel Aviv-Yafo, Israel. More than forty thousand were killed in the blast including most of the Israeli cabinet and many members of the Knesset. Another 9,000 plus die in the coming months. Tel Aviv was the capital of Israel. At first it is believed the device was delivered by a missile or aircraft, but it is later determined it was ground based and came in by a truck that was driven from Syria through Jordan into Israel. It is immediately clear that The Islamic Confederation intends to occupy Lebanon and destroy Israel. They do not immediately start a ground attack into Israel, preferring to consolidate their gains in Lebanon. The Islamic Confederation went on to demonstrate they had missile capability by launching multiple attacks with conventional warheads. On September 12th they announced they had more nuclear weapons and delivery systems.

The Israelis immediately deployed their own forces which were well trained, but not battle tested. On the political front Israeli Prime Minister Moshe Dayan quickly obtained a strong commitment from The Imperial Federation, and other Greater Commonwealth members, which was soon followed by the United States, European Community, the Mediterranean Group states, and other nations across the globe. Dayan declined an offer to set up his government in London. He immediately returned to Israel, and with the consent of Jordan, and Palestine infuriated the Islamic Confederation by moving Israel’s Capital to East Jerusalem.

 

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9-1-1 MISCONCEPTIONS ON BOTH SIDES

Once the world got past the horror of the 9-1-1 attacks most were still at a loss to explain what the Islamic Confederation hoped to gain. After all they had attempted to kill the leaders of the two most powerful entities on the planet. One could argue that the invasion of Lebanon, atomic attack on Tel Aviv, and car bomb at the ICC achieved all their initial objectives, while Reagan and the Pope were only wounded, and Thatcher the Queen and other heads of Government were unscathed. Let’s say all the objectives had been achieved – the President, Paul VII, Elizabeth II, the IPM and other head of government are all dead. What would happen differently? Arguably not much. Just as former President Goldwater was named to replace Henry Kissinger on September 14th, all of the leaders would have been replaced, and except for the Pope’s replacement which required a conclave, the Queen and other leaders would be in place either immediately or within hours. Even the leaders of Lebanon and Israel would have likely been replaced by their foreign ministers who were also in London.

The Anglo-American Alliance couldn’t figure out the logic in the Islamic Confederation’s actions. That was because the two sides didn’t understand the priorities of the opposing side. Political leaders in the Alliance looked toward raising the standard of their constituents, and in battle wanted to minimize losses to their militaries, infrastructure and civilian populations. The Confederation also cared for their people, but they wanted to save them by bringing them and indeed the world under a new caliphate. To the Confederation losses were incidental, but necessary to the cause and those killed in its name, from soldiers to suicide bombers, would be martyrs who Allah would reward.

The Confederation attacked on 9-1-1 in large part because of the failed embargo of 1976. Combined with the development of hydraulic fracturing by the United States, and Russian petroleum and natural gas reserves coming online, the Confederation leaders sensed waiting longer would insure defeat. They worried that the price of oil would collapse, leaving them without leverage. After 1976 the Confederation went on a spending spree, buying and stockpiling numerous items they didn’t produce domestically from electronics to canned goods. MI-6 and the NIS each misread those acts as preparation out of fear that the sanctions would be imposed by all of the ICC.

The Islamic Confederation had carefully secreted and maintained tanks, artillery pieces, and other weapons given by the Russians, during their alliance in the Afghanistan invasion, or from the former Islamic territories that were now part of the Confederation. They also maintained an entire attack helicopter squadron and twenty intermediate range missiles, each with spare parts and maintenance depots. The Anglo-Alliance was unaware of any of these assets before they were employed in battle. Far from being ignorant and uneducated many of the male population were highly educated and well trained at Universities within the Confederation. The Islamic Confederation made free use of resources from the west which they obtained from many of the nations that bought their oil. A European consortium even built them three refineries which the Confederation used to supply their war machine. Most important they had the ability with two Russian built atomic plants to produce weapons grade uranium. They had problems in getting a workable atomic device small enough to be launched on one of their missiles, hence they delivered the weapon used on Israel in a truck. Even so the Anglo-American alliance couldn’t be sure they had no ability to launch a warhead by a missile. Just as they couldn’t be sure immediately after 9-1-1 what else the Confederation possessed or how many missiles, helicopters, tanks, etc. they had.

Confederation misperceptions extended to their predicted response of the west to the taking of Lebanon and demonstrating they had an atomic weapon. They believed the Anglo-American Alliance would abandon Lebanon, Israel, and the majority Islamic states in Africa and Asia. This was based in part on the announcements of large-scale demobilization by both the major powers. The Confederation miscalculated in thinking the Anglo-American Alliance would not vigorously respond. They anticipated condemnation, sanctions, and some aerial attacks, but thought all-out war unlikely. It is likely The Alliance would have responded even without attempts to kill The President, IPM, Pope, Queen, and other leaders, but those attacks insured a vigorous, ruthless and unrelenting response. The Pope condemned the Confederation, but still called for forgiveness and dialogue. Catholics and governments around the world were not so willing to forgive. The United States and Imperial Alliance immediately declared war and made clear it would be an all-out effort. They were joined by the rest of the Greater Commonwealth, and virtually every other nation. The last misconception was the Alliance belief that the Confederation would be defeated quickly.

ASYMMETRICAL WAR

I’ll heretofore refer to the United States, Imperial Federation and their Allied nations as just the Alliance, and likewise refer to the Islamic Confederation as simply the Confederation. The Alliance entered the war planning to deal with the Confederation in much the same way they dealt with the Russians in the 1960s, and Japan in the 1930s. That is using brute force and combined arms to overwhelm and overrun the enemy. They almost immediately decided to forgo an atomic or other ABC attack in retribution, because they were unsure of Confederation capabilities. They did identify likely locations for atomic weapons, other weapons stockpiles and troop formations. These targets along with the atomic plants, and refineries were repeatedly attacked with bombers and missiles. Unfortunately, anticipating this course of action, the Confederation had already moved most of the weapons, along with stockpiles of refined petroleum and weapons grade uranium.

The Alliance would have targeted command and control systems, but initially they could not find them. The national leaders of the various Confederation nations were mostly figure heads, who were taken out by Alliance air power. The real leaders of the Confederation and architects of 9-1-1 were theocratic leaders – Imams and Ayatollahs, who gathered together to plan, but remained mostly anonymous. Knowing communications would likely be cut off they left detailed instructions with ground commanders for actions to be taken depending on what the Alliance did. There was a distinct disadvantage in that if there was something unexpected most Confederation military leaders lacked the instinct to take action without orders. On the other hand, two orders always stood – no surrender and kill the infidels. They all accepted death, if necessary, as they were fighting a Jihad.

By the end of 1978 the Alliance had established air superiority over all of the Confederation. They did this using air bases in occupied Russia, and aircraft carriers in the Mediterranean Sea, Black Sea, Indian Ocean and Red Sea. No Confederation fixed wing aircraft dared take to the sky. Even so there was not yet total air supremacy as the attack helicopter squadron used to attack Lebanon had been broken up, and the individual choppers were placed in bunkers just over the Syrian border until needed for short hops. These hops included moving troops, as they could carry up to ten men besides the crew. It was later learned the Confederation possessed 27 of these old but sturdy Russian Choppers at the beginning of the war, and the Alliance did not take out the last of them until February 1981. The Confederation also safeguarded many tanks, artillery pieces, and other vehicles the same way. The Lebanese did manage to evacuate or destroy most of their small air force, and army helicopters, but the Confederation took control of about 20 undamaged tanks, and numerous vehicles. They also stripped everything of possible use from the civilian populace that remained behind.

It was April 1979 before on operation to retake Lebanon was mounted. This was due to the recovery efforts from the atomic attack taking place in nearby Israel. The fallout extended into Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine. The death toll continued to mount, and the Alliance preferred not to launch an attack from a contaminated area. Many civilians did flee Lebanon, but the Alliance had to carefully screen out fifth columnist, which were numerous. Ironically there was no great effort by the Confederation to keep most Christian and Druze residents leaving Lebanon, unless they had been soldiers or government workers, but most Muslims were made to remain.

The cleanup in Israel was assisted by the International Red Cross (which also employed the Red Crescent and Red Star of David), the ICC Refugee Committee, and religious organizations of almost every faith on the planet. The Catholic Church and Salvation Army took the lead in that regard, and despite the danger Pope Paul VII traveled through Israel to Bethlehem in Palestine to meet with other religious leaders on Epiphany, January 6, 1979. Meanwhile Moshe Dayan and his people waited for a Confederation attack that never came. There would be occasional rocket attacks, as well as artillery and mortar rounds lobbed in to harass the Israelis, but no crossing of the border.

When the counter-offensive was finally launched on April 27, 1979, resistance was only moderate, as the Confederation had withdrawn most of their forces slowly over the prior six months. It took only four days to move the Confederation completely out of Lebanon, and back them into prepared positions in Syria. The Alliance continued attacks by air and with naval gunfire but paused the ground forces to consolidate their own positions and determine which of their plans of attack into the Confederation to pursue. Then on May 1, 1979, the Confederation attacked the HMS Illustrious in the Red Sea with zodiac boats. The small craft were fast and maneuverable but stood no chance against an aircraft carrier and its support ships. They were chased down quickly, but they did get the task force to change direction. Meanwhile the Confederation had put a small crew on an oil tanker abandoned by the Taiwanese early in the War, they sent a radio message in the clear asking for escort and were moving closer to the task force. Despite being told to stop for boarding they continued moving at a slow four knots. When one of the escorts the USS Kimmel, a destroyer, fired a volley across the tanker’s bow, there was an intense burst of light from the tanker followed by a 30-kiloton explosion.

The Confederation had placed another atomic device on the tanker, and since they had no satellites to track the Alliance task force, they sacrificed the zodiacs to ensure the task force was close enough to the explosion to maximize the effect. The blast killed everyone in the task force, an Imperial Federation Capital Ship and four American escorts – almost 6,000 sailors. The Illustrious actually stayed afloat but within a week the handful of survivors, including the pilots in the task force’s combat air patrol who managed to land on the USS Enterprise, died of radiation sickness. There was also a mini tsunami that killed hundreds more on either side of the Persian Gulf. While the Alliance was still digesting the horrors of the day, word came that the resources the Confederation had withdrawn from Lebanon had been used to attack Armenia from Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Iran. The Alliance was learning the definition of Asymmetrical War the hard way.

BILL CASEY’S SECRET WAR

The Anglo-American Alliance had been caught completely off-guard by the half dozen well timed generally successful attacks all launched within a short 30-minute window. The only bright light was that excepting the ICC attack, no world leader had been killed. On September 12, 1978, IPM Thatcher sacked the head of MI6, as well as Heath at the Home Office, for failures to predict and prevent the Buckingham Palace attack. In Washington City, Bill Casey offered his resignation, but President Reagan refused to accept it saying he didn’t want to cause any delay that would be caused by a transition in such a key role. In a switch from prior conflicts where the NIS played a somewhat subordinate role to the more established MI6, during the Conflict with the Islamic Confederation, and thereafter the Americans took the lead.

Bill Casey showed up at the Hospital on September 11th, while the President was still being sewn up. A Casey aide later recounted that the Director said, “the President was pale as a ghost even after getting two units of blood; we’re never going to let them mount another attack on US soil, we have to do whatever it takes to kill the bastards no matter the cost.” Casey repeated that phrase or something like it to various NIS staff over a dozen times during the Conflict. When one unnamed aide supposedly pointed out the questionable legality of an operation that set up a “honey trap” for a high ranking official of an allied foreign government suspected of providing intelligence to the Islamic Confederation, Casey invited him to explain to the family of any of US war dead why the NIS wasn’t doing everything possible to defeat the enemy.

Between 1978 and 1982 the NIA took numerous actions whose legality was dubious at best. There was little to no oversight of those actions, because they were producing the results Reagan and the Congress wanted. Indeed, the only questions from Congress concerned why the Intelligence Community didn’t do more before 9-1-1. Casey was regularly tapped to personally brief IPM Thatcher, and on two occasions traveled to Rome in secret to brief Paul VII on threats against the Catholic Church and clergy.

Bill Casey resigned and retired at the end of the Reagan Presidency. The President was never directly told specifics of how the NIS obtained much of its actionable intelligence, but the fact that one of his last acts as President was to give blanket Pardons to Casey, his key aides, and dozens of NIS case officers communicated that the as the Commander-In-Chief he “determined they did what was necessary to protect the country.”

The NIA provided intelligence that between 1979 and 1982 thwarted at least 19 separate terrorist attacks in Europe, North America and North Africa. The 1979 Islamabad, Pakistan chemical attack, and 1981 Cairo, Egypt dirty bomb incident were later revealed to have been planned as much larger attacks in Rome and Athens respectively. They were diverted when the Islamic Confederation realized those operations had been compromised. The NIS used drug dealers, arms merchants, criminals of every stripe, and even aided in some of their illegal endeavors to get intelligence. The only line Casey would not cross appears to have been aiding human traffickers and child pornographers. When presented with the chance to get intelligence from a source who engaged in those activities Casey backed up the case officer's refusal, and then actually greenlit assassinating the source.

In 1987 the House of Representatives and Senate began separate investigations of NIS actions during the war. Congress tried to use the Reagan pardon as a sword, by forcing Casey to testify as the Fifth Amendment would not apply. The new Administration recognized the danger and refused to declassify much of what Congress was seeking. Two days after he was subpoenaed to testify in the Senate, Casey entered the hospital with brain cancer. One House Member railed that Casey was faking to avoid testifying. That woman was humiliated when she was told that Casey had just died. On May 14, 1987, Dutch Reagan and Peggy Thatcher attended Wild Bill's funeral at St. Mary’s Church in Roslyn, New York. The Mass was also attended by the Papal Nuncio to the United States who went as the Pope’s personal representative.

WINNING THE WAR

The immediate response to the loss of the HMS Illustrious task force were several more rounds of Alliance air and missile attacks on any areas within the Confederation that were in any way likely to be storage sites for Atomic, Biological, or Chemical (ABC) weapons of mass destruction. The parallel efforts of the NIS and MI6 had developed some actionable intelligence in this regard. A chemical and biological weapons site was located on the island of Vozrozhdeniya in the Aral Sea between Uzbek and Kazakh.

The Vozrozhdeniya facility had been creating stores of anthrax, smallpox, plague, mustard gas and ricin. Intelligence picked up on the facility’s nature because of accidents dating back to the early 1970s, but the true nature of the laboratories or “death factories,” weren’t apparent until human intelligence prompted satellite surveillance and a closer look at those prior accidents. On June 4, 1979, the Alliance launched a massive attack with conventional bombers. No aircraft were lost in the attack, and at 0632 hours local time, less than fifteen minutes after the last bomber had cleared Confederation airspace, a hydrogen bomb delivered on an American missile launched from an Imperial Federation base on Malta exploded above the center of the island. There was virtually nothing left of the island, but stockpiles of many of the agents had long since left the facility.

For the first time the Alliance had launched an atomic weapon against an enemy. There was initially some hesitance in using an atomic weapon on the island because of fear of spreading the biological and chemical agents being produced there. In the end the atomic attack in the Gulf made the decision for the Alliance. Fortunately, the ecological damage was limited to the island itself. There would not be any attempt at cleanup for almost 25 years, and then was done only because the receding Aral Sea had turned the island into a peninsular.

As to atomic weapons, the intelligence agencies believed the Confederation had not sufficiently reduced the size of their devices to make them deliverable by a missile or aircraft. There was a high confidence for this determination which was reinforced by the fact that the two atomic attacks by the Confederation had been delivered by truck and ship respectively. Further, even if they could be delivered by missile or aircraft the Alliance had effectively eliminated all potential launch facilities. The NIS also believed the Confederation had used the only atomic devices at its disposal, and while MI6 agreed they were less certain of the ability of the Confederation to construct another weapon. Both agencies agreed that the most likely use of any weapon of mass destruction would be on Alliance Forces going into territory abandoned by the Confederation. They also warned of the use of dirty bombs (radiological waste loaded into a conventional explosive), and terror attacks in Alliance nations with chemical or biological agents. These predictions all proved prescient.

Prior to the atomic attack in the Red Sea, the Alliance had planned its first forays into Confederation territory. These plans were not delayed by the atomic attack or invasion of Armenia. The Alliance wished to take the European portion of Turkey, as well as the Asia side of the Turkey along its coast on the Sea of Marmara. This would give the Alliance control of the Bosporus Dardanelles, and unfettered access to the Black Sea. It would also require taking Istanbul, one of the largest cities in the Islamic Federation. The attack started on May 31, 1979, with amphibious landings and airborne drops of troops on both sides of the Dardanelles connecting the Sea of Marmara to the Mediterranean. The landings had air support and the Alliance quickly established total local air superiority. The landings also employed massive naval gunfire. By June 6th both sides of the Dardanelles were secured, and over 3,000 Confederation troops were prisoners. The Alliance forces worked their way through the Sea of Marmara, and then stopped on June 13th.

One area where Reagan and Thatcher disagreed was on warning the Islamic Confederation on intentions to take Istanbul. Thatcher wanted no warning, while Reagan pointed out that the Confederation had to already know Alliance intentions, as by June 10th the Pope as well as many other religious leaders around the world had already issued public pleas to spare Constantinople, which is how the Orthodox still referred to Istanbul. Thatcher relented and they Alliance issued an announcement that “Preferring not to destroy the cultural treasures of Istanbul or inflict unnecessary civilian casualties the Alliance is willing to consider Istanbul an open city, and will allow anyone wishing to evacuate by June 16, 1979 into the Asian portion of Turkey so long as they are at least 50 kilometers from the coast, any attempt to reinforce the city in any way will be met by overwhelming force.” They dropped leaflets for three days outlining the offer in Turkish, Farsi, Arabic and a dozen other languages. By June 16th it became obvious that was the there was no attempt to evacuate, indeed reconnaissance photos seemed to indicate that Confederation forces were blocking civilians from leaving. There were no serious attempts by the Confederation to reinforce the city.

At 1201 hours local time on 17 June 1979, Alliance Bombers, and artillery leveled anything over 50 meters in height in and around Istanbul. Armor and motorized Infantry started moving less than an hour later. By daybreak Alliance naval forces had moved up the Sea of Marmara to the Dardanelles and naval gunfire joined in the battle. The Dardanelles were secured by dusk, but fighting would continue in the city for six weeks. In many instances the Islamic Confederation troops destroyed whole neighborhoods themselves rather than let the Alliance take them intact. This was also the first instance of dirty bombs being used as booby traps. There were more than 100 such devices left in the city and 19 actually exploded. The occupation of Istanbul was a harbinger of what was to come. Long after the military operation ended the civilian populace continued active resistance, even against Muslim relief groups volunteering to help.

On 18 June 1979 at 0101 hours local time fresh airborne and amphibious forces with naval and air support crossed the Bab al-Mandab Straight from Djibouti into what had been Yemen in the Saudi Kingdom. In less than a day they secured an area 10 kilometers wide and 25 kilometers deep, so that the Alliance was in control of the entrances on both sides, and both ends of the Red Sea. The plan was to move up the Saudi Peninsular until the Red Sea was an Alliance lake, and then move east. At the same time Alliance naval forces stationed themselves outside the Strait of Hormuz leading into the Persian Gulf. There was no immediate plan to enter the strait but the action was meant to demonstrate the infinitely greater resources and capabilities of the Alliance.

The next order of business for ground troops was to be expelling the Islamic Confederation from Armenia. The Alliance had moved quickly after the Armenian invasion to secure Georgia from a similar attack. From May through September 1979, troops poured into the nation and assumed defensive positions along the borders with Azerbaijan, Turkey and occupied Armenia. Forces on occupation duty in Russia were also sent to the Azerbaijan border. There were daily bombing missions over Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Confederation formations in Armenia. The Alliance had two carrier groups plus submarines in the Black Sea, and given what happened in May any aircraft, ship or boat leaving Confederation territory was destroyed without warning. To guard against a ground attack the entirety of Georgia’s land borders were heavily mined.

The Confederation was expecting an attack on Armenia all through the summer of 1979. It was later revealed they had hoped to again employ the tactic they had used in Lebanon, which was to attack and occupy, and then slowly withdraw while preparing to attack elsewhere when the Alliance went on the offensive. In this case they planned to attack Pakistan when the Alliance tried to retake Armenia. The only problem was that the Alliance had more or less figured out this plan from intelligence combined with the previous actions of the Confederation. Thus, they didn’t disrupt their plans to first attack into the Bosporus Dardanelles and the Red Sea.

On November 1, 1979, the Alliance conducted heavy bombardment of the Turkish – Armenia border with aircraft, and naval gunfire along the Turkish Black Sea and Mediterranean Sea coasts. However, instead of following this up with a ground attack into Armenia, there were attacks from Jordan, Lebanon and Israel on Syria, and from Pakistan into Iran. This put the Confederation on the defensive, and when two days later the Alliance moved to retake Armenia there was virtually no resistance.

The offensive into Syria was led by Lebanese and Israeli forces as their nations were the first victims of the Confederation’s 9-1-1 aggression. They made slow but steady progress, and by the end of 1979 had taken Damascus. Although there was massive destruction in Armenia, the Alliance pushed forward into northern Turkey and Azerbaijan. By January all of the previously disputed territory between Armenia and Azerbaijan was in Alliance hands. Alliance forces also made inroads into Iran and had secured Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan to prevent any flanking movement by the Confederation.

Throughout the 1970s many refugees had come over the border from Afghanistan into Pakistan, and infiltrators disguised as refugees had formed an underground network. On December 12, 1979, these infiltrators released mustard gas canisters in four different marketplaces in Islamabad. The attacks killed three people and injured about fifty others. Even though casualties were minimal they did have the effect of causing terror and closing off the flow of refugees out of Afghanistan for almost three years. In a way the attack was the result of Alliance successes as it was originally planned for Rome with a wide array of chemical and biological agents, but the Confederation capabilities had been greatly reduced.

At the start of 1980 the Euro-Mediterranean Union formally replaced the European Community. Despite the disruptions caused by the War all member state applications then pending were accepted. Even though, due to the war, a number of the states fell short of the requirements to join the EMU, they were accepted as a show of solidarity against the aggression of the Islamic Confederation. This meant the EMU stretched over three continents would take the lead in rebuilding Lebanon, Israel and Armenia. The Russian occupation had finally ended, and they immediately made their own application to the EMU. That was deferred, but a trade agreement was quickly negotiated to keep Russian oil flowing to replace the supply cut off by the War.

As by 1980 the Islamic Confederation had been expelled from both Armenia and Lebanon, and there were calls to talk Peace. Pope Paul VII offered to mediate. The problem was there was no identifiable person or entity to negotiate with. In any case President Reagan or IPM Thatcher were not inclined to offer any terms and were demanding immediate unconditional surrender. Even if they were inclined to talk after 9-1-1, and the Red Sea atomic attack their constituencies were demanding revenge. The President and IPM had been in constant contact since the war started, and had met in Washington, Ottawa, and London in 1978 and 1979. They decided to meet again, in Malta from January 29 - February 1, 1980.

Malta was chosen for a number of reasons. It was much closer to the action, it was the launch point for an American missile from an Imperial Federation base of the first Alliance atomic weapon used in the war, and finally it was a new member of the recently renamed Euro-Mediterranean Union. They invited EMU President Mitterrand, and ICC First Secretary Goldwater to the last two days of the summit. The final communique thanked the Pontiff for his overtures, but made clear nothing short of unconditional surrender, to include accepting Alliance occupation would be acceptable. There was a renewed commitment to fight until final victory and support any nations in the alliance suffering from the war. Privately Reagan and Thatcher were each concerned that the war could last another year or more and would likely be followed by a long and difficult occupation. They consulted Mitterrand and Goldwater about getting predominately Islamic nations in their organizations to commit to occupation with financial and logistical support coming from the United States and Imperial Federation.

In March 1980 fighting continued on a number of fronts. Alliance forces from liberated Armenia continued into Azerbaijan. After all of European Turkey was subdued, the Alliance continued into Asian Turkey from the west with the troops landed to take the Bosporus Dardanelles, and in the East from Georgia. Russia was not technically in the war but allowed the Alliance freedom of passage along its long border with the Confederation states. Azerbaijan was subdued and fully occupied by the end of June 1980. Combat in Turkey would not end until mid-January 1981. In both cases the occupations followed the pattern establish with the taking of Istanbul. Starting in September 1980 troops from Indonesia assumed most occupation duties in those countries.

The attack into Syria continued into October 1980 when the entire nation was under Alliance control. Keeping with the plan to have Muslim nations from outside the immediate area act as occupiers, Bangladeshi troops were brought in. The Alliance troops then turned South from Jordan to go down the Asian coast of the Red Sea to link up with the forces that were traveling north from what had been Yemen. The campaign to win the Saudi Peninsular would go well into 1981. Numerous dirty bombs were left in both Medina taken in January 1981 and Mecca taken in February 1981. At the request of majority Muslim nations in the Alliance only Muslim troops entered those cities. Eventually exceptions were made to allow experts in radiological cleanup in to assist.

Many of the troops employed in the Saudi Campaign were from Egypt, and most of their dead were driven back to Egypt in refrigerated container trucks so burial could occur within three days. Confederation terrorists took a regular truck and made it look like a mortuary vehicle, they filled the truck with dead animals under burial cloths, and at checkpoints told the guards their refrigeration unit had broken. On the few occasions a guard had them open the container the stench was overwhelming, and they were told to close it and be on their way. Underneath the dead animals was an extremely large conventional bomb and almost a ton of radiological waste. On February 9, 1981, the terrorist team drove the container to the Khan el-Khalil bazaar in Cairo. Fortunately, security seeing something was amiss, moved in before the terrorists could pull the bomb down from the rear ramp of the container. This forced the terrorists to explode the device prematurely and the container absorbed much of the blast. Still, damage was extensive and seven were killed including a child and two police officers, with over 30 injured. The team doing this was actually meant to use a nuclear device in Athens, but the Confederation had no more devices and no means to get to Athens. The Cairo attack was the last action taken by the Confederation outside its own borders.

By November 1980, the troops heading south and north along the Saudi Red Sea coast had linked up they then began to move east across the Peninsular. At the same time in November Alliance troops landed on both sides of the Gulf of Hormuz, with support from the carriers USS Enterprise, USS America, and the Battleships HMS Prince of Wales, and USS Montana. The plan was to move into the Persian Gulf and from there land troops to cross west and link up with forces moving east across the Saudi Peninsular. From there they would move north into Kuwait, Iraq, Iran and the rest of the Confederation. On May 6, 1981, the Saudi capital of Riyadh was occupied with “no ongoing combat operations,” but once again there was no formal surrender, and the civilian populace would for years resist the occupation troops. The Confederation created an ecological disaster whose ramifications were felt for decades by their blowing up oil wells and starting fires that lasted for months.

In November 1980 the Alliance movement into Iran had stalled after the dirty bomb attack in Islamabad, but the Confederation had not regained any territory. On June 6, 1981, Iran, Iraq and Kuwait were attacked on a several fronts. The attack previously launched into Iran from Pakistan resumed, and troops also attacked from Jordan, occupied Syria, the Saudi Peninsular, and Turkey. By September 1981 the territory of Iran, Iraq and Kuwait was controlled by the Alliance, albeit with the same pattern no formal surrender, internal destruction of oil wells and other infrastructure by the Confederation.

In September 1981 the only territory still controlled by the Islamic Confederation consisted of Afghanistan, and the former Russian controlled states of Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kazakh, and Kirghiz. The plan was to start with a broad offensive attacking these states in all directions from occupied Confederation territory and bordering Alliance nations. The area had already been subjected to unrelenting air attacks for many months. On September 4, 1981, the International Red Cross informed the Holy See and the ICC that Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kazakh, and Kirghiz were asking for terms. Pope Paul VII again offered to mediate, but following consultations the ICC announced on September 7th there would be no terms, but hostilities would be suspended until September 10th at which time they would resume unless each of the five states announced they were disarming, unconditionally surrendering, and accepting Alliance occupation. The response came on September 9th accepting mediation by the Pope, and asking for another week to respond if that wasn’t acceptable. The response delivered by ICC First Secretary Goldwater was no terms were acceptable, and they had just one additional day to communicate unconditional surrender. Response was required by 9-1-1. The irony was lost on no one. The five nations surrendered as a group three years to the day after the attacks that started the war.

Given the continued resistance in the other areas of the Confederation under Alliance control many were surprised at the surrender of the former Russian Islamic states. Most now agree this was because they had only become part of the Islamic Confederation in the decade preceding the War. Had the Anglo-American Alliance not merely broken the nations off from Russia after the Russian War they may have never joined the Confederation. Azerbaijan was the other former Russian state in the Confederation, but it had been taken earlier in the war, and had actively pursued its territorial dispute with Armenia, even when both were still under Russian control. In fact, the destructive forces unleashed on Azerbaijan likely influenced the other Islamic states to surrender. Finally, as had happened in the other parts of the Islamic Confederation, most of the Wahhabi influenced leaders fled when the Alliance threatened, thus freeing more reasonable leaders to emerge. The surrenders meant that all the most radical Islamic Confederation leaders were in Afghanistan, ironically the only member of the Islamic Confederation that was coerced by military force to join.

Even before the September 11, 1981, surrenders Alliance forces had made some inroads into Afghanistan. By early December the Alliance had secured most of Afghanistan, and Islamic Confederation forces were limited to a relatively small pocket in the northwestern part of the country. They were operating in squad size units, with only small arms and light mortars, operating on foot and by horseback. Then on December 12th Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands. More on this shortly, in the short term there was little effect, but the Imperial Federation would shortly be sending substantial forces out of the Islamic Confederation Conflict to the South Atlantic.

On Christmas Eve 1981 the NIS reported to President Reagan that the Islamic Confederation leadership was actually on the other end of Afghanistan from their remaining forces. They were holed up in a mountainous area just across the border from Pakistan that had already been bypassed by Alliance forces. The Confederation leaders had with them a small cadre of technical specialists that had hijacked a signal from a European satellite to provide some direction to their remaining troops. It turns out that throughout the war the Confederation leaders had been able to maintain at least minimal contacts with their field assets by pirating satellite feeds, but this was not discovered until there was only one cell of leaders left transmitting to just one other concentrated area of forces.

Reagan and Thatcher conferred on the best course of action to end active combat operations. Had the Imperial Federation been able to maintain its full forces indefinitely the decision might well have been to finish off the forces in western Afghanistan, surround the mountains in the east and slowly close in until the last of the Islamic Confederation leaders were killed or captured. Since time was of the essence a quicker course of action was set in motion. All agreed to intensify efforts to defeat the last fighting units in northwestern Afghanistan. Reagan initially suggested another Hydrogen bomb, to take out the Islamic leaders, but was dissuaded when it was pointed out that fallout would kill innocent civilians, and given the proximity to Pakistan, Alliance casualties were likely.

At 0214 hours local time on January 10, 1982, two bomber wings dropped almost 2,000 tons of high explosives on Tora Bora, the mountainous area where intelligence had determined the remaining Confederation command was located. The bombers finished by 0232 hours, at exactly 0330 hours conventional missiles blanketed the same area, followed less than fifteen minutes later by what became known as MOAB, or the “Mother of All Bombs,” delivered by a single B-29 jet stripped down to hold a 12-ton munition meant to penetrate deep into the earth before detonating and destroying caves and hidden bunkers. That bomb drop was followed closely by two additional B-29 aircraft. The lead aircraft was for reconnaissance, and despite unbelievable damage from the earlier munitions, the other B-29 dropped a new weapon which was later announced to have been a neutron bomb. The neutron bomb was a low yield atomic weapon, which had a large blast, but fallout was less than other atomic weapons, thus making it possible to occupy an area within weeks after use.

There were no more signals or other activity coming from Tora Bora after January 10, 1982. Organized resistance ceased in western Afghanistan by early February. There was no longer any military combat with the Islamic Confederation, which had ceased to exist, but what followed couldn’t really be called peace.

MEANWHILE BACK AT THE RANCH

Some of you may wonder why I went into such detail on the actual campaigns and military aspects of the Islamic Confederation Conflict, with only passing references to our protagonists. Well, I needed to go through the conflict in some detail, as it was the longest war of the 20th century. Longer than the Great War, the Pacific War, or the Russian War. While the military action was almost exclusively confined to West Asia, it was in a sense a world war if one considers the manner in which it began and the fact that almost every nation not directly sending troops still supported the Alliance aim to ultimately destroy the Islamic Confederation. During the war Reagan and Thatcher regularly consulted, but each were content to give broad goals to their military forces and leave the means to their military leaders. Paul VII of course had no involvement with military strategy or tactics but would be much more involved with the aftermath. Before going into the aftereffects of the Conflict let’s see what each of our protagonists were doing from September 1978 to February 1982 outside the war. This is the part of the lecture I usually refer to as “Meanwhile back at the ranch.”

Let us look first to Dutch Reagan. In the American President’s case the title is certainly apt, as even before 9-1-1 Reagan received criticism from political opponents for spending too much time away from Washington City to stay at his California ranch. Dutch would respond that he would be happy to stay at the White House if his critics would clear the brush on the ranch.

In September 1978 both major political parties in the United States were preparing for the November mid-term elections. The Democrats were expecting losses but hoped to retain control of both Houses of Congress. The 9-1-1 attacks changed how everyone was campaigning. Republicans became reticent about attacking the President directly lest they be perceived as undermining the Commander-In-Chief in time of War. The Democrats for years had been calling for massive defense cuts and some, including Vice-President Mondale, had previously campaigned on the slogan of “show me the enemy.” Other Democrats had criticized Reagan for demobilizing too slowly, but quickly changed their tune. Surrogates on both sides continued to snipe, but the President and Vice-President did no campaigning for the mid-terms after 9-1-1. In the end the results were about what was to be expected had there been no attack. Republicans made modest gains in Congress but didn’t wrest control of either House. The GOP made larger gains in Governorships and state legislatures, but this was seen as returning to a norm after the losses suffered when Goldwater was President.

After the War started Congress had to figure out a way to fund it. They turned to War bonds, and taxes. The 1970 Healthcare Act had laid out a transition to Universal Healthcare by 1980. Among the various funding options were sin taxes on cigarettes, and alcohol. In a lame duck session in December 1978 the Congress passed and President Reagan signed a then enormous $0.25 per pack tax on cigarettes, and bottles of wine and beer, with a $0.50 tax on hard liquor. An additional tariff of $0.10 was placed on imported alcohol. Some objected because the Healthcare Act was not due for review until 1980 (and there was already talk of extending that date), which meant the programs to be funded with the taxes did not even exist as yet. Vice-President Mondale suggested the legislation include a lock box so the funds would be there when the program was instituted. This was agreeable, but the Republicans later felt they had been rolled when after the fund was created, the Treasury “borrowed” all the funds and deposited 0% bonds redeemable when the Healthcare would need to start spending the funds. In essence the government created a new revenue stream and piled up interest free debt to be used for any purpose they needed.

One interesting side note – I was a Field Artillery Lieutenant in the 1st Cavalry Division during the Islamic Confederation Conflict. The sin taxes did not apply to military bases in the US or overseas. In fact, booze was discounted at most bases in what they called a Class 6 Store and in the Community Clubs. Field rations until 1990 included small packages of cigarettes along with toilet paper, coffee and less important items like a meal. People who had access to military bases or Native American Reservations were constantly being asked to buy cigarettes or liquor for even casual acquaintances. Of course, if you were caught that was black marketing and you could be charged with a crime.

In 1979 the Administration tried to use the same plan to access highway funds, Social Security, Federal pensions, Railroad Retirement, and Elder-Care funds. More than half the states joined in a lawsuit by a highway fund trustee to block the use of any of those funds for purposes other than set out in their legislation. A Federal Court enjoined the Government from accessing funds for any other purpose in Montana v. Benston. The matter was mooted out in 1980 when, after the Supreme Court accepted the case, Congress passed legislation allowing the Treasury to borrow from any fund at the prevailing rate of the United States Central Bank.

This was a compromise, but the bill would come due. The Healthcare review was put off in 1980. The 1982 HealthCare finally took effect in 1983. When the costs had to be paid the bonds were redeemed at a 4.5% rate of interest. The government also had to pay the principal, which meant if you were a smoker or drinker, you paid taxes twice to fund the program. The Healthcare program costs didn’t explode until after Reagan left office in 1985. The reduction in smoking and drinking caused by the taxes improved health, but ironically dried up the funding streams, leading to higher taxes, ultimately leading to less revenue.

In 1981 Congress also passed legislation which for the first-time taxed gambling and game show winnings, increased the inheritance tax, and made all income, not just the first $25,000 subject to Social Security and Healthcare withholding. Even with the extra tax revenue the nation by the end of 1982 racked up its first One Hundred Billion Dollar deficit, and the National Debt exceeded a Trillion Dollars. The extra expenditures and taxes were major contributing factors leading to the Second Constitutional Convention in 1993 convened for Budget reform.

The draft in the United States started in 1950 and had not ended despite calls after the Russian War. Reagan himself had put down draft riots when he was Governor of California, and resisted calls from his own party to end conscription when he became President. Even so in the decade following the Russian War the number of draft exemptions had grown significantly. As the Islamic Confederation Conflict dragged on it became clear that the military needed to be expanded. The Selective Service Act of 1980 passed easily and was signed into law by the President. The Act required all males between 18 and 35 to register for the draft. If found physically fit the only exemption under the new act was for those enrolled in a service academy, or in good standing in an ROTC program. Once found eligible for service, draftees could apply for conscientious objector status which was solely decided based a packet submitted to a centralized board in Washington City. After taking the oath some men were immediately placed into a reserve status if another board determined their civilian occupation was vital to the war effort.

Admitted homosexuality was not a basis to disqualify a draftee from being inducted but was used a basis for immediate discharge under “Other Than Honorable Conditions.” The same standard was applied to discharge service members found to be homosexual even if they were a day shy of retirement. This portion of the Selective Service Act was later found Unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in Bowers v. The Secretary of the Navy, and thousands had their records corrected, but that didn’t happen until 1997.

There were attempts in both the House and Senate to include women in the draft, but Reagan vigorously objected. It was unlikely to pass even with the President’s support. In 1980 Americans were hesitant to send their sons to fight in a war that was being broadcast nightly into their living rooms. There was no political stomach in an election year to send America’s daughters to war. Interestingly Reagan used the fact that women weren’t subject to the draft to deny them combat billets in the military. All three of Reagan’s children, including his daughter, had served in the Russian War, but he refused to budge on the issue. It would take fifteen years to change the law. The Selective Service Act of 1995 ended conscription, but mandated “all persons” over 18 to register with the Selective Service. The same Act mandated opening all billets to women, provided there was no lessening of standards, the military was given a three-year transition period. In response to Bowers v. The Secretary of the Navy the Act was amended in 1998 to allow homosexuals to serve openly.

Dutch Reagan basically cruised to re-election in 1980. His wife, Jane Wyman had continued her acting career, but cut back substantially after 9-1-1, appearing more often with Dutch after flying in to be at his side when he was wounded. The Republican nominee was Senator Robby Dole of Kansas. He had a distinguished war record, having left his House Seat to lead a Kansas National Guard Battalion in the Russian War, and was under almost daily fire for the better part of six months. Dole was discharged as a full Colonel, and successfully ran for the Senate on his return. He was bright, known for his good humor and biting sarcasm, and had a lean but athletic build. All of that could not overcome the Reagan charm, and despite Dole’s superior war record the entire country remembered and was reminded almost daily in 1980 from television footage that the President was among the first of those wounded on 9-1-1. Besides the charm Reagan had the visuals – a meeting with the Pope after the Pontiff’s successful negotiation to the end of the Nigerian Civil War, the Malta Summit with IPM Thatcher and other world leaders to include ICC First Secretary Goldwater who was Mr. Republican but chose to remain neutral in the Presidential race due to his position. The most famous ad showed Reagan viewing a mockup of the missile in Malta that took out the Confederation ABC site.

The 1980 Presidential election was notable in that it was the last election where all the nominees of the major parties were straight white males. Reagan took the election by 351 to 224 electoral votes, and a majority of over four million votes. The Democratic margins in Congress exceeded the 1976 victory.

In 1981 Dutch Reagan felt he had a free hand in ending the War and supporting the Imperial Federation in their battle with Argentina over the Falklands. Many in Latin America wanted Reagan to sit out the Falklands War citing the Monroe Doctrine. There was also a call from the Common Market of the Americas for the President to join the Pope’s offer to mediate the dispute. Shortly after the successful Tora Bora bomb runs in 1982 Reagan pointed out that the Imperial Federation was not the aggressor, and while he would not send United States forces to fight, he would lend logistical, technical support and intelligence as well as taking up the slack where the Federation took forces out of the battle with the Islamic Confederation. He added he would happily join the Pope in mediation efforts as soon as Argentina withdrew its forces from the Islands.

POPE PAUL VII AND THE CHURCH DURING THE ISLAMIC CONFEDERATION WAR

Even though Pope Paul VII was attacked and seriously wounded by an Islamic Confederation terrorist on 9-1-1, he was a consistent voice for peace throughout the ensuing conflict. Even if Alliance nations had agreed to mediation, there is little chance the Confederation would have done so prior to late 1981. The Pontiff recovered from his wounds and continued to travel throughout the world. While Pope Paul VII was the most vocal in seeking a mediated peace, he was joined by leaders of most other Christian denominations. This included the Anglican Church even though the Imperial Federation was one of the main powers opposing the Confederation, and the Orthodox Churches who had many members living in the affected areas. Jewish and Muslim leaders voiced more subdued support for the Pope’s efforts. Jews weren’t opposed to peace, but just talking was a hard sell after the Tel Aviv atomic explosion. On the other end of the spectrum Muslims wanted peace but were afraid of being labeled as being sympathetic toward the Islamic Confederation. Buddhist, Hindu, and other many other non-Christian religious leaders vocally supported the Pontiff’s efforts.

1979 saw the first Inter-Religious Summit in Rome, with representatives from almost every faith. The Summit has been held every five years since in various locales around the globe. Representatives discuss ways to promote shared values, and to coordinate charitable efforts where they are needed. It should be noted that the Islamic Confederation had planned a chemical or biological attack on Rome during the September 1979 Summit but were unable to get their resources in place due to increased security. They instead launched the mustard gas attacks in Islamabad in December 1979.

Paul VII did not enlarge the voting membership of the College of Cardinals, but as Cardinals died or reached aged 80 more than one half of their replacements came from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Most of the new Princes of the Church were dedicated to fully implementing Lyons III, but were also, like the Pope himself, very conservative on matters of doctrine.

Ecumenism was one of the Pope’s major initiatives. The groundwork laid at meetings with Orthodox Patriarchs between 1979 and 1981 started the dialogue and laid the groundwork for the eventual full Communion celebrated between the Eastern Orthodox Churches and Rome on January 6, 2001.

The other major denomination the Pope reached out to were the Anglicans. The main stumbling block to full Communion between Anglicans and Roman Catholics was the Episcopal Church in America, and later in other branches of the Anglican Church ordaining women. The two churches and the Orthodox churches had already announced that they each recognized the bishops in each rite had an unbroken line of apostolic succession stretching bake to the apostles themselves. The Pope and Patriarchs of the Orthodox Churches warned that were a woman to be consecrated as a bishop the recognition of apostolic succession may be deemed broken, at least as to that individual any priests male or female ordained by a female bishop. This would of course come to a head in the 1990s.

The Church continued to expand its missionary presence in Asia, and Africa. This included going into former Islamic Confederation territory once the Alliance had secured the area. In those areas the missionaries did not actively proselytize but intended to “bring people into Christ’s embrace by way of example.” They did make some progress by running schools, food cooperatives, and medical facilities and giving people aid without regard to their faith. However, many in the local populace resented their actions, and sometimes used violence to demonstrate their resentment. Between 1980 and 2000 there were 57 priests, other religious, and lay Catholics in what had been the Islamic Confederation, declared to be martyrs of the Church.

In Latin America the new Cardinals and Bishops appointed by Paul VII were tasked with bringing back to the Church many who had left. This caused some friction with other Protestant denominations in that a good many of those who left Catholicism had joined their churches. In the end many of those who had already found other churches stayed there, but there was a significant return of lapsed Catholics, and the new leadership stemmed further losses.

There was one war where Pope Paul VII’s offer of mediation was actually accepted. The Nigerian Civil War had been brewing for years when violence erupted 1979. Nigeria was a member of the Greater Commonwealth, having granted self-rule in 1948 and independence in 1954. The nation was resource rich, but when it was being administered as a Colony the British just lumped to area into geographic areas that gave little regard to tribal, ethnic, or religious differences. The area known as Biafra felt slighted in the distribution of oil revenues, which became exacerbated when petroleum prices skyrocketed after the launch of the Islamic Confederation War. On December 3, 1979, a locally elected Council declared Biafra an independent nation, and requested the Queen name a Governor-General.

The Nigerian Government refused to recognize Biafra, and Queen Elizabeth did not respond to the call for her to name a Governor-General. IPM Thatcher and most other world leaders were consumed with the Confederation War and simply hoped the “rebellion” would peter out, but by the end of February 1980 Biafra had control of all the equipment for a motorized infantry regiment, as well as an artillery battery with some light aircraft. On December 29, 1979, they took control of an oil platform off the coast. Three Nigerian soldiers were killed, and the foreign workers interned for more than two weeks before being turned over to the Red Cross. The Nigerian Government surrounded Biafra and systematically blockaded any material from going into Biafra. There were on going skirmishes between Biafra and Nigeria throughout January 1980.

The price of oil on the world market spiked even more. The ICC was neutral, but as Nigeria was a member the ICC did not offer to mediate. Shortly after the first violence Pope Paul VII offered to mediate. On January 19, 1980, Biafra accepted the offer. To everyone’s surprise Nigeria accepted two days later. Nigeria actually accepted due to pressure from the Imperial Federation and other Greater Commonwealth Nations. Per the Pope’s instructions the hostages were turned over to the Red Cross, all hostilities were suspended, and Nigeria allowed medical supplies and food to again flow into Biafra.

The negotiations occurred in Rome. The Pope was host, but he accepted experts from the ICC to oversee the actual negotiations. It took eight months, but an agreement was reached. There was a new formula for distribution of revenue from natural resources. Further, Nigeria was divided into twenty-one semi-autonomous provinces based on tribal, ethnic, and religious groupings. In essence they adopted the same canton system employed by the Swiss. This precedent would later be considered when trying to bring former Islamic Confederation members back into the brotherhood of Nations. Pope Paul VII was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1981.

IRON LEADER OR QUEEN PEGGY

Given the Buckingham Palace attack, the Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth were of one mind when the War began. Despite the growing trend of Greater Commonwealth Nations to join regional alliances and trading blocs, all still recognized the Queen as their Head of State, and many still used the Imperial Pound as their currency. In defence matters there were regular training exercises between Greater Commonwealth and Imperial Federation forces, and Greater Commonwealth nations generally adopted Imperial Federation uniforms, rank structure and training standards, albeit with mostly older weapons and equipment sold or given to the Commonwealth nations by the Federation. The speech by Queen Elizabeth II after the Buckingham Palace attack emphasized the “unity of purpose throughout the Imperial Federation and Greater Commonwealth,” and spoke to going forward in partnership.

IPM Thatcher also spoke of partnership with the Greater Commonwealth, but she consulted on a regular basis with President Reagan, but most Greater Commonwealth contacts were handled through the Commonwealth Office of the Foreign Ministry. Even though historians today generally concede that the War would not have been markedly different had Thatcher been more collaborative, most point to a lost opportunity to create closer ties between the Federation and Commonwealth which would have made the post-war transition easier.

Thatcher was willing to listen to her military advisors, and when they recommended use of Greater Commonwealth forces, she would personally contact the nation’s Head of Government. The problem was that even though she was asking them to make the commitment of troops or other resources, most of her Commonwealth “partners” remembered the conversations as being in the nature of the IPM telling them what would happen. Input was not sought, and one anonymous African leader commented to the London Times in October 1979 that he saw why Thatcher was called the Iron Leader as she would not bend, and he felt that she thought herself more like Queen Peggy.

Shortly after the War began in September 1978, Labour and the other left of Center party leaders in the IFP publicly called on the IPM to expand the governing coalition. The IPM publicly thanked the minority party leaders and stated that even though she was not ready to invite them into a wider coalition she was sure they would give full support to the effort to defeat the enemy. In private she was furious, in the biography written by her daughter Thatcher was quoted as saying “the imbeciles who did their best to disarm us now want a say in how we should fight.” When in late 1979 opposition IMPs started quoting the Times article from the previous March, Thatcher had an answer. During Question Time on 14 November 1979 the IPM responded:

I am certainly not Queen Peggy or Queen Peg; that is an insult to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II our one and only Sovereign. Further, I would go by Queen Margaret as that is my Christian name. I will accept the Iron Leader label and embrace the observation that I will not bend. I will never bend in the defence of the Imperial Federation, and our Queen’s other subjects in the Greater Commonwealth. If someone shall have been offended by what they perceive as brusqueness I apologize most insincerely.

The IPM had managed to turn the insult into a badge of honor. The left still opposed her, but every Tory and virtually everyone else in the ruling coalition gave her unwavering support throughout the Islamic Confederation War and Falklands Conflict.

When the Nigerian Civil War broke out Thatcher was more than happy to accept the good offices of Pope Paul VII. Of course, it was technically not her call whether to accept, but with the acceptance by Biafra to mediation, the Commonwealth Office clearly communicated to the Nigerians that no Imperial Federation assistance would be forthcoming with the Islamic Confederation War still raging.

One unexpected headache for the IPM as well as the other heads of government throughout the Federation and Commonwealth was the unexpected news leaked to the press in January 1980 that The Prince and Princess of Wales were contemplating divorce. The couple had been married just over three years but had still not produced an heir. They each immediately denied the rumors of divorce and infidelity but confirmed they had been living apart for about six months. It was later revealed the Princess was concerned with the Prince’s insistence on deploying as a member of the Imperial Navy. The Princess was also distraught over her apparent inability to conceive.

Thatcher spoke to the Queen on various occasions, evidently representing all the Heads of Government. The substance of their conversations has never been revealed, but much can be surmised. Thatcher likely explained that a divorce would harken the public memory back to her uncle’s insistence on marrying his divorced American paramour, ultimately forcing his abdication. She would have explained that similarly there would be a strain on the monarchy with some Greater Commonwealth members opting to leave and form republics, and that it could spread to threaten the monarchy itself. It was known that the Prince had made inquiries about an annulment. This would have been a nonstarter, and Thatcher almost certainly would have reminded the Queen that this would shake the foundations of the Anglican Church and invite comparisons of the Prince to Henry VIII.

We do know that in April 1980 the Queen relented on her prohibiting the Prince from deploying, and he did so in May of that year. The Prince served with distinction on various cruisers and frigates during the rest the Islamic Confederation and Falklands Wars. His assignments were never revealed until after the fact. It was hoped that the Prince’s service would stand him in good stead with his future subjects, and aid in a reconciliation with his spouse. It largely worked, but when asked in May 1983 whether as the heir he was foolhardy to put himself in danger, the future George VII answered, “I was in much less danger than most others who served, and in any event both of my sisters would be just as competent, even more so; and they each have children who could carry on.”

The Prince in trying to be self-deprecating had highlighted his wife’s failure to give him an heir. The Princess requested permission from the Queen to divorce, and before obtaining an answer overdosed on sleeping pills on June 4, 1983. The Palace tried to claim an accidental overdose, but almost all believe it was suicide. There have of course been various conspiracy theories since ranging from the Palace destroying a suicide note to the Prince, or even the IPM ordering the Princess’ murder.

On December 12, 1981, just as Thatcher was beginning to consult with Reagan on a finishing the war and a post-Islamic Confederation world, word came of the Argentinian seizure of the Falkland Islands. The Iron Leader still wouldn’t bend.

 

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THE FALKLANDS CONFLICT

It has variously been called the Falklands War, Falklands Conflict, or Falklands Crisis, unless you were an Argentinean junta leader in 1981-82 in which case it was known as the Malvinas Liberation. We’ll refer to it here as the Falklands Conflict. In 1981 The Falkland Islands had been under British rule for about 150 years. At the time of the conflict the main sources of income for the approximately 2,200 residents were fishing and sheep herding; although even in 1981 it was believed that there were large offshore oil deposits. Then as now the Falklands were a self-governing Overseas Territory of the Imperial Federation, being too small to be on its own in the Greater Commonwealth. Argentina had been claiming the islands which they called the Malvinas for decades. After a military junta took control of Argentina in 1977, the Imperial Federation stationed a reinforced platoon of Royal Marines on the Islands. They were meant to be a deterrent, or tripwire as no one believed such a small force could repel a full-fledged invasion. The Falklands also maintained a small defence force which was really in the nature of a militia or home guard.

The Argentine junta had been isolated since taking power. They had been suspended from the ICC and the Common Market of the Americas, many of their best and brightest had fled the country, and their economy was on life support. After seeing the reaction of the Imperial Federation to the Nigerian Civil War of accepting mediation by Pope Paul VII the junta calculated that the best time to take the Malvinas was by the end of 1981. This was because the Imperial Federation was still trying to finish the Islamic Confederation War. The junta believed that if they could take the islands with minimal bloodshed the Federation would negotiate. In the junta’s view they would get support from Argentineans and distract them from the economic woes. If there was negotiation Argentina might have to withdraw but could likely get an agreement to re-enter the Common Market and ICC with some financial relief. The worst case in their view was their leaving power after securing amnesty for their actions since 1977. That was their calculation, but as my late mother would say they needed to go to remedial math. Nigeria was a Greater Commonwealth Nation, whereas the Imperial Federation controlled the Falklands, and IPM Thatcher wouldn’t consider any negotiations.

The Argentineans were a regional power in Latin America. They had a fairly large Army which included a helicopter squadron they could not deploy given the distance to the Islands, a small Air Force with most aircraft having limited operating time over the Falklands, and a fair-sized navy. Almost all their equipment had come from the United States prior to 1977. Likewise, most of the senior leadership took military training in America before the junta. The navy consisted of two heavy cruisers (both were of USS Portland Class), seven destroyers or destroyer escorts of various classes, three diesel submarines, plus two minesweepers, an ocean oiler and about a dozen merchant ships impressed into service for the war. Both cruisers and four of the destroyers carried helicopters and ship to ship missiles.

The invasion began approximately two hours before dawn on December 12, 1981, two Argentine Navy destroyers landed a battalion of sea infantry supported by mortars, and two dozen amphibious tracked vehicles. A submarine had also dispatched a squad of army commandos who used zodiac boats to take Ascension Island. The destroyers each carried a helicopter that were used for reconnaissance. The sea infantry had three maneuver companies; with two being dispatched to secure the Royal Marine Barracks, and the third having to secure Governor House at Stanley. The Royal Marines had left their barracks after receiving a message that Governor House was under attack. Unfortunately for them the locals had already surrendered the island and the Marines were then caught between both elements of the Sea Infantry Battalion which was more than twelve times the size of the 50-man Marine Platoon. After a short skirmish in which two Argentine soldiers were killed and another wounded the Marines surrendered when informed by the Argentineans in the company of the Falklands Governor, he had surrendered the island to Argentina.

News of the invasion and occupation quickly reached around the world. The Argentine Government issued a statement:

The Malvinas have been restored to Argentina with no loss of life to its natives or the troops occupying the Islands. Our actions should in no way be interpreted as support for the Islamic Confederation, and we stand ready to lend our support to defeat that evil entity. We are open to negotiations with the Imperial Federation on the return of their troops and any residents who wish to leave the Malvinas.

The Pope again offered his offices to negotiate a settlement “without bloodshed.” Various members of the Commonwealth of the Americas urged negotiation, and asked President Reagan to consider invoking the Monroe Doctrine. Reagan forcefully indicated he would not do so. IPM Thatcher gave her response to the junta at 1000 hours GMT 13 December 1981:

This will not stand. No negotiation. We are coming to liberate the Falkland Islands, and if you are still there before we arrive, we are coming for you. You will be held responsible for the health and safety of your hostages – yes, I said hostages.

Just before Christmas 1981 the Labour Party made a tactical mistake, some said at the time a treasonous mistake, by issuing a public statement to the effect that The IPM should at least consider negotiation so as to prevent a loss of life. This would come back to haunt Labour.

We’ve already covered the Alliance moves following the Falklands attack to end the Islamic Confederation War. The Imperial Federation put together two different Task Forces each had an Aircraft Carrier with a Cruiser or Battleship, six Destroyers or Frigates, plus support ships, and one task force transported a Regiment of Royal Marines while the other had an Army Regiment. There were also six submarines dispatched to the South Atlantic. The task force coming from the Indian Ocean was centered on HMS Melbourne equipped with helicopters and vertical takeoff jets, while HMS Hermes was dispatched from Portsmouth with conventional jets. Both carriers were near the end of their service life but gave the Federation an enormous punch. The Americans were not officially involved but they had satellites in polar orbit that kept eyes on the area 24 hours a day. They made these feeds available at the combined headquarters overseeing the Islamic Confederation War. Imperial Federation officers were given full access to those feeds, which they of course transmitted to the Task Force Commanders. It was later revealed that the Americans refueled the oilers and other Federation ships traveling from the Indian Ocean just before they crossed into the Atlantic. One interesting note-almost as valuable as the satellites were calls from Falkland Islanders. It seems the Argentineans had disconnected personal home telephone phones but had no idea two pay phones on the islands still worked, and locals took turns breaking their curfew to call collect to the Defence Ministry in London after a relative of one Islander had gotten them the contact information.

The HMS Hermes Task Force arrived on station on January 19, 1982, but took no immediate action against the Falklands. They did dispatch a company of Royal Marines who quickly retook Ascension Island and launched air sorties against bases in Argentina to ground their air force and prevent reinforcement or resupply of forces still on the Falklands, which by that time had a Brigade sized force ensconced. Before the HMS Melbourne Task Force arrived on January 23rd, two Argentine destroyers had been sunk, and three of their helicopters destroyed, but the Argentineans had successfully launched a ship-to-ship missile that crippled the HMS Sheffield and killed thirty-two sailors. Federation submarines sunk both Argentinean Cruisers on January 24th. Jets from Melbourne sunk another destroyer and crippled three other ships that were eventually scuttled. Anti-Submarine Warfare aircraft launched from the carriers sunk two of three enemy subs and forced the other back to port with the rest of the Argentine Navy.

The ground forces landed on January 25, 1982. The Royal Marines landed on East Falkland while the Army took West Falkland. There was only light resistance, and the Islands were secured in less than two days. The makeshift POW camp the Argentineans created for the Royal Marines was greatly expanded and the jailers became the prisoners. The junta leaders fled to Chile, who immediately interned them. The Iron Leader was at the height of her popularity, but there was still the matter of winning the peace after two conflicts.

AFTERMATH

By February 1982 major combat operations had ceased in both The Islamic Confederation War and the Falklands Conflict. The Imperial Federation did not invade Argentina, but in addition to stationing a full Royal Marine Regiment, HMS Hermes was left on station with two destroyers. The Federation left a Battle Group in the Atlantic, stationed out of Bermuda until 1994. At the Malta Summit in 1980 there had been an agreement to refer Islamic Confederation leaders to the ICC International Court, or ICC-IC for war crimes trials. The issue was largely moot in that all of the top leaders were dead, or presumed dead.

There were 19 lower-level Wahhabi extremist members of the military directly captured during or after the War as having been involved with dirty bomb booby traps. They were tried by the Court which sat at Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay. None were sentenced to death and three were actually acquitted. The rest received terms of from thirty years to life. In 1999 four of the prisoners had their sentences reduced to 20 years after expressing remorse for their earlier actions and were released in 2001. The last of the unrepentant prisoners died in custody in 2021.

The members of the Argentine junta were also tried by the ICC-IC. They were uniformly convicted and received life imprisonment, all serving their terms in a small prison in Chile built for their internment. The last prisoner committed suicide in 2018. The Common Market of the Americas moved toward a political union following the Falklands Conflict by forming a joint military command. Even before that command was formed Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and Chile sent troops under Brazilian leadership to rebuild infrastructure and keep order. By the end of 1982 Argentina had a new civilian provisional government. The Imperial Federation and Argentina subsequently agreed to arbitration by the ICC-IC on reparations which issued a plan for Argentina to pay reparations to the families of those killed in the War over a ten-year period beginning in 1985, Argentina also formally renounced any claim to the Falkland Islands. The Common Market of the Americas made readmission to that body dependent on the new government passing legislation to ensure complete release of all information available on the crimes of the Junta, including those “disappeared” under the regime, and to pay appropriate reparations. By 1986 there had been free elections and Argentina had been re-admitted to the Common Market, the ICC, and the ICC-TO. Many former refugees returned to Argentina, but many more never did. Thanks to generous terms by the ICC-WB and the Common Market Bank, Argentina today has the second largest economy in the Latin America after Brazil.

One large headache was whether and how to rebuild devastated areas in the former Islamic Confederation. There were actually serious calls from extremists on the far left and far right to just cordon off the former states. In the end it was accepted that long term occupations would necessary. Reagan and Thatcher had wide latitude to implement whatever they agreed to. ICC First Secretary Goldwater resigned in March 1982. Reagan appointed Dan Moynihan to replace Goldwater as the United States envoy, but the Chilean envoy Salvador Allende became the First Secretary. The Common Market countries overwhelmingly wanted a First Secretary from their number, and Reagan wanted to mend fences, so the US did not push another candidate. Paul Volker remained at the ICC-WB which would have significant leverage in any rebuilding plans.

The Alliance looked to what worked and didn’t work in the Russian occupation. It was determined early on that there would be no multinational entity coming after an occupation. Occupation and recovery plans would be tailored to each nation. Reparations would be have to be paid to those areas of Europe, Asia and Africa attacked by the Confederation. As with Russia a plan was developed wherein one third of any revenue generated would go to pay reparations, one third to repay the ICC-WB and other investors, and one third to be in trust to help with emergency assistance or held until new governments were in place. Various nongovernmental organizations, including Catholic organizations dispatched by Pope Paul VII, provided assistance without remuneration.

The Americans and Federation were both reticent about committing large numbers of troops to an open-ended occupation. In the end one or the other or both maintained small contingents in each part of the former Islamic Confederation for continuity, command and control. The bulk of the occupation forces rotated from majority Muslim majority countries in the Alliance. The initial costs along with logistical support came from the United States with the understanding that they would be paid back from revenues generated by oil once the fires were completely extinguished, and infrastructure was rebuilt.

The most controversial step taken early on in 1983 was a partial dismemberment of Turkey. The European portion was annexed to Greece and the western portion of Istanbul reverted to its prior name of Constantinople. Parts of Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq were also split off to form an independent Kurdistan. This was done because in taking Islamic Confederation territory Alliance leaders found the Kurds had retained their own identity and had actually aided Alliance troops. The new nation remained under occupation, but after developing democratic institutions it was the first freed and joined the ICC in 1987.

Afghanistan adopted a plan similar to the one brokered under Pope Paul VII for Nigeria. The nation was broken up into small areas by tribes analogous to Swiss Cantons. There was a weak central government, and occupation forces were greatly reduced by 1988, but there were not enough safeguards for democracy and women’s rights to end the occupation until 1993.

The former Russian Islamic Nations formed democratic institutions, with safeguards, so as to end occupations starting with Turkmen, and Uzbek in 1988, Kazakh, Tajik and Kirghiz in 1989, and after renouncing claims on land taken by Armenia, Azerbaijan’s occupation ended in 1990.

Even after democratic governments were in place in the early 1990s Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria all refused to renounce claims to lands given to Greece and Kurdistan. By that time even Russia was part of the Euro-Mediterranean Community. In 1998 all four countries renounced their territorial claims in exchange for an immediate end to the occupation to be followed by admission to the EMU in 2000.

On the Saudi (or Arabian) Peninsular the former Saudi Kingdom was again divided. Saudi Arabia remained the largest nation, but Yemen, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, and the Emirates were reformed or moved out from the Saudi domination. Further, both Mecca and Medina were declared open cities administered by a new organization called the Islamic League. The League’s charter made clear it was formed, with representatives from every nation with significant Muslim populations to administer the holy sites in Mecca and Medina and was in no way a political or military alliance. Between 1999 and 2003 all nations except Saudi Arabia had been judged democratically safe and occupations were ended. Saudi Arabia remained under occupation despite giving up the monarchy and developing into a republic, because of a refusal to recognize the authority of the Islamic League over Medina and Mecca. It was finally resolved in 2021 when the United States and Imperial Federation formally renounced any claims to reparations (which neither had taken since 2000), and the Islamic League offered the Saudi government an extra seat on their board due to the holy cities being within their borders. A 40-year occupation was finally over. Is that Biblical or what?

Following the end of active combat operations the Alliance nations had a world-wide summit in Sao Paulo, Brazil from 7-11 June 1982. The ICC in New York would have been the logical choice, but nations outside the Anglo-American Alliance had pushed for somewhere not under control of the United States or Imperial Federation. Many of the decisions made concerning the occupation and rebuilding of the former Confederation states were made at that summit. Even so it was clear that the many disparate voices only served to give even greater weight to the Americans and Federation who generally agreed. Indeed, Reagan and Thatcher had met alone in Canberra just a week prior to ensure they spoke with one voice. The EMU had already made strides to move toward closer political union and the Summit was an impetus to redouble their efforts at integration. Many members of the Common Market of the Americas, AFTA, and even APCOPS got the same message, and each started taking steps toward greater consolidation and cooperation.

By 2024 the former Russian Islamic nations, and Afghanistan had all joined the Asia-Pacific Union (which replaced APCOPS in 2004), while the rest of the former Confederation states were in EMU. Of course who would have predicted a century ago that by the end of the first quarter of the 21st century all nations on the planet would be divided into just six political-economic-military blocs: the United States, Imperial Federation, Euro-Mediterranean Union, Confederacy of the Americas (succeeding the Common Market in 1998), the Asia-Pacific Union, and the African Community of Nations (which replaced the Africa Free Trade Association after the Rwandan Civil War in 1990). I’m of course skipping to the end.

POST-WAR REAGAN PRESIDENCY

In the United States the population celebrated the end to combat but were less than thrilled at the prospect of a long occupation, even if the bulk of forces were coming from other nations. Reagan was known as the Great Communicator, but he had a hard time selling the costs of the occupation, even if The United States would ultimately be reimbursed (which it wasn’t – at least not totally). In the November 1982 mid-terms the Democrats lost control of both House of Congress. The margin was still close, but only because the Democrats swept all four new Senate Seats from the newly admitted States of Greenland, and Puerto Rico, and took the Greenland House Seat plus five out of the six Puerto Rico Seats.

Reagan still had generally good relations with the Congress, mainly because he had tried to govern from the middle. After the mid-terms there were few new initiatives coming out of the Reagan White House. Dutch by then was the oldest man ever to serve as President. Many noticed he was tired. Both Ed Meese and Alan Cranston admitted after Reagan had passed that Reagan had some difficulty concentrating starting in 1983, and it worsened in the last few months of his term. Most attribute this to the beginnings of Alzheimer’s which would be diagnosed after Dutch had left the White House. The deficit exploded as in order to get the President to sign off on Republican priorities the Congress just added Democratic priorities.

In 1984 the Pope visited the United States for the spring ICC session. He met the President and First lady at the White House, as well as giving them both Communion at a Mass at Ebbets Field in Brooklyn, New York. Reagan met with IPM Thatcher again in London in 1983, and at the ICC in New York in 1984. Reagan would see the Pope twice more after he left office, but the ICC session was the last time the President, Prime Minister and the Pope were all together. Thatcher and Reagan communicated throughout the rest of his Presidency and afterward until Dutch was no longer able to understand.

Perhaps the best example of how his opponents felt could be best summed up by Republican Congressman James King, who said “I really disagree with 80% of the President’s policies, but I know he is trying to do what he believes is best for the country, and you just can’t keep yourself from liking the guy.” King was the youngest of the three Kings; brothers who advocated civil disobedience regarding racially discriminatory laws and policies. All three brothers were Ministers and Martin, the oldest had succeeded their father as Pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia. Vernon was the most eloquent and active until his assassination by a white supremacist in 1967, which ironically was a large factor in the Democratic Party finally expelling the last racists from their Party. James was the youngest, he became a Democrat to try to move the Party on racial equality only to return to the GOP after some of the remaining segregationists in the Democratic Party tried to unseat black delegates at the 1964 Democratic Convention, following his brother’s murder Vernon ran for and won an election to Congress as a Republican.

Reagan was still personally an immensely popular figure and were it not for term limits the Democrats may well have tried to convince him to run for a third term. They instead ended up nominating Walter Mondale who they presented as Reagan’s right hand, and he choose little known Colorado Representative Gary Hartpence as the Vice-Presidential nominee. Unfortunately for the Democrats, Mondale was no Reagan.

The Republicans nominated Baja Governor Walker Bush, the youngest son of the late Senator Prescott Bush of Connecticut. Following graduation from Yale University in 1960, and instead of seeking a draft deferment Bush went into the Air Force and was accepted to flight school earning fighter pilot wings in 1961. Bush was discharged, went into the Reserves in 1964, and planned to start an aerospace firm in Baja, which as yet wasn’t even a state. Captain Bush was recalled in 1965 for the Russian War. He returned from the War as a Lieutenant Colonel and Squadron Commander with two air-to-air kills, and the Distinguished Flying Cross. On his return to Baja the new state elected Bush as one of their Congressional Representatives in 1970, and in 1978 Congressman Bush became Governor Bush despite having actually been physically in the state just a matter of months since moving there in 1964. Bush choose the charismatic James King as his running mate.

Many analysts say that had an alien come down to earth during the 1984 Presidential election they would have thought that Bush was running as the Reagan heir apparent, and Mondale was the outsider trying to run against the incumbent. That is only a slight exaggeration. The Republicans did emphasize the areas where they agreed with the popular President and were able to box in Mondale when he made proposals Reagan had not. For instance, Mondale promised to end the draft, but Reagan never asked Congress for that authority, and Bush in a speech argued he agreed with the President that premature disarmament invited another 9-1-1. Reagan endorsed Mondale, but not until he had locked up the nomination, and he did not vigorously campaign for the ticket. That was likely a combination of apathy for his Vice-President’s policies, and outright fatigue.

Mondale likely sealed his own fate with a convention speech wherein he promised to raise taxes, adding that the Republicans would as well, but wouldn’t admit it. No one heard the second part, and as Alan Cranston said the day after the election “the Vice-President made an unforgiveable gaff in telling the American people what he knew to be a hard truth.” The Republicans took both Houses by wide margins and won the Electoral College by 397 to 198 votes. Oh- Mondale was correct the Republicans did raise taxes.

Reagan left a note for the new President on Inauguration Day in January 1985, which Bush said he often referred to. Reagan kept his word and was as helpful in the transition as Goldwater had been eight years earlier. Former Presidents Goldwater and Kennedy also attended the Inauguration, and many commented on how frail Reagan and Goldwater seemed. Still the world was not quite done with Dutch Reagan.

IMPERIAL FEDERATION 1983 GENERAL ELECTION

The Imperial Federation prevailed in both the Islamic Confederation War and the Falklands Conflict, but anyone paying attention at the time could see there would be difficulties in the Peace. A large military would have to be maintained for some time to fulfill occupation responsibilities, and to protect the Falklands until it was assured Argentina was no longer a threat. The costs of the wars, and subsidizing occupations in more than a dozen countries proved a drain on the economy, delaying the Healthcare reforms so dear to the Tory’s Liberal partners in their governing coalition. Still the success in battle made the Tories a slight favorite, and so it was that IPM Thatcher asked the Queen to call a General Election for the Imperial Parliament for 9 June 1983.

In the election Labour and the other left of center parties were banking on denying the Tories a coalition by running on saving money by disarmament, and foisting occupation duties on the United States and the other members of the Alliance. The Liberals were the traditional coalition partner of the Tories, but were hoping to increase their standing, and explicitly refused to rule out being in or perhaps even leading a coalition of the left.

In the campaign Thatcher used the left’s urging to consider talks with the Argentine junta to avoid bloodshed as a bludgeon. Her speech in Ottawa on 31 May resonated:

Shall we tell Papua New Guinea that we’re to negotiate its status with Indonesia, or Gibraltar’s status with Spain, or the status of Bermuda with any bandits that decide to invade that island, or any other part of Her Majesty’s Imperial Federation? There are costs to maintaining, our status as a world power, and to protecting our allies. There will be a greater cost and a much greater danger if we abandon those allies or send a message that we are weak and no longer willing to bear the burdens of a Great Power.

The Tories also argued that they were better positioned to put the Federation back on financial track. Pointing to the left’s laundry list of promises costing more than four times the savings from cuts that would gut the military. Thatcher made the most of her advantages, shortly before calling the election she had greeted President Reagan who came to London to consult on Post-War planning. Thatcher also used the time leading up to the election to make speeches in the British Isles, Canada, Australia and New Zealand only returning to England on 7 June.

Election eve polls gave the Tories only a slight edge of being able to form a coalition, with a center-left coalition or hung parliament seen as almost as likely by bookmakers. Polls opened at 0600 local time in each riding or constituency, but results were not released until 0600 GMT on 10 June 1983. This was because that just as with the old British Empire the sun never set on the Imperial Federation, and there was a desire to prevent returns from New Zealand having an undue impact on voting in British Columbia.

The Iron Leader shocked the world when the results came in, Tories made gains in the Pacific, in the British Isles, but especially Scotland, and throughout Canada. The Liberals also made gains, but they were again at the expense of Labour which actually fell behind the Liberals in total seats. Most surprisingly, the Tories had an outright majority, and Thatcher quickly rebuffed the Liberal offer to continue their coalition. Thirty-Five years after the founding of the Imperial Federation, Peggy Thatcher had a free hand to form a government that did not rely on a coalition. On 11 June The Scotsman quoted an anonymous Tory IMP as saying, “God help us, with what Peggy will do now.” Peggy would soon show them.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IMMEDIATELY FOLLOWING THE WAR

As mentioned previously the Catholic Church was sending missionaries to territories in the former Islamic Confederation even before the end of hostilities. They were not alone in that regard. The Salvation Army, the Mormon Church and various American Evangelical Protestant denominations also sent missionaries, sometimes without the permission or protection of occupying forces. The Catholic Church and Salvation Army made it a point to offer medical aid, shelter, food and water to the local populations based only on need without regard to the faith or lack of same of the people being helped. The other denominations were usually just as magnanimous but were more vocal in proselyting even while providing secular salvation. Almost all the missions suffered attacks from local populace for what they viewed as trying to undermine Islam, hence by the year 2000 the 57 martyrs recognized by the Catholic Church; but percentage wise the attacks on Catholic relief workers were significantly less than those on the other denominations, and the Salvation Army had only one person attacked. Also, while the by 2000 conversion rates to Catholicism in those territories nowhere amounted to more than 7% of the population overall, they dwarfed the gains made by the denominations that were more aggressive in what one local sheik called “pushing Jesus over the Prophet.” It turns out the direction of Pope Paul VII to “bring people into Christ’s embrace by way of example,” was the more effective course of action. By 1983 Catholic missions were operating food cooperatives, hospitals, and schools in every part of the former Islamic Confederation.

In February 1982 Paul VII visited Buenos Aires following the Falklands Conflict even before the new Provisional Government was fully functioning. The Pope celebrated overflowing Masses at the Metropolitan Cathedral, in the shadow of the Christ the Redeemer Statute, and at four separate sports stadiums around the country. The Pontiff pledged continuing aid of the Church in the restoration of “spiritual and corporeal life to Argentina.” The Pope was good to his word. He also visited with families of many of the “disappeared.” Were it not for the request of His Holiness it is likely at least some of the junta would have been sentenced to death.

At the suggestion of Paul VII, the Second Inter-Religious Summit was held in March 1984 in Jerusalem. The Pope suggested Jerusalem as it was a city with religious significance for the Abrahamic religions. Once again, the Summit concentrated on emphasizing areas where all Faiths agreed regardless of doctrine, such as doing good works, and aiding the sick and poor. The communique issued at the summit's close emphasized the determination to work toward the common good. It was at this meeting that the Muslim delegates first discussed the concept of Medina and Mecca being administered by some kind of Pan-Islamic entity to ensure Muslims the world over would have access to the sacred sites. This of course later developed into what became the Islamic League. Pope Paul VII left the summit admired by the Christion and non-Christian delegates alike. It was decided to have the 1989 summit in the Indian city of Varanasi. The city would change every five tears, but the 2004 summit was moved to Rome so the ailing Paul VII could attend.

Following the Inter-Religious Summit, the Pope addressed the spring session of the ICC. He had been invited as an honored guest as although the Pontiff was technically a Head of State, in that the Vatican is an independent city-state, it was not and still is not a member of the ICC. In giving his speech on April 9, 1984, the Pontiff switched between thirteen different languages with ease, ending in Latin. His easy style called on the assembled leaders to be moral, merciful, and generous, but was in no way preachy. The crowd gave the Pope a standing ovation, and both Thatcher and Reagan commented on how their own speeches paled in comparison. The President actually followed the Pope, and joked – “I never follow a child, or animal act to the stage, and see now I need to add the Bishop of Rome.”

Competing needs in Latin America, Africa, and Asia meant the Vatican throughout the 1980s was juggling priorities and resources. The Pope had also spent much of the war years dealing with irregularities at the Vatican Bank, after it was revealed in 1979 that some of its lay trustees and clergy (including an auxiliary bishop) may have siphoned funds. Paul VII to the surprise of all completely shut down the bank in 1984 and moved the funds to the European Bank. By the terms of the Lateran Treaty, the Pope then requested the Italian Government to investigate the Bank and prosecute on the Vatican’s behalf. Those ongoing prosecutions were a part of the excuse offered by many of the Pope’s admirers for his failure to take note of the first lawsuits being filed in the United States in 1985 alleging child sexual abuse by clergy. The Pope would come to sincerely regret this lapse in his later years.

THATCHER SUPREME BUT STILL NOT QUEEN

Peggy Thatcher was at the height of her powers after the 1983 general election. She was the first IPM not dependent on a coalition, and she would become the longest serving IPM more than two years before her mandate was due to end. After the leadership shuffle following the election the entire cabinet and all the whips were fierce Thatcher loyalists. There were though some clouds on the horizon.

Former Deputy Minister for Commonwealth Affairs Peggy Thatcher had not managed to counter resentments built up by some Greater Commonwealth members over perceived slights by the IPM during the Islamic Confederation War. Things got worse in 1984 when Jamaica, and South Africa each applied to transition from the Greater Commonwealth into the Imperial Federation.

The implementing legislation creating the Imperial Parliament was passed by the Parliaments of the former United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. Each had passed identical bills, which provided for the future accession of other members of the Greater Commonwealth to the Imperial Federation, provided they met milestones to be laid out by the IFP, and that each of the constituent parts of the Federation consented. The problem was that the UK Parliament no longer existed having been superseded by the IFP. Did this mean England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland would have no say? The IFP came down on the other side, finding that not only would England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland legislative bodies have a say, but Australia’s states in addition to the Australian Parliament, and Canadian Provinces in addition to the Canadian Parliament were constituent parts. This meant any Greater Commonwealth wishing to join the Federation needed to convince more than two dozen legislative bodies to consent. To top it off Thatcher refused to expedite legislation to set conditions needed to become part of the Federation. Jamaica, South Africa and much of the rest of the Greater Commonwealth saw the barriers being set up as a none too subtle form of racism wherein the majority white Federation wanted to keep out Her Majesty’s Caribbean, Asian and African subjects. As expected these barriers stalled any talks of expanding the Federation.

In February 1985, in response to criticism the Tories had received from the opposition that they were ruling with no effective checks or balances the Government revived an old proposal to finally formally take all judicial from the Privy Council, and vest it in a new Imperial Federation Supreme Court (IFSC). The bill passed with near unanimous support. It created a twenty-one member Court sitting in panels of three justices that could sit anywhere in the Imperial Federation. The Court President also had the option of referring cases to the full Court en banc either before or after it was heard by a panel. Cases could be appealed from lower courts within the Federation, or if brought as a matter within the Court’s jurisdiction the President of the Court would appoint a special master to make a record and report and advise the Court. The IPM would submit the names of individuals to be appointed as Justices to the Sovereign but was limited to choosing from a list prepared by a judicial committee chosen by the Lord Chancellor. Justices could serve up to fifteen years but had to resign when turning 75.

On March 1, 1985, two days after the Queen granted her assent to the bill creating the IFSC, Jamaica filed for a writ of Mandamus to order the IFP to set standards for admission of new members of the Imperial Federation. South Africa soon asked to join in Jamaica’s request, and further requested the Court find consent of the IFP alone was sufficient to permit admission to the Imperial Federation. Thatcher herself had predicted the Court’s creation would encourage such litigation, but even she was surprised that the first suits were filed before any Justices had been named.

Some advised Thatcher to moot out the lawsuits by putting forward legislation to outline conditions for accession and make them so as to eliminate the possibility of any state meeting the requirements in the near future. She pointed out this would not moot out the issue of whether all lower parliaments must approve, and that they would rightly be accused of hypocrisy if any state, province or other part of the current Federation did not meet the requirements. The IPM received nominating lists for the Court in June 1985, and by July 2nd all of her choices had been presented and approved by the Queen.

The very next day the new Court was sworn and in its first Act the Court President accepted the cases submitted by Jamaica and South Africa. A special master took evidence in a three-day hearing held in Bermuda in August 1985. The record along with briefs were sent to the Court which heard oral arguments on September 9, 1985. On October 7th the Court handed down a mixed decision:

• The writ of mandamus was granted to the extent that the IFP was given 90 days to vote on legislation outlining terms for Greater Commonwealth States to join the Imperial Federation.
• The motion to allow Jamaica and South Africa to propose their own terms was denied.
• The writ of prohibition as to legislative bodies other than the IFP voting on accepting new members was denied. Any parliament or other legislative body could vote on accepting a new member, but the Court further found the only bodies that can veto a new accession were the IFP, Canadian Parliament, Irish Dail, Australian Parliament, New Zealand Parliament, and since the UK Parliament no longer existed the English, and Scottish Parliaments as well as the Assemblies in Northern Ireland and Wales would have a veto.
• Australian States and Canadian Provinces may vote on any accessions but that shall not bind Australia, Canada, or the Imperial Federation.
• If the IFP consented to accession, consent would be deemed to have been given by any legislative body that had not voted within 90 days of said accession.

The Court tried to establish itself with the decision but was careful not to put itself too far out on a limb. It ordered a vote, but in no way dictated terms. In the end the IFP passed a bill outlining terms in November 1985. As it turns out neither Jamaica nor South Africa were able to meet the fiscal requirements for admission, as at that time they were each running large deficits. Before Thatcher left office in 1989 the IFP passed legislation restricting the Imperial Federation to its then current composition, with a proviso allowing possible release of overseas territories, but no new accessions. That bill was in fact passed by the IFP, Canadian Parliament, Irish Dail, Australian Parliament, New Zealand Parliament, English Parliament, and Scottish Parliament as well as the Assemblies in Northern Ireland and Wales. Given the economies of some Greater Commonwealth members today, many in the Federation regret that Act.

This of course pushed most of the greater Federation members closer to the various regional organizations around the world. For instance, South Africa after finally ditching its socialist experiment in 1987 was able to once again become a net food exporter, and by exploiting its mineral wealth was running a surplus by 1991. After the African Free Trade Organization became the African Community of Nations following the 1990 Rwandan Civil War South Africa, and other Greater Commonwealth members such as Nigeria, and Kenya had significantly greater ties with other members of that Community than with the Imperial Confederation, or Greater Commonwealth states in Asia or the Americas. When the Community adopted the African Franc as their currency, it was done so largely on the strength of the South African Rand. Jamaica and the other Greater Commonwealth states in the Caribbean likewise moved closer to the Common Market of the Americas. In 1973, Twenty-Five years before China was to regain control over Hong Kong there were serious talks of a joint sovereignty arrangement with the Imperial Federation retaining some control so as to ensure stability. By 1987 those talks had been dropped with Hong Kong preparing to actually be the first country to leave the Greater Commonwealth by 1997.

The Greater Commonwealth still exists today with only Hong Kong having left, and King George VII remains the Head of State in all member states, but none retain the Imperial Pound as its currency. On matters of defence the member states’ commitments to regional alliances take precedence over commitments to the Imperial Federation or other Greater Commonwealth nations. The Greater Commonwealth is more like a club than a political alliance. Some blame Thatcher’s actions in the late 1980s for the estrangement, but no IPM was likely to push for movement of states from the Greater Commonwealth to the Federation. Race was a factor, but so was the large disparity in wealth and standards of living. The Federation simply couldn’t bear the enormous costs of bringing Greater Commonwealth members up to the Federation standard of living and still meet its many commitments. Further if, even just India or Pakistan was granted membership the population would swamp the rest of the Federation.

The IFP had numerous problems trying to figure out how to pay for its many foreign and domestic commitments. Under the terms agreed to for the occupation of the former Islamic Confederation, costs would be paid in part out of the any revenues generated by the occupied territories. The IPM got President Reagan to agree that the United States would defer any payments it was due for ten years. This provided some short term relief as monies that would have been split with the US, mostly from oil revenue, went solely to the Federation from 1984 -1994. The only catch was that American businesses then got the lion’s share of contracts in the rebuilding of the infrastructure in the occupied territories.

Thatcher was reluctant to raise taxes, but in 1986 was finally convinced to approve a Federation wide “Community Charge.” Since the early 1962 The IFP had been distributing ever larger block grants to the various states, provinces and countries of the Federation for use on local services and projects. This allowed local taxes to remain low, and gave the IFP some leverage in getting local support for Federation wide initiatives. The Community Charge was a tax meant to be collected from adults within any constituency to pay back anything over 75% of the constituencies’ grants. It was thought this would allow the IFP to keep the grants in place while have 25% returned to the Treasury. I’ve greatly oversimplified how it was actually supposed to work, as there were complex formulas to determine the amount each locality would have to return and how much any particular taxpayer would owe. That of course was part of the problem.

Taxpayers only saw a new tax, and since they were identified through various data bases including voter rolls it became known as the Poll Tax. Since it wasn’t collected with the Inland Tax, almost no one paid it. Further, 90% of those receiving notice of the tax, applied for a recalculation based on the fact that they just couldn’t understand from the notice how their liability had been determined (and almost half of those appealing got an adjustment). The first notices went out in July 1986, by September it appeared administering the tax might actually cost more than any expected revenue. In October the IPM sacked the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Community Charge was quietly put to death with refunds going to the few who had actually paid.

One positive note after taking the majority was the government’s continuing the efforts to reform the HIS. The IPM pushed the initiative that had been proposed by the Liberals when they were in the previous coalition because she said, “they were right,” the system needed reform. The reforms were fully implemented by the middle of 1987. In the end the Government created a system wherein private health insurance companies would provide an insurance plan providing payment for certain services and procedures required by the IHS, which would negotiate with the companies a price to be shared by the various levels of the government. The insurance companies were also allowed to offer premium packages wherein the individual or a business could buy coverage for procedures not covered in the basic plan, such as cosmetic surgery, liposuction, and designer eyeglasses. Many of these plans also allowed the insured to go to private physicians for routine care, for example someone needing hernia surgery might wait months at a HIS facility, but would be taken in less than a week if they had purchased the coverage, so long as it wasn’t a preexisting condition.

Overall, the reforms worked as advertised. There were savings from the new system, but not as much as had been projected. Labour and the other parties on the left complained that it created a two-tiered system, but Thatcher pointed out that all received basic care for no charge, while unions were free to negotiate private health care packages for their membership. Most importantly the Liberals were mollified, and that would soon be very important.

Thatcher met and spoke regularly with President Walker Bush. She called to congratulate him on his election in 1984, and he visited London in 1985 with a reciprocal visit of the IPM to Washington City the following year. Their relationship was cordial, but the IPM never felt that Bush was a true partner that Reagan had been. In that regard at the urging of the IPM on April 18, 1987, named Ronald Wilson Reagan a Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honorable Order of the Bath, for his actions to support the Imperial Federation in the Falklands Conflict. As an American Dutch did not kneel before the Queen and was not to be called Sir, but he was a Knight.

The IPM saw the Queen just after the New Year and asked the Queen to call a General Election for February 4, 1988. That date was just over four months before the Tory mandate would end any way. No one believed that the Tories could again get sufficient seats to govern without a coalition. The odds makers were betting that the left would have a two in three chance of forming a coalition, with a hung parliament the next most likely option, and only a one in ten chance of the Tories retaining power. Thatcher again campaigned throughout the Federation. By early on February 5th, it became obvious that the Tories had more seats than any other party, but it looked like the combined left of center parties would outnumber the Tories, once again it fell to the Liberals and their centrist partners to determine who would form a coalition. On February 11th the Liberals announced they would join a Tory Coalition. What evidently tilted the Liberals in the end was Thatcher, keeping her word to reform the IHS, combined with left party back benchers loudly announcing they would revisit the reforms.

Peggy was no longer able to rule as she had when the Tories had a solid majority. The IPM was willing to discuss succession. To try to repair the relationship with the Greater Commonwealth States she suggested Olive Mulroney of Quebec who had informally led the working group on Federation-Commonwealth relations more than a decade earlier. The Tory IMPs agreed, and the Liberals consented. On January 13, 1989, exactly nine years after becoming IPM, Peggy left the office.

Thatcher was not done. In her last years as IPM she was constantly annoyed by efforts of the ICC First Secretary Allende to pressure the ICC-WB and promote what she saw as Socialist ideals in the developing world to their detriment. The United States had exerted pressure on Chile to recall Allende and name another envoy at the end of 1988. The Imperial Federation then recalled their own envoy and named Peggy to replace him. On January 30, 1989, Thatcher appeared for her first session, and given the weighted voting favoring the United States and Imperial Federation she was elected as the new First Secretary of the Inter-Continental Congress. Peggy was not a Queen, but at ICC sessions she would henceforth be called Madame President

DUTCH REAGAN’S LONG GOODBYE

On leaving office in 1985 Dutch Reagan took some time off to decide on how he would spend the rest of his life. He was tired, but friends reported he wanted to remain active. There was even talk of his taking on a television program, but they couldn’t come to an agreement on the scope and frequency. He did do some analysis on the mid-terms for NBC on election night in 1986, and seemed to be the Old Dutch, telling stories that were entertaining, if not entirely true. Reagan’s old Chief of Staff once again lost a Senate election that year and Dutch lamented his old friend’s loss that evening. His wife Jane continued to act but did just one or two television movies a year, to spend more time with Dutch. Shortly after being knighted by the Queen in 1987 a ghost-written memoir came out that was generally well received but caused a short estrangement with Cranston for the statement “Alan was just too far left for California, he could give a cold-eyed analysis whenever I needed it, but like so many had a blind spot when looking at himself.” Pretty mild, but actually accurate, Cranston would not run for office again, and would reconcile with Dutch in 1988 who recommended him to advise the Democratic National Committee.

Dutch was the odd Democrat in that he was the first to serve two full terms since FDR and was still popular. He was also seen as being bipartisan, as demonstrated in 1987 when he issued a statement supporting his successor’s Return to the Moon proposal to expand the manned space program at both the Baja and the International Space Ports.

Even though Dutch was somewhat reinvigorated after returning to private life he was still not the same as when he entered the Presidency. In private family and friends noticed that the former President’s memory was failing more and more. At the 1988 Democratic Convention Reagan gave a rousing speech but at one point near the end he paused for a few seconds and had a lost look on his face, before returning to the text. Most attributed the lapse to a teleprompter problem, but years later it was generally agreed this was one of the first public signs of the former President’s Alzheimer’s. His address to the 1992 convention was delivered via a pre-taped message.

Following the 1989 San Francisco-Oakland earthquake Dutch and Jane joined JPK, Jr. and Maureen Kennedy to raise money for earthquake relief. By March 1990 the four Californians had raised more than $52,000,000. Later in 1990 Dutch and Jane visited the Vatican, and had a private audience with Pope Paul VII. On seeing reporters when exiting Dutch remarked he insisted on a private audience as he was afraid the Pope would upstage him again. Later that year ICC First Secretary Thatcher and her husband visited the former President at his ranch “to consult.”

In 1992 Dutch sat for a short interview praising his wife and Maureen Kennedy for their roles in a television movie featuring the former First Ladies called Mothers Know Best, or Else. That summer he made his final public appearance when he threw out the first ball at the fourth game of the World Series at Angels’ Stadium. In 1993 Dutch released a letter announcing he had been diagnosed with Alzheimer’s. Donations for research into curing the condition quadrupled over the following year.

Mike Deaver stayed with the President until 1990 when he tried his hand a lobbying. Deaver was terrible at Washington City lobbying, but later joined with former Attorney General Ed Meese to lobby States to call a Second Constitutional Convention to draft and submit a Balanced Budget Amendment. They each stated it was what Dutch would want. Many unbiased reporters pointed out that the last two years of the Reagan Administration was when the budget really exploded. Whether or not invoking the former President’s name helped in January 1993 Montana became the 36th State necessary to call for the Convention.

Ed Meese was actually named to be a California delegate. There was a ceremonial opening of the Convention on July 4, 1993, at Independence Hall in Philadelphia. The actual proceedings were held in the Lincoln Nebraska Capitol building from August 9, 1993 – September 3, 1993. The meetings were closed, and minutes were archived until 2043. During the proceedings there were comparatively few leaks, but many delegates spoke on and off the record afterward.

States sent varying numbers of delegates, but each state had only one vote on what amendments would be submitted for ratification. On procedural matters it was decided the majority (or 27) of the states would rule, whereas on whether a particular amendment would be submitted for ratification two-thirds (or 36) of the states would have to agree. The delegates choose former Presidential candidate Robby Dole of Kansas as their Chair, after Dole supposedly spoke on how he and former President Reagan agreed on very little, but both believed the Convention was essential. The first issue, after choosing a Chair, was whether the Convention should be limited to considering a balanced budget amendment, as that was specifically mentioned in many of the state applications. Before a vote on that issue Dole had each delegation submit a list of amendments it wished to be considered. There were over two dozen proposals which included an equal rights amendment for woman (which had been submitted by Congress in 1981 but failed to get the votes for ratification), making abortion a constitutional right, prohibiting all abortions, allowing 16-year-olds to vote, etc. In the end the Chair proposed, and the delegates overwhelming agreed to “limit debate to a Balanced Budget Amendment, and such other Amendments that would impact on Governmental Administration and the United States Budget.”

At the conclusion of the Convention only two Amendments were submitted for ratification. There was a balanced budget amendment and an amendment limiting terms of Congress. Congress tried to sabotage both Amendments by passing their own different versions so as to hopefully prevent any from being ratified. The strategy worked as to the Balanced Budget Amendment with 24 states ratifying just the Convention version, 19 states just the Congressional version, and Florida approving both versions. This was likely due to state legislatures being willingly fooled so as not to cut off their own Federal funding. There was no such doubt as to the term limits Amendment, and on October 17, 1994, with New York becoming the 40th State to submit its ratification, the following became part of the Constitution:
Amendment XXIV
Section 1:
A. No person shall be eligible to serve as a Senator or Representative if at the end of said term they will have held said office more than thirteen years. This limitation shall apply even if a Representative shall have served in more than one district, or if a Senator shall have served in more than one Senate seat.

B. No person shall be eligible to serve in any Federal elective office if before the end of their term they shall have reached eighty years of age.

C. This Article shall become effective on the day following the opening session of the first Congress elected following its ratification. Nothing in this Article shall be deemed as requiring a duly elected Federal Elective Officer from completing a term already in progress when this Article becomes effective.

Section 2: The Congress shall have the power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation.

Section 3: This Article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission to the States.

Dutch may not have really had much to do with convening the Convention, but his frailty was certainly part of the impetus for the age limit placed on his successors.

Reagan would live until June 7, 2002. At the request of Jane Wyman, Paul VII himself said the funeral Mass. Wyman declined to speak herself, but their children spoke along with the troika – Mike Deaver, Ed Meese, and Alan Cranston. The only other person to eulogize the late President at the funeral was Peggy Thatcher. Mike Deaver’s book on the late President, On An Angel’s Shoulders, is considered the most thoroughly detailed look at Reagan’s political life, and legacy.

FIRST SECRETARY THATCHER AT THE ICC AND BEYOND

After becoming First Secretary Thatcher’s went about trying to reverse the policies supported by Allende, her immediate predecessor. This was easier said than done, as the other Inter-Continental Congress members resented the weighted voting the United States and Imperial Federation had on decisions of import. The original ICC charter had provided for member states to each have a single vote, but that was directly following the Great War. Prior to the Imperial Federation being formed in 1948, the charter was amended so that the Imperial Federation was able to keep votes not just for Canada, New Zealand, and Ireland, but for the individual states of Australia and Canadian Provinces, plus England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Island. The United States did not get votes for each of its then 48 states but did receive a number equal to the Federation total. They were able to push this through since many former European Colonies were not yet full ICC members, and many other nations’ voting rights had been suspended due to the soft occupations by Germany and Russia.

Thatcher proposed a solution. The Imperial Federation, and United States would be reduced to five votes each, while in addition to the votes each member state received the international blocs of EMU, AFTO, APCOPS, and the Common Market of the Americas would be seated as voting entities in the ICC Assembly. Thatcher also proposed limiting herself and future First Secretaries to a single term for a maximum of 6 years, with a guarantee that two cycles would have to pass before an envoy from a country which held the First Secretary Position could again be elevated (this was to prevent America and the Federation from continually swapping the leadership role).

IPM Mulroney ratified the proposal made by Thatcher, the United States was a harder sell. President Bush complained that he had been blind-sided by the proposal, but in the end allowed the American envoy to consent if only to avoid bad optics. The rest of the ICC membership would have preferred one vote per nation, but overwhelming voted for the changes and by October 1989 all changes had been made to the Charter. When Peggy was later asked why she had term limited herself she replied, “I love America and Americans, but very much prefer York to New York.” In fact, Peggy’s husband Denis was planning to retire and very much wanted to spend it back in England with his spouse.

Thatcher then went about reversing what she called her “predecessor’s socialist agendas.” As First Secretary Salvador Allende had encouraged less developed nations to nationalize industries and “turn over their profits to the masses.” This created problems when the businesses nationalized almost uniformly faltered. The two most egregious examples were in 1986 when nationalization caused oil production in Venezuela to be reduced by two thirds, and 1987 when the collectivizing of white owned farms in Zimbabwe turned that nation from a large food exporter to a nation seeking food relief. The nations employing these policies also saw investments dry up, as no entrepreneur foreign or domestic wanted to build a business only to see it taken for whatever the government thought it was worth.

The ICC-WB had already stopped loaning to the countries employing what the Bank’s President Paul Volker called “suicidal policies.” Starting in late 1989 the ICC-WB again made loans to the countries that had nationalized industry and agriculture, but they were conditioned on balancing their budgets. In cooperation with the Imperial Bank and the USCB most of the local governments’ interests in the nationalized companies were sold. The various international banks put in safeguards to prevent speculators from taking excess profits from fire sales. In most cases the companies who had their holdings taken were given the first opportunity to bid on buying back. By 1992 the various nations had divested themselves of almost all of their nationalized holdings. Thatcher remarked that in the 1920s and 1930s we defeated communism with military force, in the 1980s and 1990s we defeated socialism with common sense.”

There is no doubt that Thatcher’s greatest challenge as First Secretary was dealing with the Rwandan Civil War. On March 3, 1990, simmering tensions between the Hutu and Tutsis of Rwanda erupted into violence when the Hutu President of the nation was assassinated in a car bomb attack. The rest of the Hutu leadership blamed the Tutsi minority, but the actual perpetrators were never identified, and many believe those same Hutu leaders killed the President to take power and use the assassination as an excuse to “wipe the Tutsi from the country.” In just over a month the Hutu population was whipped to a frenzy and attacked Tutsi without discrimination between man or woman, young or old, able bodied or infirm. Many were murdered by being hacked to death. By April 3, 1990, it was estimated that Tutsi deaths exceeded 150,000 with some rivers literally running red with blood.

At the urging of First Secretary Thatcher the ICC, almost all its members, and the Vatican issued condemnations of the Hutu atrocities on March 13th as the scope of the attempted genocide was becoming known. Calls for a cease fire were ignored. On April 3rd, the ICC asked for member states to use military force to stop the killing. The United States and Imperial Federation each offered and supplied logistical support in the form of air transport and supplies. A Division sized unit was formed under the auspices of the EMU, consisting of mostly French and Belgian Troops. Those forces teamed with smaller units from Uganda, Tanzania Burundi and the Congo. The United States also dispatched two mobile hospital units.

The fighting was fierce with the ICC forces having to battle just to separate the Hutus, who continued killing Tutsis and a smaller group of pygmies called the Twa. By the time the Hutus were finally subdued in late November it was estimated there were almost 300,000 dead Tutsis, with an unknown number of Twa causalities. Hutu casualties were somewhere north of 50,000. Although the ICC forces viewed the Hutu forces as the aggressors to be subdued, they also had to intervene to prevent Tutsi retaliations. The American hospitals had to be supplemented by an Imperial Federation Hospital, and several facilities taken over by the International Red Cross.

After the war the ICC troops stayed as Peacekeepers. More than 3,000 cases were referred to the International Court (ICC-IC) with more than 95% of those being Hutus that actively participated in the killing of noncombatants, including unarmed women and children. There were varying atrocities described in the indictments, but almost all included the charge of attempted genocide. The trials were held in Johannesburg didn’t begin until 1993 and continued through most of 1996. 1242 defendants pled guilty or were convicted, the rest of the cases resulted in acquittals or dismissals because of an inability to collect sufficient evidence. Surprisingly only 18 of those convicted received sentences over 20 years. Most had shorter confinements provided they acknowledged guilt and offered some form of rumination to their victims.

The Peacekeepers were not technically occupiers, but that was really a distinction without a difference. Once it was obvious foreign troops leaving Rwanda would likely mean a renewed bloodbath Thatcher called in envoys from European and African nations. They developed a plan to rotate troops on a staggered basis keeping the belligerents apart. This started in early 1991.

Pessimistic estimates predicted that peacekeepers might need to be in place thirty years or more. Fortunately, those predictions proved wrong. Despite the tribal differences the Hutu and Tutsi had many commonalities. They were predominately Christian, with about the same percentage division between Protestants and Catholics. Prior to the war there had been significant inter-marriage between the two groups, and the fact that may of the instigators were facing some form of justice helped. The Red Cross, Catholics and many Protestant denominations sent recovery assistance. In 1995 a provisional government was set up including all ethnic groups. Its first act was to forbid ethnicity from being listed on government identification cards. In 1996 Pope Paul VII visited and celebrated an open air “Mass of Healing” in the Capital of Kigali attended by all ethnic groups, peacekeepers and various relief workers. On March 3, 2000, ten years to the day after the beginning of the Civil War the last peacekeepers left Rwanda. On that same date Rwanda resumed its membership in the African Community of Nations (CAN), which had replaced the AFTA following the Rwandan Civil War.

Peggy Thatcher completed her term as First Secretary in February 1995. She returned home in triumph, and later that year the Queen named her both Baroness of Kesteven and Lady of the Order of the Garter. She was awarded the United States Medal of Freedom in 1996. In 1997 she was a founding member of the Freedom Foundation, a group of political thinkers in the United States and Imperial Federation dedicated to encouraging democracy and representative governments around the globe. She continued to write and lecture, and eulogized Dutch Reagan at his funeral in 2002. Her husband Denis died in 2003, but she remained active even after it was revealed she had begun suffering from dementia in 2006. By 2008 Peggy’s condition had worsened to the point that she made no further public appearances. Thatcher died on April 3, 2013. Her funeral had full honors at St. Paul’s Cathedral and was attended by the Queen and Prince Consort. The only other former IPM whose funeral they attended was Winston Churchill. Thatcher’s legacy of course continues to this day.

PAUL VII LEADING THE CHURCH INTO THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

Paul VII remained Bishop of Rome well after Dutch Reagan and Peggy Thatcher had left office, and the world stage. Throughout the 1990s the Pope continued to push the Church toward Ecumenism and improved relations with other faiths. The most successful ecumenical process resulted in full communion between the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox Churches which was declared on January 6, 2001. There were two major sticking points that both revolved around the status of the Pope. In the end, given otherwise general agreement on major issues of doctrine the two sides agreed to fudge the differences.

The first issue was Papal infallibility. The Catholic Church had only formalized the doctrine at the Vatican Council of 1870, and then only recognized the infallibility of the Pope when he was speaking ex cathedra. This required the Pontiff to be speaking as a teacher to the whole Church on a matter of faith or morals, invoking his Supreme Authority as guided by the Holy Spirit (in other words declaring the teaching is infallible). In point of fact only one declaration met the definition laid out by the Vatican Council - that was the declaration by Pius IX as to the Immaculate Conception of Mary in 1854 which actually preceded the Vatican Council. No other Pope had actually invoked infallibility since Pius IX. Pope Pius XII was purportedly prepared in 1950 to speak ex cathedra as to the Assumption of Mary into Heaven but was dissuaded from doing so by Bishop Montini (the future Paul VI). In 1994 Paul VII declared in an encyclical that to be able to be certain he was speaking ex cathedra a Pope would of course need to consult with a Council of the Church or his brother bishops in a Synod. This gave assurance to the Eastern Orthodox Patriarchs that they would be consulted beforehand, and even allowed them to take the position that as the declaration of Pius IX preceded the Vatican Council it was null, while Catholics were allowed to believe the Council ratified the teaching of Pius IX. In essence you don’t ask me about this doctrine, and I promise not to ask you.

The other issue involved the Pope’s Supremacy in the Church. Among the Pope’s official titles were:

• Bishop of Rome
• Vicar of Jesus Christ
• Successor of the Prince of the Apostles
• Supreme Pontiff of the Universal Church
• Primate of Italy
• Metropolitan Archbishop of the Roman Province
• Primate of Italy
• Sovereign of the Vatican City State
• Servant of the Servants of God, and
• Patriarch of the West

The Orthodox Patriarchs were willing to concede the Pontiff to be Primus inter pares, or “first among equals.” Just as the Patriarch of Constantinople had that title as among the Eastern Churches. They again fudged the issue. On Easter Sunday April 23, 2000, Pope Paul VII announced he would drop the word Supreme from the title Supreme Pontiff of the Universal Church, a week later on Orthodox Sunday each of the Eastern Patriarchs announced they acknowledged the Pope’s status as Pontiff of the Universal Church. Catholics accepted the proposition that the word Supreme was redundant as the word Universal still conveyed the Pope’s primacy, while the Orthodox were able to say the Pontiff was merely first among equals. Again, an example of – just don’t ask too many questions. In prior negotiations Pope Paul VII had already agreed that Bishops and Patriarchs within the Orthodox Churches would continue to be chosen by Synod within each Orthodox Community. This led the way to the visit of the Patriarchs to Rome at Christmas 1999, followed by Pope Paul VII’s visit to Constantinople on Epiphany 2000 to receive Communion in an Orthodox Church.

The other major denomination Paul VII hoped would again be in full communion with Rome was the Anglican Church. In 1978 the Episcopalians in the United States, who were part of the Anglican Rite, ordained a woman as a priest. This caused concern among the Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches as they felt if a woman was ordained as a Bishop, Apostolic Succession would be broken at least as to any priests she might ordain. Anglican dioceses throughout the Imperial Federation did in fact ordain woman from the late 1970 through the 1980s and beyond. In 1989 American Episcopalians named a woman as a bishop. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Pope conferred many times on what Paul VII viewed as a severe impediment to reunification. While the two churches continued to be cordial, and there was continued cooperation in areas of agreement formal talks at reunification were halted when shortly after the 1994 Inter-Religious Summit the Anglican Church in England itself ordained a female bishop.

Within the Anglican Church many men preparing for the Sacrament of Holy Orders in the 1990s began inquiring if they could be permitted to request ordination by a male bishop. These requests were generally denied. Many African dioceses objected in 1992 when other Anglican Churches began ordaining openly homosexual men and woman, and at the same time they were told they could not prohibit visiting women priests from saying or performing other priestly functions when in their diocese. Starting in 1990 there were ever increasing numbers of Anglicans seeking to convert to the Roman Catholic Church. There were also significant, but smaller numbers of Roman Catholics (mostly in the British Isles and North America), converting to the Anglican Church based on what they termed the intolerance of the Vatican. The Anglican converts joining the Catholic Church also increasingly included clergy.

So many Anglican Priests converted that Paul VII in 1993 provided a streamlined procedure for letting former Anglican Priests become Roman Catholic Priests, even if they were married. In 1997 two entire Episcopal Parishes in the United States moved to convert en mass to the Catholic Church, which resulted in litigation lasting over a decade in disputes over Church property. Between 1990 and 2000, hundreds of Anglican Priests were joined by almost 50 Bishops, with the majority from Africa, but including prelates from around the globe and England itself. Bishops were allowed to be ordained as any other Anglican Priest, but if they were married they were not made bishops.

In 1999 Pope Paul VII created the Anglican Ordinate which acted almost as a Diocese for Anglicans, allowing them to use their Anglican traditions with former Anglican Priests as their pastors. The bishop named was a former Anglican Bishop who was a widower. The Archbishop of Canterbury issued a formal protest accusing the Roman Catholic Church of poaching. One former Anglican bishop responded that he converted after some Churches in the Anglican Communion began blessing homosexual unions “because that was the only way I could remain a true disciple of the Lord.” Again, the conversions went both ways, but the numbers moving to the Anglican Church were dwarfed by those going the other way, and the number of clergymen abandoning the Roman Catholic Church for Anglicism could be counted on one hand.

In 1983 there was almost a Constitutional crisis when it was thought the future King George VII might divorce his wife. The crisis was averted only by the tragic death of the Princess of Wales. By 2000 the divorce of the Prince of Wales from his second wife and the mother of his two teenage children caused only a minor stir. The divorce of course further eroded the hold of the Anglican Church and resulted in the IFP and lower parliaments removing the ban on a possible future Roman Catholic Sovereign. Indeed, at the King’s is Coronation next year, he will not take the oath as Defender of THE Faith as Head of the Anglican Church, but as Defender of the Right to Feely Exercise One’s Faith. The Archbishop of Canterbury and other Anglican prelates will still play a leading role in the King’s Coronation, but other Faiths will also participate.

Paul VII reached out to the various Protestant denominations, as well as other Religious Faiths. He participated in regular ecumenical services with Lutherans, and other denominations. The Holy Father was the leading figure at the 1989 and 1994 Inter-Religious Summits, and when it was thought the Pope’s health might prevent his attendance at the 2004 Summit the venue was changed to Rome, where despite his infirmity the Pontiff asked the delegates to join him in a day for fasting and prayer.

During the 1980s and into the 1990s lawsuits and criminal actions involving sexual abuse of children by the clergy exploded. By the new millennium there was no way the Pope could not have known this was a serious issue. It is not an excuse, but the Pope evidently relied on assurances from the bishops that the matter was in hand. The Pope’s successor, Benedict XVI indicated that the infirmities of Paul VII prevented full attention to the issue, but the issue existed long before the Pope’s health deteriorated. Benedict XVI did have to address the child abuse scandals by the clergy but given the long delay in addressing the issue head on earlier, and the bad acts of many bishops to cover up, it was very costly to the Church in terms of money and trust. It was more than a decade before the scandal was not a major issue for the faithful. In 2001 the Pope was diagnosed as suffering from Parkinson’s disease, and he was suffering problems with his hearing, sight and mobility. He made his last overseas trip in 2003.

Paul VII died peacefully on April 2, 2005. One interesting note is that his successor, was the only voting member of the College of Cardinals not appointed by Paul VII. Soon after becoming Pope, Benedict XVI put his predecessor on the road to Sainthood, and after two miracles were attributed to his intervention, Paul VII was canonized on April 27, 2014.

All three of our protagonists reached their turns as President, Prime Minister and Pope in January 1977. Even though almost a half century has passed no one denies their legacies persist.

REAGAN’S LEGACY

Reagan, friend to baseball slugger Josh Gibson, may not have been able to break the Republican lock on the African American vote, but he was able to finally convince the nation that the Democratic Party’s racism was truly a thing of the past. As stated previously, 1984 was the last Presidential election where all the candidates on the Republican and Democratic tickets were white males. No one in 1984 would have predicted that the 2024 Presidential election would see the Republican Ticket of a Hispanic male and white female barely defeating a Democratic ticket of an Asian woman and gay white man. Not to mention a Native American Speaker of the House, with an African American Chief Justice presiding over a female majority Supreme Court.

Reagan’s ability to work across party lines was demonstrated by appointing Republicans to his cabinet and supporting Bush’s return to the Moon program. The bipartisanship was just what was needed for its time, and politicians on both sides of the aisle today may not compare Dutch to Washington or Lincoln, but many speak of him as another Teddy Roosevelt, for his eternal optimism and belief in American Exceptionalism.

Some criticized President Reagan for deferring too much to IPM Thatcher, but Dutch pointed out that:

The Imperial Federation are our friends and allies, when they are in need of our help the United States will be there for them, as they would be for us. By the way when they are in the right who cares how we come to support our ally? Just as with domestic politics I find that you can get a lot more done if you’re willing to take the blame when things go wrong, and don’t worry about who gets the credit when they go right.

The budget crisis in California following Reagan’s Governorship, and the subsequent ballooning debt during his Presidency did represent a dark spot on the late President’s legacy. In Reagan’s defense cutting a budget in wartime is not usually wise, but there was no real attempt to reduce spending on discretionary programs either. Former aides, Deaver and Meese, likely supported the 1993 Constitutional Convention in part to redeem what they saw as one of Reagan’s only failures.

Alzheimer’s surely limited Dutch’s post-Presidential activities, but his openness in revealing his diagnosis did much to increase awareness of the disease and accelerated research that led directly to the treatments in place today.

THATCHER’S LEGACY

Peggy Thatcher had much more time in politics than Dutch Reagan. She had been in the English Parliament, before moving up to the Imperial Parliament and held ministerial posts before becoming the first female Imperial Prime Minister and went onto serve the globe as First Secretary of the Inter-Continental Congress. Even so Thatcher was always more the outsider than Reagan or Paul VII. Part of this stemmed from the fact that Peggy was usually the smartest person in the room and wasn’t afraid to show it. She was respected and even admired by most of her contemporaries, but never had the love of the masses given so freely to the Queen, President Reagan, and the Pope. Further, by so thoroughly defeating her opposition there was a general reticence to celebrate Thatcher’s many achievements until after she had passed.

Thatcher was the first IPM to form a government without a coalition. After she went to the ICC the Tories tried to have Thatcherism without Thatcher. The Tories actually lost the first General Election under Peggy’s successor. In the 1990s, and early 2000s the governments fell into the familiar pattern of short-lived shifting Center-Left and Center-Right Coalitions. It wasn’t until what became known as the “Tory Reformation” in 2015 wherein younger party members, many of them immigrants, ran on a program of unabashed Thatcherism that the Party again gained a solid majority on its own, which it retains to this day.

The special relationship between the former Empire and the United States goes back to Churchill and Teddy Roosevelt at the Great War Peace Conference, but it reached its heights under Thatcher and Reagan. The relationship has continued to give enormous benefits to both powers. In areas of trade, defence, and cultural exchange they have become almost a single entity. If only America or the Federation had become a superpower it is likely we would have had more conflict in the last fifty years. Because the two powers have essentially worked in lockstep, the burden of being the world police force was lightened. America likely had the resources to retain superpower status in a unipolar world, but the Federation was always there to keep the United States from returning to its’ generally isolationists instincts. This allowed the development of the regional alliances and trading blocs that gave us today’s multi-polar world.

Many argue that IPM Thatcher’s development of the Anglo-American Alliance came at the expense of the Greater Commonwealth. Those arguments ignore the fact that by 1975 no Imperial Federation government was going to greenlight expansion. Thatcher did attempt to improve Federation and Commonwealth relations, but those who are critical of her manner in dealing with one on one with Commonwealth Heads of Government do have a point. Still the Greater Commonwealth continues to exist and is more than a club. Without the immigration preferences given to Greater Commonwealth under the Thatcher government it is unlikely the last IPM would have been the daughter of Jamaican parents who settled in British Columbia, or the current IPM the son of parents came from India to settle in Wales. We also can’t forget the cricket championship still outpaces the World Cup in popularity in both the Commonwealth and Federation.

The reforms First Secretary Thatcher oversaw regarding the ICC in 1989 served as a precedent for the changes made to the charter in 2016 regarding the recognition of the role of regional alliances as equal partners with the United States and Imperial Federation. It was also under Thatcher’s stewardship that increased cooperation was fostered between the ICC-WB, USCB, Imperial Bank and the other International Organization banks.

Thatcher always said she would prefer respect to love in the eyes of the public. She has generally had the respect, and in the last decade maybe just a modicum of love.

THE LEGACY OF POPE PAUL VII

We’ve already discussed the major negative of the late Pontiff’s reign in his not adequately addressing the scandal of child sexual abuse by members of the clergy. The actions of his successor, Benedict XVI did eventually take the issue on head on. Benedict himself acknowledged he and Paul VII had relied too much on assurances from various Bishops and Cardinals that the abuse was perpetrated by small number of priests, and the matter was being dealt with. It was only when court actions bankrupted dioceses in Ireland, America and Australia that it became clear the means of “dealing with” the crisis consisted of covering up criminal abuse and transferring perpetrators to unsuspecting parishes.

Even after Pope Benedict XVI ordered the release of all relevant records, and prompt reporting of any alleged criminal acts to secular authorities in 2006, there were some bishops who continued to cover up. Many in the laity did not believe the Church was really serious about the issue until 2009 when Benedict announced that any clergy found to have acted inappropriately would be permanently relieved of their priestly duties, and followed this up by relieving over 300 priests, three Bishops and a Cardinal. There was follow on in 2010 when seven bishops and two Cardinals were removed from their posts for having covered up abuse. It still took years before many in and out of the Church didn’t think of the child sexual abuse scandal when discussing the Catholic Church. Benedict XVI made clear that when he learned of the extent of the scandal, he acted in the manner her thought Paul VII would, but conceded he and his predecessor should have done more to investigate much earlier.

Pope Paul VII had two main legacies. His ecumenical efforts with other Christian denominations, as well as genuinely sincere dialogue and cooperation with other faiths, made for a better world, and there is no doubt that his actions reduced conflicts around the globe. The second legacy was the enormous effort put into missionary activities. Christianity at the end of Paul VII’s reign was and remains the largest religion on earth and the Roman Catholic Church is by far the largest denomination. In fact, Roman Catholic adherents outnumbered the total number of American citizens, and Imperial subjects combined.

Both of Paul VII's successors were in his mold as doctrinally conservative, with open empathetic personalities. While Paul VII was the first non-Italian Pope in 450 years, the current Vicar of Christ is the first African Pope in more than 1500 years, and of course he demonstrated who he wanted to emulate by taking the name Paul VIII. Many of the faithful will argue that the miracles attributed to Pope Paul VII both before and after his elevation to Sainthood demonstrates he continues to add to his legacy.

FINAL QUESTIONS AND COMMENTS

I can take some questions before we leave, but as the feed into this location is not working correctly, I can only call on people here at McGill.

The young man with the Nordics Jersey in the fourth row.

Q: Why is it that the Islamic Confederation attacked other majority Muslim Nations? For that matter why were Muslim nations outside the Confederation so willing to fight alongside the Alliance?

A: Excellent question, and by the way if I think it is a stupid question, I will point that out as well. When I say that at the beginning of a question session more than half the hands usually go down.

Well, it comes down to each side’s belief system at the time. The Islamic Confederation was trying to form a worldwide Caliphate, and fervently believed their jihad was saving those misguided Muslims outside the Confederation, even if it meant fighting those same fellow Muslims. The majority Muslim Countries outside the Confederation weren’t any less Islamic, but their reading of the Koran did not see a justification for jihad. Further there were legitimate complaints in the manner the Saudis made it difficult for Muslims outside the Confederation to make their Hajj to Mecca. Finally, the secular governments outside the Confederation largely worked to give their people a fairly good life, while letting Jews, Christians, Muslims, and others freely worship.

The person standing up and starting to speak even though I wasn't going to call on you, go ahead.

Q: You said you served in the Islamic Confederation War - did you see much action?

A: The scariest and most draining part of my service in the War was trying to operate in 110-degree weather wearing full ABC gear. I hope that answers your question.

The young woman with the hand halfway up in the very back.

Q: How much collaboration actually took place between Reagan, Thatcher and the Pope?

A: Well, that’s a stupid question. Just kidding it is actually quite insightful. As between Reagan and Thatcher there was quite a bit of collaboration. They spoke often and met regularly. You must remember they represented the two mightiest powers on the planet, and unlike other points in history where major powers just naturally opposed each other, the Americans and Federation were largely in agreement. It also didn’t hurt that Reagan and Thatcher genuinely liked and respected each other.
As to the Pope, well there was a different dynamic. He said what he thought was right and acted accordingly. Now he might refrain from comment if he thought it would result in physical danger to innocents. For instance, for a short time Paul VII cut back his criticism of the Argentina Junta, when it appeared they were targeting clergy in retaliation. That said he often used his position to morally move both the United States and Imperial Federation. Pope Paul VII had more interaction with Reagan by virtue of his being Catholic, and as Reagan’s wife was a late convert to Catholicism, she was fervent in her beliefs, and the Holy Father recognized her piety.
An interesting side note is that Reagan told a biographer that had his mother survived the Kansas flu Dutch and his brother Neil likely would have been raised in her faith, as Disciples of Christ.

The woman in the red shirt right in front.

Q: I heard you have a new book coming out, what is the topic, and will it be on the reading list for any of your classes this year?

A: Ladies and gentlemen, I want to make clear this person is not a plant. I do indeed have a new book coming out, and it will not be on the reading list, but you should all still purchase it. It is not on the reading list for two reasons. First, I am not teaching any classes as along with my spouse am taking emeritus status, so we will be traveling and annoying our children and grandchildren. Second, the book is not a history, but rather an alternate history of the 20th Century where Teddy Roosevelt does not get the Republican Nomination in 1912, runs as a Progressive and loses to Woodrow Wilson. The working title is Bully and other Bullshit. I originally wrote it as a textbook but was convinced by my publisher and editor wife that it would be better as a novel, as my wife explained my draft was almost as boring as my real textbooks. I will occasionally be doing guest lectures but will pass on to others my duties for the biennial Harvard History lectures and International Symposiums.

One final question or comment from the beautiful woman coming on stage now.

Q: Is it true that you’re the luckiest man in the world? Also, can you give a little more detail on your book?

A: This is a totally planted question, and the questioner is of course my wife of 40 years. To answer – yes, I am the luckiest man on earth as I have been told every day since my wedding.

As to the book – suffice it to say a Wilson Victory means, a more racially divided nation and no era of acquisitions, so no 53 United States. There is no Norfolk Peace Conference, so America ends up in the Great War. With no Peace Conference Churchill isn’t rehabilitated for the Gallipoli disaster and thus no Imperial Federation.

Then - oh I see my wife signaling I’m giving away too much so please just buy the book. As long as you buy it, I really don't care if you actually read it. Thank you all for at least pretending to pay attention.

 

[colonel]

CHEAT SHEET

Below are some of the Major Points in this TL. I hope it helps. Thanks again for reading.
List of Presidents 1913 – 1993:

• Theodore Roosevelt (1913-1917)
• Charles Evans Hughes (1917–1925)
• Herbert Hoover (1925-1933)
• Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933-1941)
• Joseph P. Kennedy (1941-1949)
• Thomas E. Dewey (1949-1953)
• Adlai Stevenson (1953-1959)
• Lyndon B. Johnson (1959-1965)
• Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. (1965-1973)
• Barry Goldwater (1973-1977)
• Ronald Reagan (1977-1985)
• Walker Bush (1985-1993)

List of Constitutional Amendments 1916 -1994:

• XVIII (1916) – OTL Amendment XIX giving women the vote passes sooner.
• XIX (1921) – OTL Prohibition Amendment doesn’t pass, this version merely waives the supremacy clause for any state or local government to place their own restrictions on any Intoxicants.
• XX (1950) – Presidential term limits.
• XXI (1961) – Same as OTL Amendment XXVII submitted as part of the Bill of Rights as to Congressional Compensation. It just passes earlier.
• XXII (1961) – Allows for appointment of a Vice-President in case of a vacancy, and outlines procedures for a Vice-President to assume the President’s duties in the case of incapacitation.
• XXIII (1968) – Outlawed poll taxes and extended the vote to 18-year-olds.
• XXIV (1994) – Term limits for members of Congress and age limits on all Federal elective offices.

If a person has the same name as someone in OTL they are generally the same person or a very close analogue. There are some notes and caveats:

• Walker Bush is a son of Prescott Bush, but he is younger than OTL George H.W. Bush.
• John McCain is not the same John McCain from OTL, but he had the same parents who in this time had all daughters before he was born.
• None of the three King brothers are exact analogues to OTL Martin Luther King Jr., as in this timeline the oldest King child was a male and not a female. The closest analogue to MLK, Jr. would be the middle son Vernon.
• Pope Paul VII is an analogue to OTL Pope John Paul II.
• Olive Mulroney is a female analogue to OTL Brian Mulroney.
• The Queen and Prince consort are analogues to OTL, but their children are not.
• John E. Hoover is an analogue to OTL J. Edgar Hoover, who in this timeline uses his given first name.
• If you didn’t figure it out Maureen Fitzgerald (later Maureen Kennedy) is OTL Maureen O’Hara who never took that stage name.
• Jeane Kennedy is Jeane Kirkpatrick from OTL.
• Kansas Flu is the Spanish Flu in OTL. In this timeline there was no suppression of information concerning its spread.
• The Panic of 1931 was an analogue to the Depression, but shorter and less severe.

Various Entities in this Timeline, and Abbreviations:

• Imperial Federation- formed in 1948 encompassing the British Isles, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Organs include the Imperial Bank, Imperial Federation Parliament (IFP), with the Imperial Members of Parliament (IMPs) and an Imperial Prime Minister (IPM) serving as Head of Government. An Imperial Supreme Court is also formed. Territories include the Falkland Islands, Bermuda, and Gibraltar.
• The United States is a Federal Republic consisting of 53 states including Baja, Greenland and Puerto Rico. Its capital is in Washington City, Maryland. In this timeline there was no legislation passed limiting the size of the House of Representatives, so its size (along with the Electoral College) grew throughout the century.
• Inter-Continental Congress (ICC) – roughly equivalent to the League of Nations and United Nations, but through most of the 20th century the Anglo-American Alliance dominated the organization. The First Secretary acts as the presiding officer and is chosen by the Assembly. In Assembly sessions the First Secretary is addressed as Mister or Madame President.
• ICC-WB - The World Bank, formed in this timeline as an organ of the ICC.
• ICC-TO - The World Trade Organization also formed as an organ of the ICC.
• ICC-IC – International Court formed to try War Crimes and arbitrate international disputes.
• Military Assistance Act (MAA) – signed into law in 1944 it allowed American Military Assistance and other aid to nations or groups resisting Russian or Germany aggression. It was used mostly against the Russians in Asia and allowed formation of the American Volunteer Force (AFV) (similar to the Flying Tigers, but including ground as well as air forces).
• Chief of the Joint Services Board is the equivalent to OTL Chairman of the Joint Chiefs.
• United States Central Bank (USCB) – roughly equivalent to the OTL Federal Reserve.
• National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA), National Intelligence Service (NIS) and National Investigative Bureau (NIB) – equivalents to OTL NASA, CIA & FBI.
• The European Community and Euro-Mediterranean Union (EMU) – A trade bloc that moved toward political unity is somewhat analogous to OTL European Union, but it becomes much bigger.
• The Common Market of the Americas – trade organization that eventually came to encompass all of South America, the Caribbean (less Puerto Rico), plus Mexico and Central America. It too moved toward political union culminating in the Confederacy of the Americas in the early 21st century.
• Asia-Pacific Co-Prosperity Sphere (APCOPS) – loose trade organization that in the late 20th century joined with the Asia-Pacific Military Alliance to form the Asia-Pacific Union (APU).
• Africa Free Trade Organization (AFTO) – Trading bloc formed to give stability to sub-Saharan Africa. As with the other trade Blocs it developed into a closer union with the formation of the African Community of Nations (ACN).
• Greater Commonwealth – consists of those nations which were part of the former British Empire at the time the Imperial Federation was formed. As with the Federation they retain the British Sovereign as their Head of State, and they retain cultural ties with each other and the Federation. If they use a Presidential system, the Sovereign appoints whoever is duly elected as their Governor-General. In the last quarter of the 20th Century each member of the Commonwealth joined in various regional alliances and organizations with no direct connection to the Imperial Federation.
• Nations in Free Association with the United States – these are former American possessions or territories, such as the Philippines and Virgin Islands, that retained mutual cultural, military and economic ties to the United States. As with the Greater Commonwealth they have all joined regional alliances and organizations with no direct connection to America.
• The Third Council of Lyons for the Catholic Church took place in the 1950s (there was no Vatican II in the 1960s).
• Islamic Confederation – A group of Muslim states that starting in the 1940s began trying to reconstitute the old Ottoman Empire, with the goal of forming a worldwide caliphate. It was destroyed in the Islamic Confederation War which they initiated on September 11, 1978.

Major 20th Century Conflicts:

• The Great War (1914-1916)
• The Chaco War (1934)
• The Pacific War (1937-1939)
• The Russian War (1965-1968)
• The Islamic Confederation War (1978-1982)
• The Nigerian Civil War (1979-1980)
• The Falklands Conflict (1981-1982)
• The Rwandan Civil War (1990)