The Dragon Rises High

[maverick]

Act V

Gods and Daimyos

The decades following the return of the Keicho embassy were characterized by the growth of the influence of Christianity in Japan and a general sense of Peace in the Empire.

The dioceses of Nagasaki and Sendai were the main centers of Christian activities and influence in the 17th century, becoming important centers for political activity and intrigue as well.
With the expansion of Catholicism in the North and the South, and the less noticeable activities o protestant missionaries from England in Edo, several Daimyos found that what would benefit them the most would be to ally with the foreigners and use them to increase their own power and influence. This is how many daimyos found themselves with European padres and priests at their palaces, some of them even converting to Christianity as some daimyos had when the Portuguese first came seventy years ago.

Protestantism was, on the other hand, less popular, not enjoying from Government support or the blessing of the Shogun. English missionaries operating from the English Trading Factory at Edo were ignored by the Shogunate, as Date Masamune never saw the advantages of religious persecution, which was one of the Tokugawa’s most notorious policies.

The only problem that arose from the spread of Christianity was the issue of the Emperor. Go-Mizunoo, the 108th Emperor of Japan was like any other of the Mikado, considered to have been descended from the Gods, something that presented many problems with the Christian fate.
This particular ‘problem’ lead to several divisions between some daimyos and followers of the Emperor. The situation could only be solved by promising to restrict the activity of European missionaries in certain areas.
Catholic and protestant missionaries in other areas of Japan were meanwhile forced to recognize the Emperor of Japan and the divinity of his rule, while Rome herself acknowledged the Emperor as a regular European monarch, recognized by God.

The early Date Shogunate is renowned for many things other than the spread of Christianity and the opening of the Empire.
The period saw a general pacification of the Empire, as a result of decades of civil war between the daimyos. Over three decades after the fall of the Ashikaga Shogunate, everyone was tired of fighting.

Commerce and naval expeditions soon became a predominant trait of the time, with Japanese vessels being built on a scale never seen before and sailors and merchants operating as far as New Spain to the East and the Indian ocean to the East.
In the years between 1620 and 1636 Japanese influence in the seas grew enormously, particularly in the China seas and the Indian Ocean.

The extent of Japanese influence in the seas grew at the same pace of the expansion of Christianity in the Empire.
The best example of this is the government sponsored Kan'ei Expedition of 1625-1630, in which several Japanese merchant vessels embarked on a voyage through the Indian seas, visiting India, East Africa, Persia and Arabia, establishing relations with many nations and courts, including Persia, the Ottoman Empire and many rulers of India, including cities such as Travancore, which would eventually become of utmost importance to Japan.

Waves in the pond

While trade was taking a predominant role in Japanese economy and society, another front for Japan’s assertiveness was being opened: political and military expansionism.
Although the Korean campaigns of 1592-1598 had had traumatic effects through the Empire, the daimyos of Japan and the Shogun himself realized that the Empire of the Sun was actually quite small in a world in which land was vital to a nation’s power and standing.

The first steps were given southwards and northwards.
To the South, Shimazu Tadatsune of the Satsuma domain decided to annex the Ryuku islands, a tributary of China, to himself, making the King of the Ryuku Kingdom a tributary of Satsuma and Japan.
The annexation went almost unnoticed, due to the wish of the Shogun and the Daimyo to keep the Chinese ignorant of such an action. After all, The Chinese Empire was still the dominant power of the area, or so would it seem.

To the North, a slow but constant expansion into the island of Ezo began in the decade of 1630, with the Matsumae family and other nobles being granted land in the northern island, which was eventually to be fully included into the Empire and the Han system.
An important reason for the new policy towards Ezo was the arrival of the Russians in East Siberia, having reached the Pacific in 1639. Intrigued firstly and worried afterwards, Date Masamune sought to both befriend the Russians and stop them from advancing towards Japan. Having the Russians would later prove to be a wise choice, in order to achieve a balance with China.

Meanwhile, drastic changes and shifts of power were taking place in the continent.

In China, the Ming Dynasty collapsed in the course of the decades of 1630 and 1640, falling to the more powerful armies of the Manchu.
The Manchu, also known as the Jurchen, had in the period of 1620-1644 grown into a formidable menace to China, subjugating the vassal state of Korea and finally taking over China herself, overthrowing the Ming and establishing the Qing Dynasty.
The birth of the new dynasty came with the fall of Beijing in 1644, an event followed by the eventual conquest of all of China and some neighboring areas.
While combining new Manchu cultural measures with the old Ming bureaucracy, the new Qing government implemented a new foreign policy aiming at preventing further Japanese involvement in the continent.
Date Masamune’s own foreign policy has been often viewed as the main reason why the Manchu decided to keep an eye on the Empire of the Rising Sun, thus starting a semi-formal rivalry between the two nations that would last for the following decades.

 

[DAv]

Could see Japanese growth stunted at this point. And considering the strength of the Manchus until well into the 18th Century, this could last a while...

 

[Tizoc]

Could see Japanese growth stunted at this point.

More like being forced to expand through seas. When to come to think about it, Japan's position in Asia is quite similiar to the position of England in Europe...

 

[maverick]

Act VI

The Seven seas of the East

The years of the Date Shogunate, especially under Date Masamune and Date Tadamune, were the most prolific for the newfound Japanese maritime adventurism.

Although the death of Date Masamune in 1636 deprived the Empire of Japan of an incredibly bold and dynamic leadership, Date Tadamune did much to continue with his father’s policies, including those of religious tolerance, the Spanish Alliance and overseas expansionism.

The period saw an increased Japanese presence in the Pacific and the Indian Ocean, as an effect of the increased trade between Japan, New Spain, India, Korea and China. A Japanese merchant vessel soon became a sight as common as the waves at the shores or the clouds in the sky.

One of the most important effects of the European-Japanese relation was technological, with European advisors and engineers following the steps of the missionaries and merchants that had first come to the East. Over time, even Military advisors and soldiers came to Japan, sometimes as part of the Spanish King’s generosity, sometimes due to the Shogun’s own generosity. More than one ambitious European officer and captain heard of the tales of the Englishman William Adams, who become a close, trusted and most importantly, rich advisor of Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu, having built him ships and even a Trading Factory.

While the Japanese merchant navy grew and developed as a result of the European influence, the Europeans themselves began to take a look at the technologies of East Asia with interest. The armored vessels such as the Korean Turtle Ship or the Japanese Akatebune soon caught the eye of more than one foreign sailor and soldier, although the practical applications of the first armored ships in the west would not be seen for years.
Military technology was also greatly influenced by the cultural exchange, as European artillery and techniques soon became popular in Japan, and vice versa. However, the influx took a direction that was mostly eastwards.

The decades of 1630 and 1640 were a time of exploration and discovery as much as they were a time of technological innovation.
The constant traffic between Japan and New Spain forced the Japanese to actually rediscover the Pacific Ocean, which had laid east of them constant and immense for generations before it became a major artery for commerce and diplomacy.
The first explorations through the North brought several interesting results for Japan. The road towards Kita Amerika (North America) was unfortunately not shortened by the new routes discovered, although it did became much more interesting and varied.

The voyages east of the Kamchatka Peninsula (oddly enough, named by the Russians despite having come after the Japanese) lead to the discoveries of such odd and nearly surreal places such as the kōri-kai(sea of frozen water), the Unanga-shotō (the archipelago south of the kōri-kai, the western coasts of America, doing several complete journeys along California and New Spain by the 1650s.

To the South, meanwhile, the Japanese explorations discovered a great variety of islands, archipelagos and cultures, including the Minami-Kai (Southern Sea, south of Malay and Indonesia) and Tainan-tō(Great Southern Island, later transliterated by the Europeans as Tainland), amongst other surrounding territories.

Furthermore, the Japanese sphere of influence in the South and western seas increased as well in the period, though by the 1640s and 1650s trade was not the only thing in the minds of the Japanese or their allies. Local princes and rulers of domains such as Travancore in India, only to mention one of the many ‘friends’ the Japanese made in the Indian Ocean, began to receive military help from the Empire of the Sun, including technology and experts able to give assistance to the rulers of Southern India against the Mughal Empire and the Deccan sultanates. In some occasions, Samurais from Japan would fight in India themselves, serving not only as advisors but also as mercenaries.

Other unexpected effect of the increased Japanese influence in East Asia was the development of several Nipponese trade factories and bases in areas such as Southern India, Indochina, the Philippines, Malay and Ceylon.

Empire of the waves

It was in the decades of the 1650s and 1660s that Japan became a great naval power. Under Date Masamune and Date Tadamune warships and merchant vessels were built in great quantities, as it was believed by the Shoguns’ that the true power of Japan laid dormant in the waves of the ocean and not in the mountains or the fields of battle of the land.
Then, under the period usually considered to be the rules of Shoguns Date Tsunamune and Date Tsunamura, the power of Japan expanded the most, due to several reasons.
For once, the Japanese were in a unique position at the time, not having to meet with any great threat from the seas. The European presence in the area was not strong enough to be a military threat to Japan, while China and Korea were more concerned about their defensive capabilities in a potential conflict with Japan to actually consider that the Nipponese navy could have turn into a menace to the Mandate of Heaven.
There was also the matter of the small rebellions in some problematic Chinese provinces, not to mention the northern neighbors of the Empire, the Mongols and now the Russians.

This was the time which the Empire of the Sun used the most to extend their influence.
Embassies had been previously sent to the Mughal Emperor, the Southern Indian monarchs and the rulers of Siam and Burma, but it wasn’t until the period between 1655 and 1661 that the commercial and diplomatic relations between the East Asian states became truly important. Soon, Japanese explorers and captains began using Southern India and Malay as bases of operations, building factories and fortifications just as the Portuguese and the Dutch had. To the aforementioned Travancore places like the fortress-port of Temasek can be added, which functioned as bases for Japanese military, diplomatic, commercial and even piracy-related purposes. Nipponese pirates operating from Kyushu, Ryuku and Malacca would later prove to be one of the major sources for clashes between the Throne of Jade and the Throne of Chrysanthemum.

But the time was not only one for commercial and geopolitical matters, but for political ones as well.
The death of Shogun Date Tadamune in 1661 lead to the ascension of his son Date Tsunamune to the position, a change that was not welcomed by many of the people in the Shogunate, including family members, daimyos and religious and political representatives.
Tsunamune was a bold and impulsive young man, who had a tendency for excesses, particularly when it came to alcohol and women. And what was worse, he was incredibly aggressive and as said before, impulsive.
When interested in government affairs (something that wasn’t a particularly recurrent trait in him), he always seemed to pursue a more-than-aggressive policy towards Korea and China, while towards the Catholic Church he displayed a less-than-respectful attitude, not being interested in respecting the property nor the rights of the Church, nor they moral precepts, once famously stating: ‘Let the church talk as they please, my Sword shall do my talking.’
The Date Sōdō, or ‘Date Disturbance’, took place in the winter of 1662-1663.
The Shogun was at Sendai at the time, visiting his uncles and the local shipyards, where many of the Empire’s warships were being built at the time. Several retainers were involved in the plot, as were the local clergymen, including the Archbishop of Sendai.

Legend has the plot taking place in the night of December 21st of 1662, although the effects of the event would resonate in the History of Japan for the generations to come.
Upon returning from the Shipyards that night, The Shogun and his escort of samurai found themselves trapped in a drunken frenzy previously planned by Tsunamune’s uncles and their own servants. Things happened quickly, with the Tsunamune’s Samurai being ambushed by the ones loyal to the Date family and their allies. The Shogun himself was trapped at Sendai Castle, being forced to spend the rest of his life as a prisoner at the fortress, being guarded by the Date retainers. Tsunamune’s guards would later be forced to commit Seppuku in the aftermath of their failure defending their master.

The new shogun was Date Tsunamura, who was at the time aged 4, being of course too young to actually govern the Empire of the Sun. Thus the situation of 1598 was repeated, in which the young Toyotomi Hideyori became the ruler of Japan under the guidance of a council of regents. Only that this time, the regents were more than loyal, or at least too weak individually to seek power to themselves. The regents included loyal daimyos and generals, such as the lords of Osaka and Satsuma, of the Sanada and Shimazu families; Date Tsunamune’s uncles, and the archbishop of Sendai, the most important representative of the Catholic Church in Japan.
These were the men that would rule the Empire of the Sun for the following decades, shaping the face of Japan and changing it to an extent not seen since the times of Date Masamune himself.

 

[BlackMage]

Very interesting, and a fascinating POD. I eagerly await further updates!

 

[DAv]

So it looks as if the power of the Shogun will indeed pass onto the Council of Regents for the time being. Unless the Shogun grows up wanting what he believes is his...

 

[maverick]

Act VII

Japan under the Regents

Between 1663 and 1680, the Empire of the Sun was virtually ruled by seven men, the later called Regency council.
Unlike the rules of Date Masamune and Date Tadamune, the new government was far more authoritarian and centralist, with a great deal of power being gathered at Edo and Sendai in the first years of the Regency.
The activities of merchants and ronins became increasingly more controlled and regulated, as the regents feared both armed insurrection and secret pacts with foreign powers, particularly Holland and Britain.

Other consequence of the change of government was that of the new policy of religious intolerance and in some cases persecution against the Protestants in Japan, which at the time were concentrated at Edo and Nagasaki. The influence of the Jesuit and the Dominicans was also checked by the pro-Spanish and pro-Franciscan government, highly influenced by the Archbishop of Sendai.
Dutch and English commercial activities was also watched more closely and restricted, while continued relations with Spain were favored, on both the political and religious order.
In fact, the enmity towards the Dutch and the English lead to the first engagements between the Japanese navy and the modern ships of the Europeans, as the Shogunate began to contest control over India to the Dutch and British East India Companies, arming the local rulers, especially those of Kerala, and directly engaging the ships of the East India Companies in several battles at the seas of the Indian ocean.

The period saw as well a new increase in militarism, especially since the regents were always fearful of the Qing in China and their vassals in Korea, which they saw as a dagger waiting to be plunged against Japan’s heart at any moment.
European ships continued to serve as models, as was European artillery and weaponry, particularly the new muskets coming from France and Spain.
The use of western technology favored all the aspects of the Japanese military, though it can also be said that the Europeans learnt some things from the East as well, as it would later be seen.
Even the famous Spanish Tercios served as models for the Japanese army, even if they would be later be defeated at Rocroi, interestingly enough leading to the French army to become the new model for Japan.
Although relations between the France of Louis XIV and Date Tsunamura’s Japan would not turn into an alliance until the end of the strongly pro-Spanish Regency, France would start playing an important role in Japanese affairs well before the Shogun’s actual rule, especially in the aftermath of the Thirty Years war in Europe, which is said to have marked the end of Spanish dominance in the world in benefit of France.
French trade in Japan and India grew enormously in the decades of 1650 and 1660, and again in the 1670s, with many trading factories being built in India and diplomatic missions being sent to Japan at the same time.

Oppression and authoritarianism were perhaps the most important traits of the Council, as power was concentrated in the hands of a few autocrats, much to the anger of the ronin, the peasants, the daimyos, the merchants.
Despite some works like the modernization of the fleet and several castles through Japan, the expansion of Japanese influence in the area and the relative prosperity enjoyed in the decades of 1660 and 1670, the masses were not happy and thus discontent become abundant amongst the people of Japan.

The most important plot against the Regency took place in 1671, being known as the ‘incident of the 45 ronin’.
The Incident took place in July of 1671, a time in which the regents were at the Edo Palace, the center of power of the entire Empire and the Shogunate. Date Tsunamura was at Sendai Castle, the same place in which his father was prisoner.
The ronin involved were notorious for their anti-government activities, attacking government officials and buildings and catholic churches. Interestingly enough, most of the ronin involved were protestant, as their master had been. It was because of this that the anti-protestant feeling within the government increased so radically in the decade of 1670, to the point in which several protestant uprisings took place in the summers of 1677-1678 and 1678-1679 and the winter of 1675, all of which were brutally suppressed by the Shogunate’s army.
The attack on Edo Castle took place on July 18th, taking advantage of the darkness of the night and the lack of preparedness of the guards. Meanwhile, other ronins and their collaborators began a fire in the city that soon spread through Edo, forcing the government to contain the fire, thus being unprepared to stop the attack against the castle.

Unfortunately for the plotters, the government had been informed about their intentions to attack the palace and so their assault was met by two lines of musketeers waiting for them. Only three of the ronin survived, and were soon afterwards executed, while dozens of conspirators through the city were later captured and executed for treason.
Several other Ronin and protestant plots also took place at the time, but the attack against Edo in 1671 was the closest to succeeding, and the one to reveal the depth of resentment against the council.

The second most important sign came in 1678, in the form of ‘the Jesuit rebellion’ at Nagasaki. The Rebellion of 1678 was probably as important as the other ones, though this one managed to rally thousands of ronin and peasants against the government at Edo. Perhaps the rebellion is the most notorious for the images of the fanatic Jesuit Samurai that fought the shogunate to the end, and the Portuguese priests fighting alongside the Japanese peasants and praying even in the middle of the battles.
The most memorable rebellion lasted only for five months nevertheless, with the first victories being overshadowed by the terrible massacre that took place in March of 1679.

The council’s ultimate end would incredibly enough, come from within, as the Date members would inevitably die, as would the archbishop of Sendai, being replaced by the younger and more conciliatory Joaquin de Escobedo. The daimyos in the council were meanwhile convinced of the necessity to appease their fellow feudal lords.
Finally, Date Tsunamura became interested in the affairs of the government, being finally of age and able to take over the role of Shogun after nearly two decades of rule under the Regency council.

 

[Faeelin]

The years between 1613 and 1620 had seen a great increase in the activity and influence of foreign powers in the Empire. Missionaries and merchants could be regularly seen in the main ports and cities of Japan, and the sight of European ships in places such as Edo, Sendai, Osaka, Nagasaki and Kagoshima, to name a few, became as common as the sight of the sea and the clouds in the Sky.

Dutch and British merchants and sailors grew in influence particularly in Nagasaki and Edo, the last in which a Trading factory for the British East India Company had been created under the guidance of British sailor and Tokugawa Servant William Adams in the 1610s, and had grown in size and influence in the following years.

Japan seems awfully cozy with Catholics in ATL. Why?

The Treaty provided for the establishment of trade and commerce between the Empire of Japan and the Kingdom of Spain, and most importantly, between Japan and New Spain.

This is an incredibly sweet deal, so much so that I'm a tad dubious. When did Spain open Latin America OTL?

 

[maverick]

Japan seems awfully cozy with Catholics in ATL. Why?



This is an incredibly sweet deal, so much so that I'm a tad dubious. When did Spain open Latin America OTL?

1. Because Date Masamune was, as far as I know, and I have him as Shogun. Missionaries are actually just common in the North and Kyushu, as explained somewhere in the TL.
2. Never. Tokugawa Ieyasu closed the borders of Japan in 1616 or 1619 or sometime after the Siege of Osaka, so the deal between Hasekura Tsunenaga and Spain never actually took place, thus leaving the embassy of 1613-1620 emptyhanded IOTL.

 

[Faeelin]

ith the expansion of Catholicism in the North and the South, and the less noticeable activities o protestant missionaries from England in Edo, several Daimyos found that what would benefit them the most would be to ally with the foreigners and use them to increase their own power and influence.

How?

This is an open Japan, right? With Dutch and Englishmen who don't give a fig about religion? What do the Jesuits have to offer that the Dutch and English don't?

Have you read Deus Destroyed, by any chance?

[quoteCatholic and protestant missionaries in other areas of Japan were meanwhile forced to recognize the Emperor of Japan and the divinity of his rule, while Rome herself acknowledged the Emperor as a regular European monarch, recognized by God[/quote]

I don't think Jesuits recognizing the divinity of the Emperor will go over well in Europe.

Or was it Franciscans in Japan?



The annexation went almost unnoticed, due to the wish of the Shogun and the Daimyo to keep the Chinese ignorant of such an action. After all, The Chinese Empire was still the dominant power of the area, or so would it seem[/quote]

"What? Those samurai over there? They're tourists!"

I like it, and it's a fun concept, but isn't it a bit too much too soon?

 

[Faeelin]

1. Because Date Masamune was, as far as I know, and I have him as Shogun. Missionaries are actually just common in the North and Kyushu, as explained somewhere in the TL.

Sure; but a policy can change, especially if you become Shogun. I mean, the Tokugawa changed their mind OTL too.

Didn't help that peasants started waving around banners proclaiming Christ as their king and priests meddling in political affairs.

2. Never. Tokugawa Ieyasu closed the borders of Japan in 1616 or 1619 or sometime after the Siege of Osaka, so the deal between Hasekura Tsunenaga and Spain never actually took place, thus leaving the embassy of 1613-1620 emptyhanded IOTL.

So, this offer was on the table OTL?

 

[DAv]

An interesting update there. It seems as if Japan could be the great Catholic nation of the East if this continues.

 

[maverick]

Act VIII

The Gathering Clouds

Date Tsunamura’s rule as Shogun would see very little peace, as the effects of twenty years of the Regents’ government went beyond the spread of discontent in the interior and trade abroad.

Between 1663 and 1680 tensions between the Empires of Japan and China grew enormously, as a result of the conflicts over the spheres of influence of each empire in Asia and the Eastern Seas. Of course, the Son of Heaven had always considered Japan to be amongst the domains of China, something that the Japanese had ceased to acknowledge long time ago.

Chinese merchants and ports would often come under the attack of Japanese pirates and corsairs, while the very little activity of Chinese pirates that resulted as a response was mercilessly crushed by the superior Japanese navy. Furthermore, Japanese traders became more aggressive and powerful in China’s own ports and tributary states, many times disregarding China’s interests both at China and her vassals.
Japanese actions in Korea were less frontal, but the increase of Japanese influence in Korea and Southeast Asia became on China’s main concerns.

Meanwhile, the Kangxi Emperor was busy putting down anti-Qing rebellions under heaven.
Upon eliminating the last pro-Ming factions in 1662, in 1673 the South of the country was taken over by rebel generals in the Rebellion of the Three Feudatories, while in the north the Mongols were rebelling against imperial rule under Burni began to seize Manchuria.
For Years the rebels were fought, while on the seas the Japanese grew in Power and ambition, seeing how the continent spiraled out of control and into a dark abyss.
But the Kangxi emperor was triumphant, and he defeated both the rebels of the North and the Generals in the South, bringing most of continental China under his control by 1680, beginning a campaign to retake Taiwan in 1681.

It was the Qing design to conquer Formosa that worried the Shogunate, as a newly expanding China would surely prove to be a menace to the Empire of the Sun and the whole of Asia. The Regents had tried to stop this, aiding the Three Feudatories in the South between 1672 and 1679, but at the end the Tide turned and the Son of Heaven prevailed.

Things finally spiraled out of control in 1683, when warships of the Satsuma domain and the Shogunal government reached Taiwan, engaging the Qing fleet and triggering a terrible crisis between China and Japan, as the Japanese had been de facto controlling the country for years, having made it a tributary during the Southern revolt of 1673-1680 and thus believing to be entitled to impose their own rule over the island.

The battle of the Pescadores islands, as it was later known by the Europeans, served as casus belli for the War of the Six Years, which would drag the Empires of Japan, China and Korea into one of the most terrible wars of the region since Toyotomi Hideyoshi had invaded Korea in 1592.

The First Year

Unlike the Toyotomi invasions of Korea a century earlier, the Empire of Japan had not made any real preparations to fight a war with China and Korea in the 1680s.
Although the Japanese military had undergone a process of military reform and expansion in the previous generation, there had never been a plan for a direct confrontation or for making a war against the continental powers.
The situation suffered a dramatic change in 1683 though, when the Six Year war began.

The Japanese army of 1683 was probably one of the most advanced ones in the face of earth, but it had to be mobilized, and the process of mobilizing the Samurai, the Ronin, the daimyo and the entire country would take months, while the Kangxi Emperor already had a massive army at his disposal as a result of having fought for the last decade rebellions throughout the Mandate of Heaven.

On the seas, on the other hand, the Japanese had one of the most efficient and modern fleets of the world, but the Chinese Empire and Korea had rather enormous navies as well, as a result of their ancient maritime tradition and the need to counter the Japanese influence in the area, particularly that of Japanese pirates and ambitious captains.

Thus the first campaign of the war was naval, ‘the Defense of Nagasaki’.

The battle of Nagasaki was not only a naval affair, but perhaps one of the most important naval battles of the war and the history of Asia, as it was the first engagement between the modern Japanese navy and the Eastern fleets of China and Korea, which had a numerical superiority of 4 to 1 at the time of the battle.

Almost immediately after the naval skirmishes at the strait of Formosa, the Kangxi emperor ordered the formation of an expeditionary force to spearhead the invasion of Japan, first landing at Nagasaki and securing the area as a beachhead before the bulk of the Chinese army could engage the Japanese.
Over 20,000 soldiers and 120 ships were prepared for the initial invasion, which was to take place on August of 1683.
The Japanese fleet at Kyushu only had at the time around 50 ships gathered near Nagasaki and another 20 at Kagoshima, under the command of the Shimazu family.
Nevertheless, the Japanese warships were more modern, combining European and Japanese technology, not to mention the experience of the captains, gained through decades of maritime expansion under the Date Shogunate. In addition to the Nipponese captains, European mercenaries from France, England, Spain and Holland would participate in the campaign and several others through the war, allowing both sides to benefit from the experience and the spoils of the victories.

The Battle itself took place on August 26th of 1683, when the first ships of the Qing Armada reached the Japanese line of defenses around Nagasaki. Fortunately for the defenders, the weather was terrible and thus seen as a sign of good luck. After all, it had been the Divine winds that had defeated the Mongol invasions 400 years ago.
Although the destructive effects of the storm would not be seen until after hours after the battle, it did much to boost the morale of the Japanese and make the Chinese captains reconsider their tactics.

Yet the storm would only be the last of the troubles the Chinese would run into, as the Japanese use of European artillery and tactics on the seas forced the Qing fleet into taking a defensive position, quickly being surrounded by the smaller but more aggressive Nipponese fleet, though the real surprise was the appearance of a smaller Japanese fleet coming from Kagoshima, attacking the Chinese from the south and sealing the fate of the Qing Expedition.
The combination of modern European warships and a new Japanese version of the turtle ship allowed them to take their enemies by surprise, to the point of actually surrounding a larger fleet and forcing it to retreat.

Finally, on August 27th, the storm broke out, destroying the remains of the Chinese fleet and forcing the survivors to return home.

Only 23 ships returned to the Mandate of Heaven, the rest having been destroyed by the Japanese and the divine wind protecting them, although even years afterwards nobody would know exactly which one caused the most casualties.

The rest of the year was meanwhile occupied with the mobilization and preparation of the armies and the fleets of the Empires, the winter being used for the final preparations for the initial campaigns and in the spring of 1684 finally unleashing the might of the Eastern Empires.

 

[DAv]

Could Japan call in Spanish aid at this point? With several units of trained Spaniards, they could play merry Hell on the Chinese.

 

[maverick]

I think that they are busy with Continental affairs.

An interesting update there. It seems as if Japan could be the great Catholic nation of the East if this continues.

Not that much. They're probably about 40% catholic by 1684.

So, this offer was on the table OTL?

Trade and religious exchange (sending padres to Sendai) were negotiated in the Keicho Embassy, if I recall correctly.

 

[maverick]

Act IX

Swords and wills of steel

Following the defense of Nagasaki, the war made a swift turn, in which both sides were forced to face the dire nature of war and the reality of their situation.
The advanced Japanese navy and the enormous Sino-Korean fleets were mobilized and gathered by the Spring of 1684, just in time for the most important and vital naval campaigns of the whole war.

The first moves were made by the Japanese, who had learnt of the necessity of speed and surprise in warfare. Firstly, a naval force seized control over the island of Tsushima and the strait of the same name, although the place had been under nominal Japanese control for decades, the Koreans still considered it their own and might have tried to use it as a base to stage an attack on Kyushu. Secondly, Japanese forces reinforced the Ryuku islands, another former domain of the enemy which the Chinese still presumed to be their own.
Geo-Strategically, securing the two archipelagos allowed the Japanese to create a defensive ring around the Home Islands, as both could have been use as platforms to stage attacks on Honshu or any other of the Home Islands themselves.

The naval battles of Okinawa and Tsushima were of utmost relevance to the Japanese navy, as they allowed for the Nipponese force to learn of their enemies’ weak points while forcing them to divide their naval forces. Despite the size of the combined fleet of the Qing and the Joseon, the proximity to their bases and the maneuverability of the Japanese fleet allowed them to execute a better defense of their territory, protecting the perimeter around the home islands and forcing the enemy fleet to limit their range of action.

Meanwhile, back on the mainland, the Shogun, his generals and the daimyos were meeting and rallying at Kyushu, in order to be prepared for the war effort and discuss strategy.
An immediate invasion of Korea or China was scrapped, as many remembered the lessons of their father’s defeat a hundred years ago.
Thus the approach would have to be different. Instead of directly attacking like it had been done in 1592, the Empire would diminish China’s capabilities through different means, disabling the Qing Navy, depriving the Empire from commerce and launching diversionary attacks, such as an invasion of Taiwan, which would take place during the summer of 1684.
By gaining naval superiority and destroying the capabilities of China to wage war, the Shogun and the daimyo hoped to have a certain victory.

Further naval campaigns continued during the spring of 1684, including the famous battles of Cheju-do and Pescadores Islands.
The later saw the destruction of over 132 Qing ships at the hands of the aggressive Japanese navy in an engagement that started with an ambush and ended with a massacre.
The battle of Cheju-do, on the other hand, would later be seen as one of the turning points in the history of China, Korea and Japan, and the signal of the end of Sino-Korean naval dominance and the beginning of Japan’s own rule over the waves.

This and the Second Battle of Tsushima of 1686 would be seen as the turning points in the history of the region and Japan’s naval tradition, but it was at Cheju-do that the Japanese would win their first true victory over the Sino-Korean fleets, upon the close victories at the Ryuku and First Tsushima.
Cheju-Do would as well see the rise to prominence of two elements that would come to prominence in Europe just years in the aftermath of the war: the Ironclad and the ‘Crossing the T’ tactic, which was at the time called the ‘Crane Wing’ formation.

Interestingly enough, the Crane wing had been previously used by the Koreans to destroy the Japanese navy at the battle of Hansan Island in 1592, thus adding to the irony of the battle being fought in the same seas and with similar designs.

86 ships of the Japanese navy that combined Nipponese, Korean and European models faced over 145 ships of the Korean and Chinese navies that up to the battle had been the dominant powers in the seas of the East.

The use of the ‘Crane wing’ formation and European artillery did much to help the Japanese, although it was their more dynamic tactics and more aggressive approach that lead to their victory. Chinese pride and conservatism also helped matters for the Nipponese fleet, as they fell right into the trap set by the Japanese captain.
Only after a few hours, the concentrated firepower of the Japanese ships and the aggressive boarding of the enemy ships destroyed the Sino-Korean navy in detail, eliminating the naval threat posed by the continental powers and allowing for Japan to rule the seas for the time being, first concentrating on the conquest of Taiwan.

The conquest of the island itself took little more than the summer of 1684, as the Qing had been unable to send more than 40,000 troops to Formosa, while the Japanese were able to gather an army of over 65,000 men, including samurai, Ronin and infantry peasants. The campaign lasted little more than four months, being spent mostly in marching from one city to another, and in small skirmishes. The only major battle between the Nipponese and the Chinese forces took place on August 6th of 1684, the battle of Taipei, in which 32,000 men of the Qing army faced a Japanese force of 45,800 troops.
The three hour battle would cost the Qing their entire army at Formosa, but it would as well be the first show of the Japanese Army’s true strength, being armed with modern European and Japanese muskets and armor, not to forget the modern tactics learnt from the Europeans and 50 years of experience in civil wars, rebellions and the Indian campaigns.
The experience would be repeated throughout the war, forcing the Sino-Korean armies to learn from their mistakes and eventually reform, although for the rest of the war, it would be the Japanese the ones to hold the tactical advantage on the ground.

 

[DAv]

So a Japanese Taiwan and a navally dominant Japan? Looks as if this could be very interesting in the general path of Asia...

 

[maverick]

Act X

Tiger and Dragon

The victory at the campaigns of 1683 an 1684 proved to be more than sufficient to embolden the Japanese military leaders and daimyos into launching an attack against the Continent itself, that is, an Invasion of Korea.
Yet unlike the campaign of 1592, now the Empire of Nippon had naval superiority and an army much more modern than its Korean and Chinese equivalents.
Thus, preparations were made and a date was set for the landing. Over 200,000 troops were to be gathered for the operation, to be followed by reinforcements once most of the peninsula had fallen to the insular armies.
Generals of the Date, Shimazu, Sanada and several other clans would lead the first phases of the war in Korea, while on the sea the Imperial fleet was to further destroy its Sino-Korean counterpart and provide for safe supply routes for the conquering armies.
The Japanese landing took place on April 11th of 1685, with a massive army that had been gathered at Tsushima and Kyushu landing at Pusan, just like they had a century ago, although oddly enough, this time they had fewer troops.
But despite lacking the 30,000 extra men they had in 1592, in 1685 the advantages brought by the contact with European technology and tactics were more than enough to provide for a complete and total superiority over the Koreans in the initial campaigns.
After only one day, the Castle of Pusan fell, although afterwards the invading force would not have it as easy as they had in the original war.
Having anticipated an invasion of the continent, the Joseon government had mobilized an army of 100,000 men and kept it near the road to Seoul in the eventuality of it running into a Japanese force.
The battle for the Nangdong River, in which 87,000 Korean troops faced 63,000 Japanese soldiers, was more than the Japanese had expected to encounter in the beginning of the campaign, but nevertheless proved to be a perfect opportunity for the Imperial army to show what had been learnt in the previous hundred years.
The modern Muskets, the European horses, the use of combined European and Japanese formations and tactics, it all contributed to the Korean defeat and the loss of 50,000 men to the enemy force. And the spring was only beginning.
Small skirmishes took place for the rest of the following two months and much of the early summer, time by which the Nipponese force was standing south of Seoul. To the North of the Korean capital, a combined forced of Joseon and Qing troops waited for the invader army.
The battle of Seoul was fought on July 4th of 1685.
A joint Sino-Korean army of 270,000 men and a Japanese army of 145,000 troops stood east of the capital, in perfect formation, soldier against soldier, cavalry against cavalry; Six hours of battle in one of the most decisive engagements of the war.
The key of the battle was speed, followed by strength. Although the Qing-Joseon force had a numerical advantage, the Japanese still had better cavalry and artillery.
And thus, while the use of heavy and light artillery decimated the center of the Chinese army, Japanese cavalry assaulted the flanks and a battle in the middle of the battlefield began between the two infantry forces.
By the third hour, the Chinese forces had lost thousands of men but they were forcing the Japanese line, about to break it, or at least that is what the Qing general had thought at the time, as in the most unexpected manner, the Japanese cavalry returned and attacked the Chinese infantry from the rear, while the experienced Nipponese musketeers attacked the flank, wrecking havoc through the Chinese lines and causing thousands of casualties.
67,000 Chinese and Korean troops would later escape towards the North, while the rest either died or fell prisoner, leaving the Korean capital for the triumphant armies of the Shogun and his coalition of loyal daimyos.
The fall of Seoul would be a glorious and decisive moment in the history of Japan for centuries, yet the war wasn’t over, and neither was the Qing armies nor was dead the Korean will to fight.

 

[DAv]

A Japanese Korea from the 17th century onwards? Could be very interesting.

 

[maverick]

Act XI

The Winter

Following the capture of the Korean capital, the generals of the Japanese army began to deliberate about the future course of action.
Many were in favor of continuing the campaign northwards, destroying the rest of the Joseon armies to then take defensive positions along the border with China, in preparation for an invasion of the Qing Empire that would take place the following spring.
More moderate voices were proponents of gathering more forces at Hanseong during the winter, to launch new offensives against the Koreans once the army had been reinforced and could act with full strength.
Unfortunately for the Imperial army, the Shogun was hardly a patient man at the time, and thus ordered the army to continue its march to the North, while leaving a reserve force at the capital.

Meanwhile, at the provisional Korean capital of Pyongyang, the Qing and the Joseon were amassing a new army to face the Japanese forces, this time expecting to take the invaders by surprise and finally push them back.
By August of 1685, the joint Sino-Korean force had over 200,000 troops to throw at the Nipponese army, as well as a large amount of experienced officers, veterans of the revolts of the 1670s.
Knowing well the technological superiority of the Japanese, the Qing generals decided to use better strategy against their tight formations and their famous discipline.

The battle of Pyongyang took place on August 26th of 1685, as a result of the resolve of both sides to end the conflict for once and for all in one decisive battle, although, unknown to the opposing forces at the time, the end was nowhere near.
Only 174,000 soldiers fought that day of August, 83,000 Japanese soldiers against 91,000 Chinese and Korean troops, despite the fact that the Qing army had over 200,000 troops at their disposal, while the Japanese had 135,000. Logistical problems combined with some inner fighting between officers and general bad luck contributed to the dispersion of the armies, reducing the numbers on both sides.

At the beginning, the Japanese started with their conventional artillery bombardments, followed by their display of the effectiveness of the Musket, a show that greatly thinned the central line of the Chinese force.
But once the Japanese flanks began their attack at their Chinese equivalents, a general retreat seemed to have been ordered by the Qing general, leading to a massive routing of the Chinese army, or so it seemed.
Yet when General Sanada Hiroshi ordered his forces to go after the escaping forces, the enemy gave him the surprise of his life, as the Chinese forces took defensive positions and charged at his force, while from the flanks Korean troops attacked the Japanese troops. The destruction of Sanada’s troops was joined by a massive round of artillery fire coming from the Sino-Korean lines, which further devastated the Japanese force.
Following Sanada’s defeat, the Chinese reserve lines attacked the centre of the Japanese line with a cavalry charge, having taking advantage of the destruction of the Japanese cavalry further north. Problems with the powder and the charging of the muskets were terribly combined with the surprise element, thus leading to a terrible Japanese defeat north of Pyongyang.
Upon loosing half of his army and being wounded himself, Shogun Date Tsunamura ordered a general retreat to Hanseong.
The Chinese themselves had suffered terrible casualties, but had at the same time stolen the Japanese their momentum and inflicted them a terrible defeat, their first major defeat of the entire war. Then the winter began.


Note: Hanseong was Seoul's name during the Joseon era in Korea.