Chapter 23. Star of the North
1533-1536; Denmark, England, Germany & Sweden.
“Mild measures are of no use; the remedies that give the whole body a good shaking are the best and surest.”
— Christian II of Denmark
Music Accompaniment: O Rosa Bella
Scandinavia had not been untouched by the changes that had rocked Europe in the past twenty years. Though Christian II of Denmark had succeeded for a period in imposing his rule over Sweden and restoring the Kalmar Union, his harsh policies soon resulted in his deposition. Sweden elected a new king—Gustav Vasa, who soon made a sharp break with Rome. Despite the loss of Sweden, Christian undertook progressive reforms in Denmark to reduce the power of the nobility and the bishops—an act that cost Christian II the throne of Denmark as well, with his uncle Frederik being named king. Christian had languished in exile—he converted to Lutheranism for a time, and his children were handed over into the care of Empress Mary—with his eldest son, John, being betrothed to Queen Mary of England. Though Christian II had reaccepted the Catholic faith in 1531, he received little assistance from Charles V, and his attempt to reclaim the Danish throne in 1532 ended with his capture and imprisonment. Christian II’s attempt to reclaim the Danish throne had been foiled by support Frederik had received from the fleet of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck. In return for their aid, Frederik granted Lübeck extensive trading privileges and rights within Denmark. Following Empress Mary’s death, care of the Danish Princesses, Christina, and Dorothea as well as Prince John passed for a time to their great-aunt, Margaret of Austria—before passing to the care of the emperor’s new wife, Renée of France.
The reign of Frederik in Denmark had been one of passivity. Frederik was proclaimed the protector of Catholicism in his coronation charter, but also played a role in the spread of the reformation, supporting a known reformist preacher, Hans Tausen, and encouraging the translation of the Bible into Danish. Protestants and Catholics were forced to share the same churches, and Frederik closed monasteries throughout the kingdom. Though he kept tensions to a minimum throughout his reign between the bickering religious factions, trouble was on the horizon as Frederik’s health began to fail—in April of 1533, Frederik died at Gottorp in Holstein—and would be buried in Schleswig Cathedral. Frederik desired to be succeeded by his son—Duke Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. Compared to his more cautious father, Duke Christian was a known Lutheran and made little secret of his views. This immediately brought him into conflict with the Danish Privy Council, or
Rigsråd, which remained dominated by the Catholic nobility and prelates—to which the idea of a Protestant king remained odious. Though Christian was proclaimed Christian III of Denmark at an assembly in Jutland by a minority of Protestant councilors, the Rigsråd refused to accept him as king—declaring that they would make their decision in a year. The council was split—while some wished for Christian III to become king, they did not possess a majority; some of the Catholics on the council preferred the idea of crowning Christian’s younger brother, Hans as king. Protestant lords left the council in protest, leaving the conservatives in control of the Rigsråd —and effectively in control of the kingdom, as well. The bishops once more had control over the nominations of priests, halted Lutheran teachings, and declared Protestant supporters as heretics. During the interregnum, the Burgomaster of Lübeck, Jürgen Wullenwever offered his support to Christian III. Wullenwever had become a burgomaster in the aftermath of religious and political revolts in Lübeck in 1531 which had ousted the pro-Imperial and pro-Catholic aristocratic faction. Lübeck objected to the idea of a Roman Catholic becoming King of Denmark and attempted to offer their support to Christian III. The new king, however, had little desire to renew the trading privileges that had been granted to Lübeck in his father’s reign—and instead firmly rebuffed their offer of support.
“The new men of Lübeck felt blindsided by the King of Denmark’s refusal to work with them,” a Hanseatic historian of the period wrote.
“Both parties were united in both politics and religion—and the Lübeck navy had helped King Frederik in fending off Christian II’s invasion two years previously. By showing his ingratitude, Christian III alienated a potential ally—and laid the seeds for his demise.” While Wullenwever plotted the downfall of the King of Denmark, the pro-Imperial faction within Lübeck had been scattered, including the previous Burgomaster—Nikolaus Brömse, who had sought refuge in the Low Countries, where he was knighted by Emperor Charles V and named an Imperial Councilor. Brömse found a helpful ally in Charles V, as Wullenwever represented not just a threat to Lübeck, but to Charles’ ancestral dominions as well, with Wullenwever attempting to limit Dutch merchants’ access through the Danish Sound—both through the treaty he had negotiated with Frederik, which Christian III was refusing to enforce—and through privateers. Brömse’s negotiations with the emperor also brought him into contact with Christopher, the Count of Oldenburg who often served as a mercenary to supplement his income—and despite his Lutheran faith, was willing to support the highest bidder. Christopher remained a supporter of his cousin, Christian II—and it was through him that plans were hatched to bring about not only the destruction of Wullwever and the restoration of Lübeck’s rightful government—but to topple King Christian III and restore Christian II to his rightful place. Further support came from the Counts of East Frisia—Enno II, married to Anna of Oldenburg offered support to Christopher’s plans, while Enno’s brother, Johan, a soldier in imperial service, offered his services as a commander.
Enno II of East Frisia, one of the many allies seeking to aid Christian II.
While Christoph and Brömse plotted, a delegation of nobility opposed to Christian III traveled to England in great secrecy in 1534. The delegation was headed by Kristoffer Throndsen, a Norwegian admiral related to the Archbishop of Nidaros, and included Claus Bille, a member of the Rigsråd and a member of one of Skåne’s greatest Catholic families. Throndsen and Bille arrived in May of 1534—a month following the wedding between John—now King of England, and Queen Mary.
“King John and Queen Mary received us warmly at Eltham Palace quite early in the morning on a Friday; the queen is very pretty and dresses well; the king, despite his youth, is every inch a king. We were invited to breakfast with the king and queen within their privy chamber, where we enjoyed a fish day breakfast of various offerings…” Both Throndsen and Bille impressed upon John and Mary the facts: Denmark and Norway had suffered long enough under the tyranny of the usurper, and they desired to see the return of their rightful king. King Frederik’s son, Christian III, was a notorious Protestant—if he succeeded to the throne, it would mean an end to the Catholic Church in both realms—and in Scandinavia as a whole.
“You must understand that you are our only hope,” Claus Bille spoke to both the king and queen—with his words aimed squarely at John.
“Your father is our rightful king, but that is not enough—people have long memories and remember the disasters of his earlier reign. You are his heir, and the people accept you as such. You are the one to temper the king and bring those wavering onto his side.”
Both Throndsen and Bille were thanked for their time—with John granting the pair lodgings within Eltham for the duration of their visit and granting both £300 for their travel expenses. The crisis in Denmark represented the first great foreign policy test of John and Mary’s reign—and the first which divided them.
“His Majesty is greatly troubled,” Ascanio Arianiti wrote in a letter to his father, Prince Cominato—or
Comnène, as he became known at the imperial court.
“He believes that there is a real chance to restore his father and his family to their ancestral throne—but that it shall rely upon him and whatever aid he can render from his present dominions. The queen, although sympathetic, has counseled the king to act with caution.” Anne Parr, Mary’s favored companion, had her thoughts on the matter:
“Most certainly, the queen was sympathetic to the king’s desire to be of aid to his family… but what she feared was the cost to England, in money, ships, and men… nor had she forgotten the troubles her mother had endured in the wars abroad for her cousin the emperor. She feared that any aid rendered for the king’s aspirations would cost England dearly—and offer little benefit in return…” This represented the troubles of Mary’s new position—no longer was she sole sovereign. Only two days after her wedding, the Privy Council had met with both the King and Queen and had adopted measures that gave John a real measure of power within England—matters of state henceforth required both sovereign’s signature and a new state seal had been ordered—bearing the names of both John and Mary. Sir Thomas More, as Lord Privy Seal also began to meet with John daily to discuss matters of government—and John soon began to attend council meetings and hold audiences of his own—as well as receiving dispatches. He was not simply a figurehead that the queen could ignore.
The Coat of Arms of Denmark and England, c. 1533.
Following John's marriage, the arms of England would be impaled with those of Denmark and Norway.
As John wrangled with what he might be able to do to help his father, the situation in Denmark deteriorated further. In Lübeck, Wullenwever was incensed over Christian III’s refusal to abide by the treaties signed by King Frederik and dispatched privateers to harass Danish shipping—while mercenaries hired by the Hanseatic City were sent into Holstein to ravage Plön, Neumünster, as well as Eutin, home of the Prince-Bishop of Lübeck, who remained an ardent Catholic. Skipper Clement, a Danish privateer who remained a loyalist to Christian II also caused issues, raiding Vendsyssel and northern Jutland. Troops from Christoph of Oldenburg’s alliance instigated an uprising in favor of Christian II—with troops landing in Zealand and Skåne. Both Copenhagen and Malmø readily rallied to the side of Christopher of Oldenburg. In August of 1534, Christopher of Oldenburg accepted the government of Skåne for Christian II. The rapid deterioration of the situation in Denmark caused great unease among both Throndsen and Bille—who feared that John would be overshadowed by those who were already acting in the name of his father.
“You are needed in Denmark, sire,” Throndsen was reported as saying to King John in a meeting when news finally reached England regarding the troubles in Denmark and the success that Christopher of Oldenburg had enjoyed in Skåne.
“The longer you are away—the more the influence of the others grows. They cannot all have your father’s best interest in mind; some may even hope to climb the throne themselves.” John decided that he could wait no longer—with Mary continuing to encourage patience, the King of England decided that he would take the question before the Privy Council himself.
“Trouble brews in Denmark as we speak,” John began before the assembled council.
“I come before you, not just as King of England—but as a Prince of Denmark. We believe that there is a real possibility here to restore my father to his rightful place as king—but also to banish the Protestants and heresy from Denmark for the rest of time. I know that I come before you as your sovereign with a heavy request—but is it not our duty to do what is right? A king cannot and should not be tossed from his throne on mere whim; nor can I sit idly while our Holy Church is torn asunder in the kingdom of my birth. As King of England, Most Pious King, it is my duty—and the duty of this realm, to stamp out troubles wherever we might.” Though John’s plea was impassioned, the Privy Council was gravely concerned by his proposals: John had been King of England for scarcely five months—and already he sought to entangle England in troubles abroad.
“He was chosen because he was a princeling of no stature—and his father had no throne,” one councilor grumbled in a letter to another.
“Should his father once more become King of Denmark, then he too will one day become king of that country…and England shall be forever entangled in their affairs. Who is to say this will be the last time English blood and gold shall be requested for the king’s Danish ambitions?”
The Privy Council could not help but look to the queen, who had remained in silence throughout the meeting.
“Milords, the king speaks true. Denmark requires succor—and it is our duty to provide.” Mary, troubled as she was by the issues in Denmark—had offered her support to John in this endeavor. There remain many questions as to why—when there is so much evidence that suggests her opposition. Some believe that perhaps she was swayed by Johan von Weze—who following the wedding of John to Mary had become a key advisor to both sovereigns, seeking to meld both of their outlooks into a singular vision. Others take a more pragmatic approach: the queen’s powers had been gravely restricted in the aftermath of her marriage, something which rankled her. Were John to leave to the kingdom to deal with the issues in Denmark, it would leave her as supreme authority within what was
her kingdom by birth, for however long he might be gone. There also remained a chance of success: should Christian II be restored, then certainly, John would one day succeed him as King of Denmark. As the heir to Denmark and its future king, then he might be expected to spend even more time abroad, further weakening his position as Mary’s co-ruler—it would allow the present situation to be fixed into one more amiable to Mary’s rights as sovereign.
Peter Pomegranate, one of the English warships which would fight in the Danish War of Succession.
To provide immediate aid, Mary ordered that £12,000 be granted directly to John from the royal treasury and that 6000 infantrymen and 2000 cavalrymen would be raised to serve under John—along with ships from the English navy, including two of the largest warships available: the
Mary Rose and
Peter Pomegranate. It was agreed that John, as well as Throndsen and Bille, should depart as soon as possible—but with the late time of year, it was agreed that their voyage should be deferred until April 1535. John did not spend this time idly; he wrote to his uncle, Charles V, beseeching further aid—who was amiable to offer John what support he could, given that there were rumors of Christian III and his allies attempting to stir up trouble in East Frisia and Guelders through their support of Balthasar von Esens. The emperor agreed to provide John with some ƒ20,000; agreements between England and the emperor stipulated that the money loaned to John would be deducted from the total debt that Charles V owed England—which stood at nearly £150,000—not including interest, nor the 250,000 ducats which the emperor had promised to add to Mary’s dowry when she wed—which had yet to be paid.
Mary and John would spend Christmas at Richmond in great style—while the new year was spent with the king and queen bonding over building plans—Mary, having little desire to stay at the Palace of Westminster, still desired a palace within London alongside the Thames. Royal surveyors began to scout out lands north of Westminster, while Mary and John pondered what the future might hold. John departed from England in late March of 1535—with Mary seeing John off at Greenwich.
“I shall pray for you and your father—and the success of your endeavors,” Mary reportedly said to her husband in their final interview—her land clasped over her abdomen as she spoke.
“And I hope you too, shall pray for us in our endeavors here at home.” It was a veiled announcement from the queen to the king—that was finally pregnant and expecting, after nearly a year of marriage.
“All were pleased with the queen’s news,” Anne Parr wrote in a letter to her mother.
“Except perhaps the queen herself—she had not expected to fall pregnant as soon as this; and while she was not completely displeased with the news, she knew that her life would be forever changed when she finally gave birth—it was then that she would be in truth a woman.” In a final meeting with the Privy Council, John instructed the councilors to obey the queen solely as they had before their marriage, and that in his absence documents would require solely the signature of the queen.
By the time the campaign season began in 1535, Denmark was in chaos—Christopher of Oldenburg continued to hold Skåne and Zealand, while Christian III held Jutland—under attack from raids from Skipper Clement, while Holstein was ravaged by mercenaries hired by Lübeck. Christian III’s troops were commanded by Johan Rantzau, who was ordered to deal first with Wullenwever and Lübeck. Danish troops under Rantzau clashed with Wullenwever’s men at the
Battle of Lütjenburg, where Wullenwever’s troops were defeated. The tide also began to turn against Wullenwever’s party in Lübeck when the Imperial Chamber Court at Speyer decreed the restoration of Lübeck’s previous constitution and supported the restoration of Nikolaus Brömse as Burgomaster. Meanwhile, John and his fleet—augmented by ships and supplies provided by Charles V—landed in Oslo to popular acclaim. John was met by Olav Engelbrektsson, the Archbishop of Nidaros and Regent of Norway—as well as the President of the Norwegian Privy Council—known as the
Riksråd.
“The Prince of Norway has returned—the heir to our rightful king,” Archbishop Engelbrektsson declared before the Riksgråd at Akerhaus Castle, which like Oslo, welcomed John with welcome arms. Archbishop Engelbrektsson was prepared to offer up Norway to John—but both he and the Riksråd had wished for John to agree to certain capitulations before they would agree. In what became known as the
Håndfæstning of Oslo, John pledged that Norway would continue to be governed by the Riksråd in the absence of the king; he agreed that taxes within Norway should not be levied without the consent of the council and that the status of the Catholic Church in Norway should be respected and protected. The final article concerned Norway’s administration—John pledged in his father’s name that the king would only govern Norway through Norwegians—either those born within the kingdom or those who had married into the country. John was soon recognized formally as Prince of Norway. John’s first act in Norway was the seizure of Nonneseter Abbey, which had been secularized in 1528 and handed over to Vincens Lunge as a private residence. John restored the abbey into the hands of the church and asked that Archbishop Engelbrektsson restore the nunnery there that had been closed in 1497.
English and Imperial Ships, Copenhagen.
John’s landing in Norway had allowed him to claim that kingdom for his father. He dispatched troops—as well as several ships from his fleet, including the
Mary Rose to subdue the northern fortresses, while those in southern Norway, such as Bergenhus, were seized with little issue. John took his time in Norway to recruit further troops for his father’s cause—some 3000 infantrymen, while he dispatched some ƒ10,000 of the funds he had received from Charles V to hire mercenary troops in Germany. John decided that his best bet was to take the fight to Christian III—while portions of Zealand and Skåne had rallied to his father’s cause, Christian III still retained the majority of Jutland—where his support and influence remained the strongest.
“We must wipe out the heretic pretender root and stem from his domains in Holstein and Jutland,” John wrote in a letter to Count Christopher of Oldenburg.
“He has done us a favor in dealing with Wullenwever; let us return the favor to him.” After a short stay in Norway, John soon departed—with plans to land his troops in Lübeck. The conflict in Denmark had spilled outside of Scandinavia as well, as open warfare broke out in the Low Countries. The Duke of Guelders hired Meindert van Ham, who threatened Holland, and further skirmishes occurred between troops from Guelders and the Frisians. Guelders would be forced out of the fight in 1536—forced to cede Groningen and Drenthe to the emperor. Christian III was soon forced to look for support from his northern neighbor—and Gustav Vasa aided by sending troops into Skåne. Swedish troops fought against forces under Christopher of Oldenburg at the
Battle of Søbo—where Christopher was killed in battle, leading to the ravaging of Skåne by Swedish troops. Swedish troops would occupy Skåne until their ejection in 1537—and it was Christian III’s alliance with Gustav Vasa that Sweden’s interest in Skåne can be traced. John’s army arrived in Lübeck in the summer of 1535—where they assisted in restoring order. Nikolaus Brömse was not only restored as Burgomaster but a Catholic Mass was celebrated at the Lübeck
Marienkirche with Prince John in attendance.
As Prince John’s army pressed into Holstein, a segment of John’s fleet, under the command of Sir Thomas Spert succeeded in landing on the island of Als, where the town of Sønderborg was seized—including Sønderborg Castle, where Christian II had been held since his capture in 1531.
“The king was not held in a miserable condition, as some have alleged,” Thomas Spert wrote in a letter home.
“He had been allowed to keep a great estate at Sønderborg—though in close confinement. Still, the king felt relief to see allies and not enemies: he fell unto his knees, declaring to all that his deliverance had finally come.” The freed king was soon escorted to Copenhagen—where he was allowed to take up residence at Copenhagen Castle for the first time since his exile in 1523. A meeting of the Rigsråd—comprising primarily of the Catholic prelates and nobility who had rejected the election of Christian III nearly two years earlier were more than happy to offer the crown to Christian II in what became known as the
Danish Readeption, while envoys from Norway proclaimed their allegiance to Christian II as well—contingent on his acceptance of the capitulations from Oslo. From Lübeck, John’s army pressed into the Duchy of Holstein, where he clashed against the army of Rantzau at the
Battle of Oldenbüttel—where John received his true baptism of fire.
“Rantzau had sought refuge near Oldenbüttel, hoping that he could set upon our forces and prevent us from pressing into Jutland…” wrote Francis Cosby, an English officer serving with King John home.
“He expected that we would pass near Oldenbüttel at first light, giving him the advantage—he did not expect King John to offer up a feint, marching us through the night so that we might occupy more advantageous ground by morning.” The Battle of Oldenbüttel lasted only three hours, with King John leading the cavalry charge that shattered Rantzau’s army—and any hope for Christian III, who soon sought refuge at Gottorp Castle.
Baptism of Christ, Pietro Perugino.
News of King John’s victory reached England in September to the jubilation of the court—an added happiness as Mary approached the end of her pregnancy. She had chosen to undertake her confinement at Greenwich, where she had been born. On October 7th, 1535, Mary gave birth—though not to the long-awaited prince that so many sought.
“The queen has delivered a bonny princess,” Anne Parr wrote ecstatically in a letter home.
“She is well, and so, thank God, is the babe—the little princess is to be named Mary… in honor of the queen as well as the late empress, who did not live to see this auspicious day. She is very pretty—with little brown eyes.” Though some within the council were concerned at the failure of the queen to deliver a son, others counseled patience—the queen was still young—and unlike her mother, seemed to have a knack for the childbed. Queen Mary had made it through her travail—and immediately after her birth began to resume the business of government, signing documents from her childbed.
“You are the first Princess of England to be born in nearly forty years…” Mary reportedly cooed to her little daughter.
“You are not a son—but just as well desired, for you shall always be mine. I shall be your dearest friend—and you mine.” Catherine of Aragon was in tears when she was finally allowed to hold her granddaughter—the hope of England and the royal house.
“All that I have long labored for has come to fruition,” Catherine wrote in a letter to the emperor.
“The queen has given birth—and the royal line is secure for the next generation if it is in God’s Grace.” Three days following the young princess’s birth, she was baptized at the Church of the Observant Friars—just as her mother had been, and just as Henry VIII had been. The young princesses’ godparents included Charles V, who was represented by the Earl of Essex and the Duke of Norfolk, as well as Catherine of Aragon and the Countess of Salisbury. The queen had commissioned a baptismal font, especially for the birth of her first child, in what became known as the
Marian Font—made of solid gold and standing at nearly three feet tall, it depicted various elements from the Virgin Mary’s life, from the immaculate conception to her assumption.
While Mary labored in England, John labored in Denmark—having now placed Christian III under siege at Gottorp Castle. After leaving the siege in the hands of his German mercenaries under the command of Johan of East Frisia, John marched the bulk of his army further into Jutland to deal with the last holdouts of noble resistance who still supported Christian III—spearheaded by two of Christian III’s most vehement supporters, Niels Brock, and Holger Rosenkrantz. Near Varde, John promulgated the
Ordinance of Varde in the name of his father, Christian II:
“John—by the Grace of God, King of England, and Prince of Norway—do hereby declare in the name of our father, Christian II, King of Denmark and Norway—that we seek to end the disorder that has gripped the realm since our father’s exclusion. We declare that Denmark is a Catholic kingdom—and will continue to maintain its allegiance to the One, True, Roman Faith—and all such measures enacted since the reign of the usurper Frederik is null and void; attacks upon churches and monasteries must cease—and lands seized for secular purposes shall be returned to their original owners…” The ordinance outlined John’s attempts to restore the order of the former Catholic Church within Denmark—even as confusion still reigned throughout the kingdom. Christian III and Jutish nobility held out until May of 1536—not only did John succeed in dealing with troops raised by the nobles near
Støvring, but Gottorp Castle fell after a siege, with Christian III, now styled merely as Duke Christian of Holstein taken hostage by Johan of East Frisia. Aside from the duke, his wife—Dorothea of Saxe-Lauenberg was also taken into custody—heavily pregnant, she suffered a miscarriage shortly after the castle was seized—depriving her husband of a possible child and heir[1], with the pair remaining childless. Duke Christian was soon moved to Nyborg Castle, where he would be held in close confinement. Further salt was poured upon the wound when Charles V declared that Duke Christian was subject to an
Imperial Ban, rewarding his territories in Holstein to Christian II—restoring the whole of Holstein and Schleswig into the Danish Royal demesne since the time of Christian I.
[1]Compared to OTL, they’ve not managed to have a living child.
